CHAPTER XII

AELIAN, SOLINUS AND HORAPOLLO

Aelian _On the Nature of Animals_—General character of the work—Its

hodge-podge of unclassified detail—Solinus in the middle ages—His

date—General character of his work; its relation to Pliny—Animals

and gems—Occult medicine—Democritus and Zoroaster not regarded

as magicians—Some bits of astrology—Alexander the Great—The

_Hieroglyphics_ of Horapollo—Marvels of animals—Animals and

astrology—The cynocephalus—Horapollo the cosmopolitan.

[Sidenote: Aelian _On the Nature of Animals_.]

From mystic and theurgic compositions we return to works of the

declining Roman Empire which deal more directly with nature but,

it must be confessed, in a manner somewhat fantastic. About the

beginning of the third century, Aelian of Praeneste, who is included

by Philostratus in his _Lives of the Sophists_, wrote _On the Nature

of Animals_.[1439] Its seventeen books, written in Greek, which Aelian

used fluently despite his Latin birth, are believed to have reached us

partly in interpolated form through two families of manuscripts, of

which the older and less interpolated text is found in a thirteenth

century manuscript at Paris and a somewhat earlier Vatican codex.[1440]

A number of its chapters are similar to and perhaps borrowed from

Pliny’s _Natural History_; at any rate they are commonplaces of ancient

science; but the work also has a marked individuality. Parallels have

also been noted between this work and the later _Hexaemeron_ of the

church father Basil. Aelian was much cited in Byzantine literature and

learning, and if he was not directly used in the Latin west, at least

the attitude toward animals which he displays and his selection of

material concerning them are as apt precursors of medieval Latin as of

medieval Greek scientific literature.

[Sidenote: General character of the work.]

In preface and epilogue Aelian himself adequately indicates

the character of his work. He is impressed by the customs and

characteristics of animals, and marvels at their wisdom and native

shrewdness, their justice and modesty, their affection and piety, which

should put human beings to blush. Thus Aelian’s work is marked by that

tendency which runs through ancient and medieval literature to admire

actions in the irrational brutes which seem to indicate almost human

intelligence and virtue on their part, and to moralize therefrom at the

expense of human beings. Another striking feature of his work is its

utterly whimsical and haphazard order. He mentions things simply as

they happen to occur to him. This fact, too, he recognizes, but refuses

to apologize for, stating that it suits him, if it does not suit anyone

else, and that he regards a mixed-up order as more motley, variegated,

and pleasing. Not only does he attempt no classification whatever of

his animals and mention snakes and quadrupeds and birds in the same

breath; he also does not complete the treatment of a given animal in

one passage but may scatter detached items about it throughout his

work. There is, for instance, probably at least one chapter concerning

elephants in each of his seventeen books.

[Sidenote: Its hodge-podge of unclassified detail.]

It would therefore be absurd for us to attempt any logical arrangement

in discussing his contents; we may do justice to him most adequately by

adopting his own lack of method and noting a few items and topics taken

more or less at random from his work. Ants never go out in the new

moon. Yet they neither gaze at the sky, nor count the number of days

on their fingers, like the learned Babylonians and Chaldeans, but have

this marvelous gift from nature.[1441] In sexual intercourse the female

viper conceives through the mouth and bites off the head of the male;

afterwards her young gnaw their way out of her vitals. “What have your

Oresteses and Alcmaeons to say to that, my dear tragedians?”[1442]

Doves put laurel boughs in their nests to guard against fascination and

the evil eye, and the hoopoe similarly employs ἀδίαvτον or καλλίτριχον

as an amulet;[1443] and other unreasoning animals guard against sorcery

by some mystic and marvelous natural power. Another chapter treats

of divinations from the crow and how hairs are dyed black with its

eggs.[1444] Others tell us of the generation of serpents from the

marrow of a dead man’s spine,[1445] and of venomous women like Medea

and Circe who are worse than the asp with its incurable sting, since

they kill by mere touch.[1446]

We go on to read of swift little beasts called _Pyrigoni_ who are

generated from fire and live in it, of salamanders who extinguish

flames, of the remedies used by the tortoise against snakes, of the

chastity of doves whose marriages never result in divorce, and of the

incontinence of the partridge.[1447] Also of the jealousies of certain

animals like the stag which hides its right horn, the lizard who

devours its cast-off skin, and the mare who eats the hippomanes from

its colt, lest men obtain these precious substances.[1448] Of the care

taken by storks, herons, and pelicans of their aged parents.[1449] How

the swallow by the virtue of an herb gives sight to its young who are

born blind, and how a hoopoe found an herb whose virtue dissolved the

mud with which the caretaker of a building had plugged up the hole in

the wall which it used for its nest.[1450] How the lion and basilisk

fear the cock, and of a lake without fish in a place where the cocks do

not crow.[1451]

How elephants venerate the waxing moon; how the weasel eats rue when

about to fight the snake; and of the jealousy of the hedgehog and

lynx, the latter concealing his precious urine, the other watering

his own hide when he is captured in order to spoil it.[1452] How

the Indians fight griffins when collecting gold.[1453] How the

presence of a cock aids a woman’s delivery.[1454] Of unnamed beasts

in Libya who know how to count and leave an eleventh part of their

prey untouched.[1455] That the sea dragon is easily captured with

the left hand but not with the right.[1456] Dragons know the force

of herbs and cure themselves with some and increase their venom with

others.[1457] How dogs, cows, and other animals sense a famine or

plague beforehand.[1458] How the Egyptians by their magic charm birds

from the sky and snakes from their holes.[1459] When it rains in Egypt,

mice are born from the small drops and plague the country. Traps and

fences and ditches are of no avail against them, as they can leap over

trenches and walls. Consequently the Egyptians are forced to pray God

to end the calamity,[1460]—an interesting variant on the Old Testament

account of the plagues of Egypt.

In dogs there exists a certain dialectical faculty of

ratiocination.[1461] The weather may be predicted from birds,

quadrupeds, and flies.[1462] The she-goat can cure suffusion of its

eyes.[1463] Eagles drop tortoises on rocks to break their shells

and the bald-headed poet Aeschylus met his death by having his pate

mistaken thus for a smooth round stone.[1464] Some predict the future

by birds, others by entrails, or by grains, sieves, and cheeses; the

Lycians practice divination by fish.[1465] A stork whom a widow of

Tarentum helped when it was too young to fly brought her a luminous

precious stone the following year.[1466] Solon did not have to enact

a law ordering children to support their aged parents in the case

of lions, whose cubs are taught by nature filial piety toward their

elders.[1467] Only the horn of the Scythian ass can hold the water of

the Arcadian river Styx; Alexander the Great sent a sample of it to

Delphi with some accompanying verses which Aelian quotes.[1468] In

Epirus dragons sacred to Apollo are employed in divination, and in the

Lavinian Grove dragons spit out again the frumenty offered them by

unchaste virgins.[1469] By flying beneath it an eagle saved the life of

its young one who had been thrown down from a tower.[1470] Different

fish eat different sea herbs.[1471] There are fish who live in boiling

water.[1472] There are scattered mentions of the marvels of India

throughout Aelian’s work, and in his sixteenth book the first fourteen

chapters are almost exclusively concerned with the animals of that land.

[Sidenote: Solinus in the middle ages.]

A well-known work in the middle ages dating from the period of the

Roman Empire was the _Collectanea rerum memorabilium_ or _Polyhistor_

of Solinus. Mommsen’s edition lists 153 manuscripts from 32

places,[1473] and we shall find many citations of Solinus in our later

medieval authors. Martianus Capella and Isidore were the first to make

extensive use of his work. In the thirteenth century Albertus Magnus

had little respect for Solinus as an authority and expressed more

than once the quite accurate opinion that his work was full of lies.

Nevertheless copies of it continued to abound in the fourteenth and

fifteenth centuries, and by 1554 five printed editions had appeared.

“From it directly come most of the fables in works of object so

different as those of Dicuil, Isidore, Capella, and Priscian.”[1474]

[Sidenote: His date.]

The first extant author to make use of Solinus is Augustine in

_The City of God_, while he is first named in the _Genealogus_ of

455 A. D. None of the manuscripts of the work antedate the ninth

century, but many of them have copied an earlier subscription from a

manuscript written “by the zeal and diligence of our lord Theodosius,

the unconquered prince.” This is taken to refer to the emperor

Theodosius II, 401-450. The work itself, however, has no Christian

characteristics; on the contrary it is very fond of mentioning places

famed in pagan religion and Greek mythology and of recounting miracles

and marvels connected with heathen shrines and rites. Indeed, Solinus

seldom, if ever, mentions anything later than the first century of

our era. He speaks of Byzantium, not of Constantinople, and makes no

mention of the Roman provinces as divided in the system of Diocletian.

His book, however, is a compilation from earlier writings so that we

need not expect allusions to his own age. The Latin style and general

literary make-up of the work are characteristic of the declining empire

and early medieval period. Mommsen was inclined to date Solinus in the

third rather than the fourth century, but the work seems to have been

revised about the sixth century, after which date it became customary

to call it the _Polyhistor_ rather than the _Collectanea rerum

memorabilium_. It is also referred to, however, as _De mirabilibus

mundi_, or _Wonders of the World_.

[Sidenote: General character of his work: its relation to Pliny.]

The work is primarily a geography and is arranged by countries and

places, beginning with Rome and Italy. As each locality is considered,

Solinus sometimes tells a little of its history, but is especially

inclined to recount miraculous religious events or natural marvels

associated with that particular region. Thus in describing two lakes

he rather apologizes for mentioning the first at all because it

can scarcely be called miraculous, but assures us that the second

“is regarded as very extraordinary.”[1475] Sometimes he digresses

to other topics such as calendar reform.[1476] Solinus draws both

his geographical data and further details very largely from Pliny’s

_Natural History_; but inasmuch as Pliny treated of these matters

in separate books, Solinus has to re-organize the material. He

also selects simply a few particulars from Pliny’s wealth of detail

on any given subject, and furthermore considerably alters Pliny’s

wording, sometimes condensing the thought, sometimes amplifying the

phraseology—apparently in an effort to make the point clearer and

easier reading. Of Pliny’s thirty-seven books only those from the third

to the thirteenth inclusive and the last book are used to any extent

by Solinus. That is to say, he either was acquainted with only, or

confined himself to, those books dealing with geography, man and other

animals, and gems, omitting almost entirely, except for the twelfth

and thirteenth books, Pliny’s elaborate treatment of vegetation and of

medicinal simples[1477] and discussion of metals and the fine arts.

Solinus does not acknowledge his great debt to Pliny in particular,

although he keeps alluding to the fulness with which everything has

already been discussed by past authors, and although he cites other

writers who are almost unknown to us. Of his known sources Pomponius

Mela is the chief after Pliny but is used much less. On the other hand,

the number of passages for which Mommsen was unable to give any source

is not inconsiderable. As may have been already inferred, the work

of Solinus is brief; the text alone would scarcely fill one hundred

pages.[1478]

[Sidenote: Animals and gems.]

It would perhaps be rash to conjecture which quality commended the

book most to the following period: its handy size, or its easy style

and fairly systematic arrangement, or its emphasis upon marvels. The

last characteristic is at least the most germane to our investigation.

Solinus rendered the service, if we may so term it, of reducing Pliny’s

treatment of animals and precious stones in particular to a few common

examples, which either were already the best known or became so as

a result of his selection. Indeed, King was of the opinion that the

descriptions of gems in Solinus were more precise, technical, and

systematic than those in Pliny, and found his notices “often extremely

useful.”[1479] Solinus describes such animals as the wolf, lynx, bear,

lion, hyena, _onager_ or wild ass, basilisk, crocodile, hippopotamus,

phoenix, dolphin, and chameleon; and recounts the marvelous properties

of such gems as _achates_ or agate, _galactites_, _catochites_,

crystal, _gagates_, adamant, heliotrope, hyacinth, and _paeanites_.

The dragons of India and Ethiopia also occupy his attention, as they

did that of Philostratus in the _Life of Apollonius of Tyana_; indeed,

he repeats in different words the statement found in Philostratus that

they swim far out to sea.[1480] In Sardinia, on the contrary, there are

no snakes, but a poisonous ant exists there. Fortunately there are also

healing waters there with which to counteract its venom, but there is

also native to Sardinia an herb called _Sardonia_ which causes those

who eat it to die of laughter.[1481]

[Sidenote: Occult medicine.]

Although Solinus makes no use of Pliny’s medical books, he shows

considerable interest in the healing properties of simples and in

medicine. He tells us that those who slept in the shrine of Aesculapius

at Epidaurus were warned in dreams how to heal their diseases,[1482]

and that the third daughter of Aeetes, named Angitia, devoted herself

“to resisting disease by the salubrious science” of medicine.[1483]

According to Solinus Circe as well as Medea was a daughter of Aeetes,

but usually in Greek mythology she is represented as his sister.

[Sidenote: Democritus and Zoroaster not regarded as magicians.]

This allusion to Circe and Medea shows that magic, to which medicine

and pharmacy are apparently akin, does not pass unnoticed in Solinus’s

page. He copies from Mela the account of the periodical transformation

of the _Neuri_ into wolves.[1484] But instead of accusing Democritus

of having employed magic, as Pliny does, Solinus represents him as

engaging in contests with the _Magi_, in which he made frequent use

of the stone _catochites_ in order to demonstrate the occult power

of nature.[1485] That is to say, Democritus was apparently opposing

science to magic and showing that all the latter’s feats could be

duplicated or improved upon by employing natural forces. In two other

passages[1486] Solinus calls Democritus _physicus_, or scientist, and

affirms that his birth in Abdera did more to make that town famous than

any other thing connected with it, despite the fact that it was founded

by and named after the sister of Diomedes. Zoroaster, too, whom Pliny

called the founder of the magic art, is not spoken of as a magician by

Solinus, although he is mentioned three times and is described as “most

skilled in the best arts,” and is cited concerning the power of coral

and of the gem _aetites_.[1487]

[Sidenote: Some bits of astrology.]

It is not part of Solinus’s plan to describe the heavens, but he

occasionally alludes to “the discipline of the stars,”[1488] as he

calls astronomy or astrology. On the authority of L. Tarrutius, “most

renowned of astrologers,”[1489] he tells us that the foundations of the

walls of Rome were laid by Romulus in his twenty-second year on the

eleventh day of the kalends of May between the second and third hours,

when Jupiter was in Pisces, the sun in Taurus, the moon in Libra, and

the other four planets in the sign of the scorpion. He also speaks of

the star Arcturus destroying the Argive fleet off Euboea on its return

from Ilium.[1490]

[Sidenote: Alexander the Great.]

Alexander the Great figures prominently in the pages of Alexander

Solinus, being mentioned a score of times, and this too corresponds to

the medieval interest in the Macedonian conqueror. Stories concerning

him are repeated from Pliny, but Solinus also displays further

information. He insists that Philip was truly his father, although he

adds that Olympias strove to acquire a nobler father for him, when

she affirmed that she had had intercourse with a dragon, and that

Alexander tried to have himself considered of divine descent.[1491]

The statement concerning Olympias suggests the story of Nectanebus,

of which a later chapter will treat, but that individual is not

mentioned, although Aristotle and Callisthenes are spoken of as

Alexander’s tutors, so that it is doubtful if Solinus was acquainted

with the _Pseudo-Callisthenes_. He describes Alexander’s line of march

with fair accuracy and not in the totally incorrect manner of the

_Pseudo-Callisthenes_.

[Sidenote: The _Hieroglyphics_ of Horapollo.]

In seeking a third text and author of the same type as Aelian and

Solinus to round out the present chapter, our choice unhesitatingly

falls upon the _Hieroglyphics_ of Horapollo, a work which pretends to

explain the meaning of the written symbols employed by the ancient

Egyptian priests, but which is really principally concerned with

the same marvelous habits and properties of animals of which Aelian

treated. In brief the idea is that these characteristics of animals

must be known in order to comprehend the significance of the animal

figures in the ancient hieroglyphic writing. Horapollo is supposed to

have written in the Egyptian language in perhaps the fourth or fifth

century of our era,[1492] but his work is extant only in the Greek

translation of it made by a Philip who lived a century or two later and

who seems to have made some additions of his own.[1493]

[Sidenote: Marvels of animals.]

The zoology of Horapollo is for the most part not novel, but repeats

the same erroneous notions that may be found in Aristotle’s _History

of Animals_, Pliny’s _Natural History_, Aelian, and other ancient

authors. Again we hear of the basilisk’s fatal breath, of the beaver’s

discarded testicles, of the unnatural methods of conception of the

weasel and viper, of the bear’s licking its cubs into shape, of the

kindness of storks to their parents, of wasps generated from a dead

horse, of the phoenix, of the swan’s song, of the sick lion’s eating

an ape to cure himself, of the bull tamed by tying it to the branch of

a wild fig tree, of the elephant’s fear of a ram or a dog and how it

buries its tusks.[1494] Less familiar perhaps are the assertions that

the mare miscarries, if she merely treads on a wolf’s tracks;[1495]

that the pigeon cures itself by placing laurel in its nest;[1496] that

putting the wings of a bat on an ant-hill will prevent the ants from

coming out.[1497] The statement that if the hyena, when hunted, turns

to the right, it will slay its pursuer, while if it turns to the left,

it will be slain by him, is also found in Pliny.[1498] But his long

enumeration of virtues ascribed to parts of the hyena by the _Magi_

does not include the assertion in Horapollo’s next chapter[1499] that a

man girded with a hyena skin can pass through the ranks of his enemies

without injury, although it ascribes somewhat similar virtues to the

animal’s skin. In Horapollo it is the hawk rather than the eagle which

surpasses other winged creatures in its ability to gaze at the sun;

hence physicians use the hawkweed in eye-cures.[1500]

[Sidenote: Animals and astrology.]

Animals also serve as astronomical or astrological symbols in the

system of hieroglyphic writing as interpreted by Horapollo. Not only

does a palm tree represent the year because it puts forth a new branch

every new moon,[1501] but the phoenix denotes the _magnus annus_ in the

course of which the heavenly bodies complete their revolutions.[1502]

The scarab rolls his ball of dung from east to west and gives it

the shape of the universe.[1503] He buries it for twenty-eight days

conformably to the course of the moon through the zodiac, but he

has thirty toes to correspond to the days of the month. As there is

no female scarab, so there is no male vulture. The female vulture

symbolizes the Egyptian year by spending five days in conceiving by

the wind, one hundred and twenty in pregnancy, the same period in

rearing its young, and the remaining one hundred and twenty days in

preparing itself to repeat the process.[1504] The vulture also visits

battlefields seven days in advance and by the direction of its glance

indicates which army will be defeated.

[Sidenote: The cynocephalus.]

The cynocephalus, dog-headed ape, or baboon, was mentioned several

times by Pliny, but Horapollo gives more specific information

concerning it, chiefly of an astrological character. It is born

circumcised and is reared in temples in order to learn from it the

exact hour of lunar eclipses, at which times it neither sees nor

eats, while the female _ex genitalibus sanguinem emittit_. The

cynocephalus represents the inhabitable world which has seventy-two

primitive parts, because the animal dies and is buried piecemeal by

the priests during a period of as many days, until at the end of the

seventy-second day life has entirely departed from the last remnant of

its carcass.[1505] The cynocephalus not only marks the time of eclipses

but at the equinoxes makes water twelve times by day and by night,

marking off the hours; hence a figure of it is carved by the Egyptians

on their water-clocks.[1506] Horapollo associates together the god of

the universe and fate and the stars which are five in number, for he

believes that five planets carry out the economy of the universe and

that they are subject to God’s government.[1507]

[Sidenote: Horapollo the cosmopolitan.]

Horapollo cannot be given high rank either as a zoologist and

astronomer, or a philologer and archaeologist; but at least he was no

narrow nationalist and had some respect for history. The Egyptians,

he says, “denote a man who has never left his own country by a human

figure with the head of an ass, because he neither hears any history

nor knows of what is going on abroad.”[1508]

BOOK II. EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT

Foreword.

Chapter 13. The Book of Enoch.

” 14. Philo Judaeus.

” 15. The Gnostics.

” 16. The Christian Apocrypha.

” 17. The Recognitions of Clement and Simon Magus.

” 18. The Confession of Cyprian and some similar stories.

” 19. Origen and Celsus.

” 20. Other Christian Discussion of Magic before Augustine.

” 21. Christianity and Natural Science; Basil, Epiphanius, and the

Physiologus.

” 22. Augustine on Magic and Astrology.

” 23. The Fusion of Pagan and Christian Thought in the Fourth

and Fifth Centuries.

BOOK II. EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT

FOREWORD

We now turn back chronologically to the point from which we started

in our survey of classical science and magic in order to trace the

development of Christian thought in regard to the same subjects. How

far did Christianity break with ancient science and superstition? To

what extent did it borrow from them?

[Sidenote: Magic and religion.]

It has often been remarked that, as a new religion comes to prevail in

a society, the old rites are discredited and prohibited as magic. The

faith and ceremonies of the majority, performed publicly, are called

religion: the discarded cult, now practiced only privately and covertly

by a minority, is stigmatized as magic and contrary to the general

good. Thus we shall hear Christian writers condemn the pagan oracles

and auguries as arts of divination, and classify the ancient gods as

demons of the same sort as those invoked in the magic arts. Conversely,

when a new religion is being introduced, is as yet regarded as a

foreign faith, and is still only the private worship of a minority,

the majority regard it as outlandish magic. And this we shall find

illustrated by the accusations of sorcery and magic heaped upon Jesus

by the Jews, and upon the Jews and the early Christians by a world long

accustomed to pagan rites. The same bandying back and forth of the

charge of magic occurred between Mohammed and the Meccans.[1509]

[Sidenote: Relation between early Christian and medieval literature.]

It is perhaps generally assumed that the men of the middle ages were

widely read in and deeply influenced by the fathers of the early

church, but at least for our subject this influence has hardly been

treated either broadly or in detail. Indeed, the predilection of the

humanists of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries for anything written

in Greek and their aversion to medieval Latin has too long operated

as a bar to the study of medieval literature in general. And scholars

who have edited or studied the Greek, Syriac, and other ancient texts

connected with early Christianity have perhaps too often neglected the

Latin versions preserved in medieval manuscripts, or, while treasuring

up every hint that Photius lets fall, have failed to note the citations

and allusions in medieval Latin encyclopedists. Yet it is often the

case that the manuscripts containing the Latin versions are of earlier

date than those which seem to preserve the Greek original text.

[Sidenote: Method of presenting early Christian thought.]

There is so much repetition and resemblance between the numerous

Christian writers in Greek and Latin of the Roman Empire that I have

even less than in the case of their classical contemporaries attempted

a complete presentation of them, but, while not intending to omit any

account of the first importance in the history of magic or experimental

science, have aimed to make a selection of representative persons

and typical passages. At the same time, in the case of those authors

and works which are discussed, the aim is to present their thought

in sufficiently specific detail to enable the reader to estimate for

himself their scientific or superstitious character and their relations

to classical thought on the one hand and medieval thought on the other.

Before we treat of Christian writings themselves it is essential to

notice some related lines of thought and groups of writings which

either preceded or accompanied the development of Christian thought

and literature, and which either influenced even orthodox thought

powerfully, or illustrate foreign elements, aberrations, side-currents,

and undertows which none the less cannot be disregarded in tracing

the main current of Christian belief. We therefore shall successively

treat of the literature extant under the name of Enoch, of the works

of Philo Judaeus, of the doctrines of the Gnostics, of the Christian

_Apocrypha_, of the _Pseudo-Clementines_ and Simon Magus, and of the

_Confession_ of Cyprian and some similar stories. We shall then make

Origen’s _Reply to Celsus_, in which the conflict of classical and

Christian conceptions is well illustrated, our point of departure in

an examination of the attitude of the early fathers towards magic and

science. Succeeding chapters will treat of the attitude toward magic

of other fathers before Augustine, of Christianity and natural science

as shown in Basil’s _Hexaemeron_, Epiphanius’ _Panarion_, and the

_Physiologus_, and of Augustine himself. A final chapter on the fusion

of paganism and Christianity in the fourth and fifth centuries will

terminate this second division of our investigation and also serve as a

supplement to the preceding division and an introduction to the third

book on the early middle ages. Our arrangement is thus in part topical

rather than strictly chronological. The dates of many authors and works

are too dubious, there is too much of the apocryphal and interpolated,

and we have to rely too much upon later writers for the views of

earlier ones, to make a strictly or even primarily chronological

arrangement either advisable or feasible.

CHAPTER XIII

THE BOOK OF ENOCH

Enoch’s reputation as an astrologer in the middle ages—Date and

influence of the literature ascribed to Enoch—Angels governing the

universe; stars and angels—The fallen angels teach men magic and

other arts—The stars as sinners—Effect of sin upon nature—Celestial

phenomena—Mountains and metals—Strange animals.

[Sidenote: Enoch’s reputation as an astrologer in the middle ages.]

In collections of medieval manuscripts there often is found a treatise

on fifteen stars, fifteen herbs, fifteen stones, and fifteen figures

engraved upon them, which is attributed sometimes to Hermes, presumably

Trismegistus, and sometimes to Enoch, the patriarch, who “walked with

God and was not.”[1510] Indeed in the prologue to a Hermetic work on

astrology in a medieval manuscript we are told that Enoch and the

first of the three Hermeses or Mercuries are identical.[1511] This

treatise probably has no direct relation to the _Book of Enoch_,

which we shall discuss in this chapter and which was composed in the

pre-Christian period. But it is interesting to observe that the same

reputation for astrology, which led the middle ages sometimes to

ascribe this treatise to Enoch, is likewise found in “the first notice

of a book of Enoch,” which “appears to be due to a Jewish or Samaritan

Hellenist,” which “has come down to us successively through Alexander

Polyhistor and Eusebius,” and which states that Enoch was the founder

of astrology.[1512] The statement in Genesis that Enoch lived three

hundred and sixty-five years would also lead men to associate him with

the solar year and stars.

[Sidenote: Date and influence of the literature ascribed to Enoch.]

The _Book of Enoch_ is “the precipitate of a literature, once very

active, which revolved ... round Enoch,” and in the form which has

come down to us is a patchwork from “several originally independent

books.”[1513] It is extant in the form of Greek fragments preserved in

the _Chronography_ of G. Syncellus,[1514] or but lately discovered in

(Upper) Egypt, and in more complete but also more recent manuscripts

giving an Ethiopic and a Slavonic version.[1515] These last two

versions are quite different both in language and content, while some

of the citations of Enoch in ancient writers apply to neither of these

versions. While “Ethiopic did not exist as a literary language before

350 A. D.,”[1516] and none of the extant manuscripts of the Ethiopic

version is earlier than the fifteenth century,[1517] Charles believes

that they are based upon a Greek translation of the Hebrew and Aramaic

original, and that even the interpolations in this were made by an

editor living before the Christian era. He asserts that “nearly all the

writers of the New Testament were familiar with it,” and influenced by

it,—in fact that its influence on the New Testament was greater than

that of all the other apocrypha together, and that it “had all the

weight of a canonical book” with the early church fathers.[1518] After

300 A. D., however, it became discredited, except as we have seen among

Ethiopic and Slavonic Christians. Before 300 Origen in his _Reply to

Celsus_[1519] accuses his opponent of quoting the _Book of Enoch_ as

a Christian authority concerning the fallen angels. Origen objects

that “the books which bear the name Enoch do not at all circulate

in the Churches as divine.” Augustine, in the _City of God_,[1520]

written between 413 and 426, admits that Enoch “left some divine

writings, for this is asserted by the Apostle Jude in his canonical

epistle.” But he doubts if any of the writings current in his own day

are genuine and thinks that they have been wisely excluded from the

course of Scripture. Lods writes that after the ninth century in the

east and from a much earlier date in the west, the _Book of Enoch_ is

not mentioned, “At the most some medieval rabbis seem still to know of

it.”[1521] Yet Alexander Neckam, in the twelfth century, speaks as if

Latin Christendom of that date had some acquaintance with the Enoch

literature. We shall note some passages in Saint Hildegard which seem

parallel to others in the _Book of Enoch_, while Vincent of Beauvais

in his _Speculum naturale_ in the thirteenth century, in justifying a

certain discriminating use of the apocryphal books, points out that

Jude quotes Enoch whose book is now called apocryphal.[1522]

[Sidenote: Angels governing the universe: stars and angels.]

The Enoch literature has much to say concerning angels, and implies

their control of nature, man, and the future. We hear of Raphael,

“who is set over all the diseases and wounds of the children of men”;

Gabriel, “who is set over all the powers”; Phanuel, “who is set over

the repentance and hope of those who inherit eternal life.”[1523] The

revolution of the stars is described as “according to the number of

the angels,” and in the Slavonic version the number of those angels

is stated as two hundred.[1524] Indeed the stars themselves are often

personified and we read “how they keep faith with each other” and even

of “all the stars whose privy members are like those of horses.”[1525]

The Ethiopic version also speaks of the angels or spirits of

hoar-frost, dew, hail, snow and so forth.[1526] In the Slavonic version

Enoch finds in the sixth heaven the angels who attend to the phases of

the moon and the revolutions of stars and sun and who superintend the

good or evil condition of the world. He finds angels set over the years

and seasons, the rivers and sea, the fruits of the earth, and even an

angel over every herb.[1527]

[Sidenote: The fallen angels teach men magic and other arts.]

The fallen angels in particular are mentioned in the _Book of Enoch_.

Two hundred angels lusted after the comely daughters of men and bound

themselves by oaths to marry them.[1528] After having thus taken

unto themselves wives, they instructed the human race in the art of

magic and the science of botany—or to be more exact, “charms and

enchantments” and “the cutting of roots and of woods.” In another

chapter various individual angels are named who taught respectively

the enchanters and botanists, the breaking of charms, astrology, and

various branches thereof.[1529] In the Greek fragment preserved by

Syncellus there are further mentioned pharmacy, and what probably

denote geomancy (“sign of the earth”) and aeromancy (_aeroskopia_).

Through this revelation of mysteries which should have been kept hid

we are told that men “know all the secrets of the angels, and all the

violence of the Satans, and all their occult power, and all the power

of those who practice sorcery, and the power of witchcraft, and the

power of those who make molten images for the whole earth.”[1530]

The revelation included, moreover, not only magic arts, witchcraft,

divination, and astrology, but also natural sciences, such as botany

and pharmacy—which, however, are apparently regarded as closely akin

to magic—and useful arts such as mining metals, manufacturing armor

and weapons, and “writing with ink and paper”—“and thereby many sinned

from eternity to eternity and until this day.”[1531] As the preceding

remark indicates, the author is decidedly of the opinion that men were

not created to the end that they should write with pen and ink. “For

man was created exactly like the angels to the intent that he should

continue righteous and pure, ... but through this their knowledge men

are perishing.”[1532] Perhaps the writer means to censure writing as

magical and thinks of it only as mystic signs and characters. Magic

is always regarded as evil in the Enoch literature, and witchcraft,

enchantments, and “devilish magic” are given a prominent place in a

list in the Slavonic version[1533] of evil deeds done upon earth.

[Sidenote: The stars as sinners.]

In connection with the fallen angels we find the stars regarded as

capable of sin as well as personified. In the Ethiopic version there

is more than one mention of seven stars that transgressed the command

of God and are bound against the day of judgment or for the space of

ten thousand years.[1534] One passage tells how “judgment was held

first over the stars, and they were judged and found guilty, and went

to the place of condemnation, and they were cast into an abyss.”[1535]

A similar identification of the stars with the fallen angels is found

in one of the visions of Saint Hildegard in the twelfth century. She

writes, “I saw a great star most splendid and beautiful, and with it

an exceeding multitude of falling sparks which with the star followed

southward. And they examined Him upon His throne almost as something

hostile, and turning from Him, they sought rather the north. And

suddenly they were all annihilated, being turned into black coals ...

and cast into the abyss that I could see them no more.”[1536] She then

interprets the vision as signifying the fall of the angels.

[Sidenote: Effect of sin upon nature.]

An idea which we shall find a number of times in other ancient and

medieval writers appears also in the _Book of Enoch_. It is that human

sin upsets the world of nature, and in this particular case, even the

period of the moon and the orbits of the stars.[1537] Hildegard again

roughly parallels the Enoch literature by holding that the original

harmony of the four elements upon this earth was changed into a

confused and disorderly mixture after the fall of man.[1538]

[Sidenote: Celestial phenomena]

The natural world, although intimately associated with the spiritual

world and hardly distinguished from it in the Enoch literature,

receives considerable attention, and much of the discussion in both

the Ethiopic and Slavonic versions is of a scientific rather than

ethical or apocalyptic character. One section of the Ethiopic version

is described by Charles[1539] as the _Book of Celestial Physics_ and

upholds a calendar based upon the lunar year. The Slavonic version,

on the other hand, while mentioning the lunar year of 354 days and

the solar year of 365 and ¼ days, seems to prefer the latter, since

the years of Enoch’s life are given as 365, and he writes 366 books

concerning what he has seen in his visions and voyages.[1540] The

_Book of Enoch_ supposes a plurality of heavens.[1541] In the Slavonic

version Enoch is taken through the seven heavens, or ten heavens

in one manuscript, with the signs of the zodiac in the eighth and

ninth. An account is also given of the creation, and the waters above

the firmament, which were to give the early Christian apologists and

medieval clerical scientists so much difficulty, are described as

follows: “And thus I made firm the waters, that is, the depths, and I

surrounded the waters with light, and I created seven circles, and I

fashioned them like crystal, moist and dry, that is to say, like glass

and ice, and as for the waters and also the other elements I showed

each of them their paths, (viz.) to the seven stars, each of them in

their heaven, how they should go.”[1542] The order of the seven planets

in their circles is given as follows: in the first and highest circle

the star Kruno, then Aphrodite or Venus, Ares (Mars), the sun, Zeus

(Jupiter), Hermes (Mercury), and the moon.[1543] God also tells Enoch

that the duration of the world will be for a week of years, that is,

seven thousand, after which “let there be at the beginning of the

eighth thousand a time when there is no computation and no end; neither

years nor months nor weeks nor days nor hours.”[1544]

[Sidenote: Mountains and metals.]

Turning from celestial physics to terrestrial phenomena, we may note a

few allusions to minerals, vegetation, and animals. “Seven mountains

of magnificent stones” are more than once mentioned in the Ethiopic

version and are described as each different from the other.[1545]

Another passage speaks of “seven mountains full of choice nard and

aromatic trees and cinnamon and pepper.”[1546] But whether these

groups of seven mountains are to be astrologically related to the seven

planets is not definitely stated. We are also left in doubt whether

the following passage may have some astrological or even alchemical

significance, or whether it is merely a figurative prophecy like that

in the Book of Daniel concerning the image seen by Nebuchadnezzar in

his dream. “There mine eyes saw all the hidden things of heaven that

shall be, an iron mountain, and one of copper, and one of silver, and

one of gold, and one of soft metal, and one of lead.”[1547] At any rate

Enoch has come very near to listing the seven metals usually associated

with the seven planets. In another passage we are informed that while

silver and “soft metal” come from the earth, lead and tin are produced

by a fountain in which an eminent angel stands.[1548]

[Sidenote: Strange animals.]

As for animals we are informed that Behemoth is male and Leviathan

female.[1549] When Enoch went to the ends of the earth he saw there

great beasts and birds who differed in appearance, beauty, and

voice.[1550] In the Slavonic version we hear a good deal of phoenixes

and _chalkydri_, who seem to be flying dragons. These creatures are

described as “strange in appearance with the feet and tails of lions

and the heads of crocodiles. Their appearance was of a purple color

like the rainbow; their size, nine hundred measures. Their wings were

like those of angels, each with twelve, and they attend the chariot of

the sun, and go with him, bringing heat and dew as they are ordered by

God.”[1551]

CHAPTER XIV

PHILO JUDAEUS

Bibliographical note—Philo the mediator between Hellenistic and

Jewish-Christian thought—His influence upon the middle ages was

indirect—Good and bad magic—Stars not gods nor first causes—But

rational and virtuous animals, and God’s viceroys over inferiors—They

do not cause evil; but it is possible to predict the future from

their motions—Jewish astrology—Perfection of the number seven—And

of fifty—Also of four and six—Spirits of the air—Interpretation

of dreams—Politics are akin to magic—A thought repeated by Moses

Maimonides and Albertus Magnus.

“_But since every city in which laws are properly established has a

regular constitution, it became necessary for this citizen of the

world to adopt the same constitution as that which prevailed in the

universal world. And this constitution is the right reason of nature._”

—_On Creation_, cap. 50.

[Sidenote: Philo the mediator between Hellenistic and Jewish-Christian

thought.]

There probably is no other man who marks so well the fusion of

Hellenic and Hebrew ideas and the transition from them to Christian

thought as Philo Judaeus.[1552] He flourished at Alexandria in the

first years of our era—the exact dates both of his birth and of his

death are uncertain—and speaks of himself as an old man at the time

of his participation in the embassy of Jews to the Emperor Gaius or

Caligula in 40 A. D. He repeats the doctrines of the Greek philosophers

and anticipates much that the church fathers discuss. Before the

Neo-Platonists he regards matter as the source of all evil and feels

the necessity of mediators, angels or demons, between God and man.

Before the medieval revival of Aristotle and natural philosophy he

tries to reconcile the Mosaic account of creation with belief in a

world soul, and monotheism with astrology. Before the rise of Christian

monasticism he describes in his treatise _On the Contemplative Life_

an ascetic community of _Therapeutae_ at Lake Maerotis.[1553] After

Pythagoras he enlarges upon the mystic significance of numbers. After

Plato he repeats the conception of an ideal city of God which was to

gain such a hold upon Christian imagination.[1554] After the Stoics he

proclaims the doctrine of the law of nature, holds that the institution

of human slavery is absolutely contrary to it, and writes “a treatise

to prove that every virtuous man is free” and that to be virtuous is to

live in conformity to nature.[1555] He had previously written another

treatise designed to show that “every wicked man was a slave,”[1556]

and he held a theory which we met in the Enoch literature and shall

meet again in a number of subsequent writers that sin was punished

naturally by forces of nature such as floods and thunderbolts. He did

not originate the practice of allegorical interpretation of the Bible

but he is our first great extant example thereof. He even went so far

as to regard the tree of life and the story of the serpent tempting

Eve as purely symbolical, an attitude which found little favor with

Christian writers.[1557] His effort by means of the allegorical method

to find in the books of the Pentateuch all the attractive concepts

and theories which he had learned from the Greeks became later in

the Christian apologists an assertion that Plato and Pythagoras had

borrowed their doctrines from Abraham and Moses. His doctrine of the

_logos_ had a powerful influence upon the writers of the New Testament

and the theology of the early church.[1558] Yet Philo affirms that no

more perfect good than philosophy exists in human life and in both

literary style and erudition he is a Hellene to his very finger tips.

The recent tendency, seen especially in German scholarship, to deny the

writers of the Roman Empire any capacity for original thought and to

trace back their ideas to unextant authors of a supposedly much more

productive Hellenistic age has perhaps been carried too far. But if we

may not regard Philo as a great originator, and it is evident that he

borrowed many of his ideas, he was at any rate a great transmitter of

thought, a mediator after his own heart between Jews and Greeks, and

between them both and the Christian writers to come. Standing at the

close of the Hellenistic age and at the opening of the Roman period,

he occupies in the history of speculative and theological thought an

analogous position to that of Pliny the Elder in the history of natural

science, gathering up the lore of the past, perhaps improving it with

some additions of his own, and exercising a profound influence upon the

age to come.

[Sidenote: His influence upon the middle ages was indirect.]

Philo’s medieval influence, however, was probably more indirect than

Pliny’s and passed itself on through yet other mediators to the more

remote times. Comparatively speaking, the _Natural History_ of Pliny

probably was more important in the middle ages than in the early Roman

Empire when other authorities prevailed in the Greek-speaking world.

Philo’s influence on the other hand must soon be transmitted through

Christian, and then again through Latin, mediums. This is indicated by

the fact that to-day many of his works are wholly lost or extant only

in fragments[1559] or in Armenian versions,[1560] and that we have no

sure information as to the order in which they were composed.[1561] But

his initial force is none the less of the greatest moment, and seems

amply sufficient to justify us in selecting his writings as one of our

starting points. The extent to which one is apt to find in the writings

of Philo passages which are forerunners of the statements of subsequent

writers, may be illustrated by the familiar story of King Canute and

the tide. Philo in his work _On Dreams_[1562] speaks of the custom of

the Germans of charging the incoming tide with their drawn swords. But

what especially concern us are Philo’s statements concerning magic,

astrology, the stars, the perfection and power of numbers, demons, and

the interpretation of dreams.

[Sidenote: Good and bad magic.]

Philo draws a distinction between magic in the good and bad sense.

The former and true magical art is the lore of learned Persians

called _Magi_ who investigate nature more minutely and deeply than is

usual and explain divine virtues clearly.[1563] The latter magic is a

spurious imitation of the other, practised by quacks and impostors,

old-wives and slaves, who by means of incantations and the like

procedure profess to change men from love to hatred or vice versa and

who “deceive unsuspecting persons and waste whole families away by

degrees and without making any noise.” It is to this adulterated and

evil magic that Philo again refers when he likens political life to

Joseph’s coat of many colors, stained with the blood of wars, and in

which a very little truth is mixed up with a great deal of sophistry

akin to that of the augurs, ventriloquists, sorcerers, jugglers and

enchanters, “from whose treacherous arts it is very difficult to

escape.”[1564] This distinction between a magic of the wise and of

nature and that of vulgar impostors is one which we shall find in

many subsequent writers, although it was not recognized by Pliny.

Philo also antecedes numerous Christian commentators upon the Book of

Numbers[1565] in considering the vexed question whether Balaam was an

evil enchanter and diviner, or a divine prophet, or whether he combined

magic and prophecy, and thus indicated that the former art is not evil

but has divine approval. Philo’s conclusion is the more usual one that

Balaam was a celebrated diviner and magician, and that it is impossible

that “holy inspiration should be combined with magic,” but that in the

particular case of his blessing Israel the spirit of divine prophecy

took possession of him and “drove all his artificial system of cunning

divination out of his soul.”[1566]

[Sidenote: Stars not gods nor first causes.]

Philo has considerably more to say upon the subject of astrology than

upon that of magic. He was especially concerned to deny that the stars

were first causes or independent gods. He chided the Chaldean adepts

in genethlialogy for recognizing no other god than the universe and no

other causes than those apparent to the senses, and for regarding fate

and necessity as gods and the periodical revolutions of the heavenly

bodies as the cause of all good and evil.[1567] Philo more than once

exhorts the reader to follow Abraham’s example in leaving Chaldea and

the science of genethlialogy and coming to Charran to a comprehension

of the true nature of God.[1568] He agreed with Moses that the stars

should not be worshiped and that they had been created by God, and more

than that, not created until the fourth day, in order that it might

be perfectly clear to men that they were not the primary causes of

things.[1569]

[Sidenote: But rational and virtuous animals: and God’s viceroys over

inferiors.]

Philo, nevertheless, despite his attack on the Chaldeans, believed

in much which we should call astrological. The stars, although not

independent gods, are nevertheless divine images of surpassing beauty

and possess divine natures, although they are not incorporeal beings.

Philo distinguishes between the stars, men, and other animals as

follows. The beasts are capable of neither virtue nor vice; human

beings are capable of both; the stars are intelligent animals, but

incapable of any evil and wholly virtuous.[1570] They were native-born

citizens of the world long before its first human citizen had been

naturalized.[1571] God, moreover, did not postpone their creation

until the fourth day because superiors are subject to inferiors. On

the contrary they are the viceroys of the Father of all and in the

vast city of this universe the ruling class is made up of the planets

and fixed stars, and the subject class consists of all the natures

beneath the moon.[1572] A relation of natural sympathy exists between

the different parts of the universe, and all things upon the earth are

dependent upon the stars.[1573]

[Sidenote: They do not cause evil: but it is possible to predict the

future from their motions.]

Philo of course will not admit that evil is caused either by the

virtuous stars or by God working through them. As has been said,

he attributed evil to matter or to “the natural changes of the

elements,”[1574] drawing a line between God and nature in much the

fashion of the church fathers later. But he granted that “before now

some men have conjecturally predicted disturbances and commotions of

the earth from the revolutions of the heavenly bodies, and innumerable

other events which have turned out most exactly true.”[1575] Philo’s

interest in astronomy and astrology is further suggested by his

interpretation of the eleven stars of Joseph’s dream as referring to

the signs of the zodiac,[1576] Joseph himself making the twelfth; and

by his interpreting the ladder in Jacob’s dream which stretched between

earth and heaven as referring to the air,[1577] into which earth’s

evaporations dissolve, while the moon is not pure ether like the other

stars but itself contains some air. This accounts, Philo thinks, for

the spots upon the moon—an explanation which I do not remember having

met in subsequent writers.

[Sidenote: Jewish astrology.]

Josephus[1578] and the Jews in general of Philo’s time were equally

devoted to astrology according to Münter, who says: “Only their

astrology was subordinated to theism. The one God always appeared as

the master of the host of heaven. But they regarded the stars as living

divine beings and powers of heaven.”[1579] In the Talmud later we read

that the hour of Abraham’s birth was announced by the stars and that

he feared from his observations of the constellations that he would go

childless. Münter also gives examples of the belief of the rabbis in

the influence of the stars upon the destiny of the Jewish people and

upon the fate of individual men, and of their belief that a star would

announce the coming of the Messiah.[1580]

[Sidenote: Perfection of the number seven.]

From Philo’s astrology it is an easy step to his frequent reveries

concerning the perfection and mystic significance of certain numbers,—a

train of thought which was continued by many of the church fathers,

and is also found in various pagan writers of the Roman Empire.[1581]

Thomas Browne in his enquiry into “Vulgar Errors”[1582] was inclined

to hold Philo even more responsible than Pythagoras or Plato for

the dissemination of such doctrines. Philo himself recognizes the

close connection between astrology and number mysticism, when, after

affirming the dependence of all earthly things upon the heavenly

bodies, he adds: “It is in heaven, too, that the ratio of the number

seven began.”[1583] Philo doubts if it is possible to express

adequately the glories of the number seven, but he feels that he

ought at least to attempt it and devotes a dozen chapters of his

treatise on the creation of the world to it,[1584] to say nothing of

other passages. He notes that there are seven planets, seven circles

of heaven, four quarters of the moon of seven days each, that such

constellations as the Pleiades and Ursa Major consist of seven stars,

and that children born at the end of seven months live, while those

who see the light in the eighth month die. In diseases the seventh

is a critical day. Also there are either seven ages of man’s life,

as Hippocrates says, or, in accordance with Solon’s lines, man’s

three-score years and ten may be subdivided into ten periods of seven

years each. The lyre of seven strings corresponds to the seven planets,

and in speech there are seven vowels. There are seven divisions of the

head—eyes, ears, nostrils, and mouth, seven divisions of the body,

seven kinds of motion, seven things seen, and even the senses are seven

rather than five if we add the vocal and generative organs.[1585]

[Sidenote: And of fifty.]

Philo’s ideal sect, the _Therapeutae_, are wont to assemble as a

prelude to their greatest feast at the end of seven weeks, “venerating

not only the simple week of seven days but also its multiplied

power,”[1586] but the chief festival itself occurs on the fiftieth day,

“the most holy and natural of numbers, being compounded of the power of

the right-angled triangle, which is the principle of the origination

and condition of the whole.”[1587]

[Sidenote: Also of four and six.]

The numbers four and six, however, yield little to seven and fifty in

the matter of perfection. It was the fourth day that God chose for

the creation of the heavenly bodies, and He did not need six days for

the entire work of creation, but it was fitting that that perfect

work should be accomplished in a perfect number of days. Six is the

product of the first female number, two, and the first male number,

three. Indeed, the first three numbers, one, two, and three, whether

added or multiplied, give six.[1588] As for four, there are that many

elements and seasons; it is the only number produced by the same

number—two—whether added to itself or multiplied by itself; it is the

first square and as such the emblem of justice and equality; it also

represents the cube or solid, as the number one stands for a point,

two for a line, and three for a surface.[1589] Furthermore four is

the source of “the all-perfect decade,” since one and two and three

and four make ten. At this we begin to suspect, and with considerable

justification, as the writings of other devotees of the philosophy of

numbers would show, that the number of perfect numbers is legion. We

may not, however, follow Philo much farther on this topic. Suffice it

to add that he finds the fifth day fitting for the creation of animals

possessed of five senses,[1590] while he divides the ten plagues of

Egypt into three dealing with the more solid elements, earth and water,

and performed by Aaron; three dealing with air and fire which were

entrusted to Moses; the seventh was committed to both Aaron and Moses;

while the other three God reserved for Himself.[1591]

[Sidenote: Spirits of the air.]

Philo believed in a world of spirits, both the angels of the Jews and

the demons of the Greeks. When God said: “Let us make man,” Philo

believed that He was addressing those assistant spirits who should be

held responsible for the viciousness to which man alone of all creation

is liable.[1592] Of the divine rational natures Philo regarded some as

incorporeal, others like the stars as possessed of bodies.[1593] He

also believed that there were spirits in the air as well as afar off in

heaven. He could not see why the air should not be inhabited when there

were stars in the ether and fish in the sea as well as other animals

upon land.[1594] Indeed he argued that it would be absurd that the

element which was essential for the vitality even of land and aquatic

animals should have no living beings of its own. That these spirits of

the air must be invisible did not trouble him, since the human soul is

also invisible.

[Sidenote: Interpretation of dreams.]

Of Philo’s five books on dreams only two are extant. They suffice to

show, however, that he accepted the art of divination from dreams. Of

dreams he distinguished three varieties: those direct from God which

require no interpretation; those in which the dreamer’s mind moves

in unison with the world soul, and which are neither entirely clear

nor yet very obscure—an instance is Jacob’s vision of the ladder; and

third, those in which the mind is moved by a prophetic frenzy of its

own, and which require the science of interpretation—such dreams were

Joseph’s concerning his brothers, and those of the butler and the baker

at Pharaoh’s court.[1595]

[Sidenote: Politics akin to magic.]

The recent war and its accompaniments and sequels have brought home

to some the conviction that our modern civilization is after all

not vastly superior to that of some preceding ages. To those who

still imagine that because modern science has freed us from much

past superstition concerning nature, we are therefore free from

political fakirs, from social absurdities, and from fallacious

procedure and reasoning in many departments of life, the reading may

be recommended of a passage in Philo’s treatise on dreams,[1596] in

which he classifies the art of politics along with that of magic. He

compares Joseph’s coat of many colors to “the much-variegated web of

political affairs” where along with “the smallest possible portion of

truth” falsehoods of every shade of plausibility are interwoven; and

he compares politicians and statesmen to augurs, ventriloquists, and

sorcerers, “men skilful in juggling and in incantations and in tricks

of all kinds, from whose treacherous arts it is very difficult to

escape.” He adds that Moses very naturally represented Joseph’s coat as

blood-stained, since all statecraft is tainted with wars and bloodshed.

[Sidenote: A thought repeated by Moses Maimonides and Albertus Magnus.]

Twelve centuries later we find Philo’s association of politicians with

magicians repeated by his compatriot Moses Maimonides in the _More

Nevochim_ or _Guide for the Perplexed_,[1597] a work which appeared

almost immediately in Latin translation and from which this very

passage is cited by Albertus Magnus in his discussion of divination by

dreams.[1598] There are some men, says Albert, in whom the intellect

is abundant and active and clear. Such men are akin to the superior

substances, that is, to the angels and stars, and therefore Moses of

Egypt, _i.e._, Maimonides, calls them sages. But there are others

who, according to Albert, confound true wisdom with sophistry and are

content with mere probabilities and imaginations and are at home in

“rhetorical and civil matters.” Maimonides, however, described this

class a little differently, saying that in them the imaginative faculty

is preponderant and the rational faculty imperfect. “Whence arises

the sect of politicians, of legislators, of diviners, of enchanters,

of dreamers, ... and of prestidigiteurs who work marvels by strange

cunning and occult arts.”[1599]

CHAPTER XV

THE GNOSTICS

Difficulty in defining Gnosticism—Magic and astrology in

Gnosticism—Simon Magus as a Gnostic—Simon’s Helen—The number thirty

and the moon—Ophites and Sethians—A magical diagram—Employment

of names and formulae—Seven metals and planets—Magic of Simon’s

followers—Magic of Marcus in the Eucharist—Other magic and occult

lore of Marcus—Name and number magic—The magic vowels—Magic of

Carpocrates—The Abraxas and the number 365—Astrology of Basilides—_The

Book of Helxai_—Epiphanius on the Elchasaites—_The Book of the Laws

of Countries_—Personality of Bardesanes—Sin possible for men, angels,

and stars—Does fate in the astrological sense prevail?—National

laws and customs as a proof of free will—_Pistis-Sophia_; attitude

to astrology—“Magic” condemned—Power of names and rites—Interest

in natural science—“Gnostic gems” and astrology—The planets in

early Christian art—Gnostic amulets in Spain—Syriac Christian

charms—Priscillian executed for magic—Manichean manuscripts—The

Mandaeans.

[Sidenote: Difficulty in defining Gnosticism.]

Gnosticism[1600] is not easy to define and the term Gnostic appears

to have been applied to a great variety of sects with a confusing

diversity of beliefs. Many of the constituents and roots at least of

Gnosticism were older than Christianity, and it is now the custom to

associate the Gnosis or superior knowledge and revelation, which gives

the movement its name, not with Greek philosophy or mysteries but

with oriental speculation and religions. Anz[1601] has been impressed

by its connection with Babylonian star-worship; Amélineau[1602] has

urged its debt to Egyptian magic and religion; Bousset[1603] has

argued for Persian origins. The main features of the great oriental

religions which swept westward over the Roman Empire were shared by

Gnosticism: the redeemer god, even the great mother goddess conception

to some extent, the divinely revealed mysteries, the secret symbols,

the dualism, and the cosmic theory. Gnosticism as it is known to us,

however, is more closely connected with Christianity than with any

other oriental religion or body of thought, for the extant sources

consist almost entirely either of Gnostic treatises which pretend to be

Christian Scriptures and were almost entirely written in Coptic in the

second or third century of our era,[1604] or of hostile descriptions of

Gnostic heresies by the early church fathers. However, the philosopher

Plotinus also criticized the Gnostics, as we have seen.

[Sidenote: Magic and astrology in Gnosticism.]

What especially concerns our investigation is the great use made, or

said to be made, by the Gnostics of sacred formulae, symbols, and names

of demons, and the prevalence among them of astrological theory as

shown by their widespread notion of the seven planets as the powers

who have created our inferior and material world and who rule over

its affairs. Gnosticism was deeply influenced by, albeit it to some

extent represents a reaction against, the Babylonian star-worship

and incantation of spirits. The seven planets and the demons occupy

an important place in Gnostic myth because they intervene between

our world and the world of supreme light, and their spheres must be

traversed—much as in the _Book of Enoch_ and Dante’s _Paradiso_—both

by the redeeming god in his descent and return and by any human soul

that would escape from this world of fate, darkness, and matter. What

encouragement there is for such views in the canonical Scriptures

themselves may be inferred from the following passage in which Christ

foretells His second coming: “Immediately after the tribulation of

those days shall the sun be darkened, and the moon shall not give her

light, and the stars shall fall from heaven, _and the powers of the

heavens shall be shaken_. And then shall appear _the sign_ of the Son

of man _in heaven_; and then shall all the tribes of the earth mourn,

and they shall see the Son of man coming in the clouds of heaven with

power and great glory. And He shall send His angels with a great sound

of a trumpet, and they shall gather together His elect from the four

winds, from one end of heaven to the other.”[1605] But in order to pass

the demons and the spheres of the planets, who are usually represented

as opposed to this, one must, as in the Egyptian _Book of the Dead_,

know the passwords, the names of the spirits, the sacred formulae, the

appropriate symbols, and all the other apparatus suggestive of magic

and necromancy which forms so large a part of the _gnosis_ that gives

its name to the system. This will become the more apparent from the

following particular accounts of Gnostic sects and doctrines found

in the works of the Christian fathers and in the scanty remains of

the Gnostics themselves. The philosopher Plotinus we have already

heard charge the Gnostics with resort to magic and sorcery, and with

ascribing evil and fatal influence to the stars. At the same time we

shrewdly suspect that Gnosticism has been made a scapegoat for the sins

in these regards of both early Christianity and pagan philosophy.

[Sidenote: Simon Magus as a Gnostic.]

Simon Magus, of whose magical exploits as recorded by many a Christian

writer we shall treat in another chapter, is also represented by

the fathers as holding Gnostic doctrine, although some writers have

contended that Simon the magician named in _Acts_ was an entirely

different person from Simon the heretic and author of _The Great

Declaration_.[1606] Simon declared himself the Great Power of God, or

the Being who was over all, who had appeared in Samaria as the Father,

in Judea as the Son, and to other nations as the Holy Spirit.[1607] In

the _Pseudo-Clementines_ Simon is represented as arguing against Peter

in characteristically Gnostic style that “he who framed the world is

not the highest God, but that the highest God is another who alone is

good and who has remained unknown up to this time.”[1608] According

to Epiphanius Simon claimed to have descended from heaven through the

planetary spheres and spirits in the manner of the Gnostic redeemer.

He is quoted as saying, “But in each heaven I changed my form in

accordance with the form of those who were in each heaven, that I might

escape the notice of my angelic powers and come down to the Thought,

who is none other than she who is likewise called Prounikon and the

Holy Spirit.” Epiphanius further informs us that Simon believed in a

plurality of heavens, assigned certain powers to each firmament and

heaven, and applied barbaric names to these spirits or cosmic forces.

“Nor,” adds Epiphanius, “can anyone be saved unless he learns this

mystic lore and offers such sacrifices to the Father of all through

these archons and authorities.”[1609]

[Sidenote: Simon’s Helen.]

The fathers tell us that Simon went about with a woman called Helena

or Helen, who Justin Martyr says had formerly been a prostitute.[1610]

Simon is said to have called her the mother of all, through whom God

had created the angels and aeons, who in their turn had formed the

world and men. These cosmic powers had then, however, cast her down

to earth, where she had been confined in various successive human and

animal bodies. She seems to have obtained her name of Helen from the

fact that it was for her that the Trojan war had been fought, an event

which Simon seems to have subjected to much allegorical interpretation.

He also spoke of Helen as “the lost sheep,” whom he, the Great Power,

had descended from heaven to release from the bonds of the flesh. She

was that Thought or Holy Spirit which we have heard him say he came

down to recover. Simon’s Helen also corresponds to Pistis-Sophia, who

in the extant Gnostic work named after her descends through the twelve

aeons, deceived by a lion-faced power whom they have formed to mislead

her, and then reascends by the aid of Jesus or the true light. It

seems fairly evident that the fathers[1611] have taken literally and

travestied by a scandalous application to an actual woman a beautiful

Gnostic myth or allegory concerning the human soul. At the same time

Simon’s Helen reminds us of Jesus’s relations with the woman taken in

adultery, the woman of Samaria, and Mary Magdalene. Mary Magdalene, it

may be noted, in the Gnostic writing, _Pistis-Sophia_, takes a rôle

superior to the twelve disciples, a fact of which Peter complains to

his Lord more than once. But Simon’s Helen was that spirit of truth

which lies latent in the human mind and which he endeavored to release

by means of the philosophy, astrology, and magic of his time. May

modern scientific method prove more successful in setting the prisoner

free!

[Sidenote: The number thirty and the moon.]

We find in the _Pseudo-Clementines_ other details concerning Simon and

Helen which bring out the astrological side of Gnosticism. We are told

that John the Baptist had thirty disciples, a number suggestive of

the days of the moon and also of the thirty aeons of the Gnostics of

whom we elsewhere hear a great deal.[1612] But the revolution of the

moon does not occupy thirty full days, so that we are not surprised to

learn that one of these disciples was a woman and furthermore that she

was the very Helen of whom we have been speaking. At least, she is so

called in the _Homilies_ of the Pseudo-Clement; in the _Recognitions_

she is actually called Luna or the Moon.[1613] After the death of John

the Baptist Simon by his magic power supplanted Dositheus as leader

of the thirty, and then fell in love with Luna and went about with

her, proclaiming that she was Wisdom or Truth, “brought down ... from

the highest heavens to this world.”[1614] The number thirty is again

associated with Simon and Dositheus in a curiously insistent, although

apparently unconscious, manner by Origen, who in one passage of his

_Reply to Celsus_, written in the first half of the third century,

expresses doubt whether thirty followers of Simon, the Samaritan

magician, can be found in all the world, and in a second passage, while

asserting that “Simonians are found nowhere throughout the world,” adds

that of the followers of Dositheus there are now not more than thirty

in all.[1615]

[Sidenote: Ophites and Sethians.]

Similar to Simon’s account of the heavens and of his descent through

them were the teachings of the Ophites and Sethians who, according

to Irenaeus,[1616] held that Christ “descended through the seven

heavens, having assumed the likeness of their sons, and gradually

emptied them of their power.” These heretics also represented the

“heavens, potentates, powers, angels, and creators as sitting in

their proper order in heaven, according to their generation, and as

invisibly ruling over things celestial and terrestrial.” All ruling

spirits were not invisible, however, since the Ophites and Sethians

identified with the seven planets their Holy Hebdomad, consisting of

Ialdabaoth, Iao, Sabaoth, Adonaus (or, Adonai), Eloeus, Oreus, and

Astanphaeus,—names often employed in the Greek magical papyri,[1617]

in medieval incantations, and in the Jewish Cabbala. The Ophites and

Sethians further asserted that when the serpent was cast down into

the lower world by the Father, he begat six sons who, with himself,

constitute a group of seven corresponding and in contrast to the Holy

Hebdomad which surround the Father. They are the seven mundane demons

who are ever hostile to humanity. The Sethians of course took their

name from Seth, son of Adam, who in the middle ages was regarded

sometimes, like Enoch, as the especial recipient of divine revelation

and as the author of sacred books. The historian Josephus states in his

_Jewish Antiquities_ that Seth and his descendants discovered the art

of astronomy and that one of the two pillars on which they recorded

their findings was still extant in his time, the first century.[1618]

Under the caption, _Sethian Tablets of Curses_, Wünsch has published

some magical imprecations scratched on lead tablets between 390 and 420

A. D. at Rome.[1619] Eight revelations ascribed to Adam and Seth are

also extant in Armenian.[1620]

[Sidenote: A magical diagram.]

In Origen’s _Reply to Celsus_ is described a mystic diagram with

details redolent of magic and astrological necromancy,[1621] which

Celsus had laid to the charge of Christians generally but which Origen

declares is probably the product of the “very insignificant sect called

Ophites.” Origen himself has seen this diagram or one something like

it, and assures his readers that “we know the depth of these unhallowed

mysteries,” but he declares that he has never met anybody anywhere

who put any faith in this diagram. Obviously, however, such a diagram

would not have been in existence if no one had ever had faith in it.

Furthermore, its survival into Origen’s time, when he asserts that men

had ceased to use it, is evidence of the antiquity of the sect and

the superstition. In this diagram ten distinct circles were united

by a single circle representing the soul of all things and called

Leviathan. Celsus spoke of the upper circles, of which at least some

were in colors, as “those that are above the heavens.” On these were

inscribed such words and phrases as “Father and Son,” “Love,” “Life,”

“Knowledge,” and “Understanding.” Then there were “the seven circles of

archontic demons,” who are probably to be connected with the spheres

of the seven planets. These seven ruling demons were represented by

animal heads or figures, somewhat resembling the symbols of the four

evangelists to be seen in the mosaics at Ravenna and elsewhere in

Christian art. The angel Michael was depicted by a sort of chimaera,

the words of Celsus being, “The goat was shaped like a lion”; Suriel,

by a bull; Raphael, by a dragon; Gabriel, by an eagle; Thautabaoth, by

a bear; Erataoth, by a dog; and Thaphabaoth or Onoel, by an ass. The

diagram was divided by a thick black line called Gehenna and beneath

the lowest circle was placed “the being named Behemoth.” There was also

“a square pattern” with inscriptions concerning the gates of paradise,

a flaming circle with a flaming sword as its diameter guarding the

tree of knowledge and of life, “a barrier inscribed in the shape of a

hatchet,” and a rhomboid with the words, “The foresight of wisdom.”

Celsus further mentioned a seal with which the Father impresses the

Son, who says, “I have been anointed with white ointment from the tree

of life,” and seven angels who contend with the seven ruling demons for

the soul of the dying body.

[Sidenote: Employment of names and formulae.]

Origen further informs us of the forms of salutation to each ruling

spirit employed by “those sorcerers,” as they pass through “the fence

of wickedness” or the gate to the realm of each spirit. The names of

the spirits are now given as Ialdabaoth, who is the lion-like archon

and with whom the planet Saturn is in sympathy, Iao or Jah, Sabaoth,

Adonaeus, Astaphaeus, Aloaeus or Eloaeus, and Horaeus. The following

is an example of the salutations or invocations addressed to these

spirits: “Thou, O second Iao, who shinest by night, who art the ruler

of the secret mysteries of Son and Father, first prince of death, and

portion of the innocent, bearing now thine own beard as symbol, I am

ready to pass through thy realm, having strengthened him who is born of

thee by the living word. Grace be with me; Father, let it be with me!”

Origen also states that the makers of this diagram have borrowed from

magic the names Ialdabaoth, Astaphaeus, and Horaeus, while the other

four are names of God drawn from the Hebrew Scriptures.

[Sidenote: Seven metals and planets.]

It is worth noting that immediately before this account of the diagram

Celsus had described similar Persian mysteries of Mithras, in which

seven heavens through which the soul has to pass were arranged in an

ascending scale like a ladder.[1622] Each successive heaven was entered

by a gate of a metal corresponding to the planet in question, lead

for Saturn, tin for Venus, copper for Jupiter, iron for Mercury, a

mixed metal for Mars, silver for the moon, and gold for the sun. This

association of metals and planets became a common feature of medieval

alchemy. At the same time the passage is said to be our chief literary

source for the mysteries of Mithras.[1623]

[Sidenote: Magic of Simon’s followers.]

The Simonians, according to Irenaeus, were as addicted to magic

as their founder had been, employing exorcisms and incantations,

love-philters and enchantments, familiar spirits and “dream-senders.”

“And whatever other curious arts may be resorted to are eagerly

employed by them.” Menander, the immediate successor of Simon in

Samaria, was “a perfect adept in the practice of magic” and taught

that by means of it one could overcome the angels who had created this

world.[1624] In a treatise on rebaptism, falsely ascribed to Cyprian

but very likely contemporary with him, it is stated that the Simonians

regard their baptism as superior to that of orthodox Christians,

because when they descend into the water fire appears upon its surface.

The writer thinks that this is done by some trick, or that there is

some natural explanation of it, or that they merely imagine that

they see a flame on the water, or that it is the work of some evil

one and of magic power.[1625] Epiphanius states that Simon employed

such obscene substances as _semen_ and _menstruum_ in his magic,[1626]

but this seems to be a slander, at least against Gnosticism, since

in a passage of the Gnostic _Book of the Saviour_, adjoined to the

_Pistis-Sophia_, Thomas asks Jesus what shall be the punishment of men

who eat “_semen maris et menstruum feminae_” mixed with lentils, saying

as they do so, “We believe in Esau and Jacob,” and is told that this

is the worst of sins and that the souls of those committing it will be

absolutely blotted out.[1627]

[Sidenote: Magic of Marcus in the Eucharist.]

Next to Simon Magus, Marcus was the Gnostic and heretic most notorious

as a practitioner of the magic arts, as Irenaeus states at the close of

the second century, and Hippolytus and Epiphanius repeat in the third

and fourth centuries respectively.[1628] In performing the Eucharist he

would change white wine placed in three wine cups into three different

colors, one blood-red, one purple, and one dark blue, according to

Epiphanius, while Irenaeus and Hippolytus more vaguely state, although

they lived closer to Marcus’s time, that he gave the wine a purple

or reddish hue as if it had been changed into blood, an alteration

which Marcus himself regarded as a manifestation of divine grace.

Epiphanius attributes the change to an incantation muttered by Marcus

while pretending to perform the Eucharist. Hippolytus, who ascribes

Marcus’s feats partly to sleight-of-hand and partly to demons, in this

case charges that he furtively dropped some drug into the wine. Marcus

was also accustomed to fill a large cup from a smaller one so that it

would overflow, a marvel which Hippolytus again tries to account for

by stating that “very many drugs, when mingled in this way with liquid

substances” temporarily increase their volume, “especially when diluted

in wine.”

[Sidenote: Other magic and occult lore of Marcus.]

Irenaeus, who is quoted verbatim by Epiphanius, further states that

Marcus had a familiar demon by whose aid he was able to prophesy, and

that he pretended to confer this gift upon others. He also accuses

Marcus of seducing women by means of philters and love potions which he

compounded. Hippolytus does not make these charges, but unites with the

others in describing at length Marcus’s theory of mystic names and his

symbolical and mystical interpretation of the letters of the alphabet

and of numbers. Marcus made various calculations based upon the number

of letters in a name, the number of letters in the name of each letter,

and so on. When Christ, whose ineffable name has thirty letters, said,

“I am Alpha and Omega,” He was believed by Marcus to have displayed

the dove, whose number is 801. These reveries “are mere bits,” as

Hippolytus says, of astrological theory and Pythagorean philosophy.

We shall find them perpetuated in the middle ages in the method of

divination known as the Sphere of Pythagoras.

[Sidenote: Name and number magic.]

Such symbolism and mysticism concerning numbers and letters seldom

indeed remain a matter of mere theory but readily lend themselves

to operative magic. Thus Hippolytus can speak in the same breath of

“magical arts and Pythagorean numbers” or tell that Pythagoras himself

“also touched on magic, as they say, and himself discovered an art of

physiognomy, laying down as a basis certain numbers and measures.” Or

note a third passage where Hippolytus is discussing Egyptian theology

based on the theory of numbers.[1629] After treating of the monad,

duad, and enneads, of the four elements in pairs, of the 360 parts of

the circle, of “ascending and beneficent and masculine names” which

end in odd numbers, and of feminine and malicious and descending names

which terminate in even numbers, Hippolytus continues, “Moreover, they

assert that they have calculated the word, ‘Deity.’ Now this name

is an even number, and they write it down and attach it to the body

and accomplish cures by it. In the same way an herb which terminates

in this number is bound around the body and operates by reason of a

similar calculation of the number. Nay, even a doctor cures the sick by

such calculations.“ Similarly Censorinus states that the number seven

is ascribed to Apollo and used in the cure of bodily ills, while nine

is associated with the Muses and heals mental diseases.[1630] But to

return to Gnosticism.

[Sidenote: The magic vowels.]

The seven vowels were much employed by the Gnostics, undoubtedly as

symbols for the seven planets and the spirits associated with them, but

as symbols possessed of magic power as well as of mystic significance.

“The Saviour and His disciples are supposed in the midst of their

sentences to have broken out in an interminable gibberish of only

vowels; magic spells have come down to us consisting of vowels by the

fourscore; on amulets the seven vowels, repeated according to all sorts

of artifices, form a very common inscription.”[1631] As the seven

planets made the music of the spheres, so the seven vowels seem to have

represented the musical scale, “and many a Gnostic sheet of vowels is

in fact a sheet of music.”[1632]

[Sidenote: Magic of Carpocrates.]

Other heretics with Gnostic views who were accused of magic by the

fathers were the followers of Carpocrates, who employed incantations

and spells, philters and potions, who attracted spirits to themselves

and made light of the cosmic angels, and who pretended to have great

power over all things so that they were able by their magic to satisfy

every desire.[1633]

[Sidenote: The Abraxas and the number 365.]

Saturninus and Basilides were charged with “practicing magic, and

employing images, incantations, invocations, and every other kind of

curious art.” They also believed in a supreme power named Abrasax or

Abraxas, whose number was 365; and they contended that there were 365

heavens and as many bones in the human body; “and they strive to set

forth the names, principles, angels, and powers of the 365 imagined

heavens.”[1634]

[Sidenote: Astrology of Basilides.]

Hippolytus gives further indication of the astrological leanings of

Basilides, who held that each thing had its own particular time, and

supported his view by citing the _Magi_ gazing wistfully at the star

of Bethlehem and the remark of Christ Himself, “Mine hour is not yet

come.”[1635] I suppose that by this Hippolytus means to suggest that

Basilides held the astrological doctrine of elections; Basilides

further affirmed, according to Hippolytus, that Jesus was “mentally

preconceived at the time of the generation of the stars; and of the

complete return to their starting point of all the seasons in the

vast conglomeration,” that is, at the end of the astronomical _magnus

annus_, variously reckoned as of 36,000 or 15,000 years in duration.

[Sidenote: _The Book of Helxai._]

In his _Refutation of all Heresies_[1636] Hippolytus tells of an

Alcibiades from Apamea in Syria who in his time brought to Rome a

book supposed to contain revelations made to a holy man, Elchasai or

Helxai, by an angel ninety-six miles in height and from sixteen to

twenty-four miles in breadth and leaving a footprint fourteen miles

long. This angel was the Son of God, and was accompanied by a female

of corresponding size who was the Holy Spirit. This apparition and

revelation was accompanied by a preaching of a new remission of sins

in the third year of Trajan’s reign, at which time we are led to

suppose that the _Book of Helxai_ came into existence. It imposed

secrecy upon those initiated into its mysteries. The sect, according

to Hippolytus, were much given to magic, astrology, and the number

mysticism of Pythagoras. The Elchasaites employed incantations and

formulae to cure persons bitten by mad dogs or afflicted with disease.

In such cases and also in the case of rebaptism for the remission of

sins it was customary with them to invoke or adjure “seven witnesses,”

not however in this case the planets, but “the heaven, and the water,

and the holy spirits, and the angels of prayer, and the oil (or, the

olive), and the salt, and the earth.” Hippolytus declares that their

formulae of this sort were “very numerous and very ridiculous.” They

dipped consumptives and persons possessed by demons in cold water forty

times in seven days. They believed in the astrological doctrine of

elections, since their sacred book warned them not to baptize or begin

other important undertakings upon those days which were governed by

the evil stars. They also seem to have predicted political events from

the stars, foretelling that three years after Trajan’s subjugation of

the Parthians “war rages between the impious angels of the northern

(constellations), and on this account all kingdoms of impiety are in

confusion.”

[Sidenote: Epiphanius on the Elchasaites.]

In the next century Epiphanius adds one or two further details to

Hippolytus’ account of the Elchasaites. Besides the list of seven

witnesses already given he mentions another slightly different one:

salt, water, earth, wheat, heaven, ether, and wind. He also tells

of two sisters in the time of Constantine who were supposed to be

descendants of Helxai. One of them was still alive the last Epiphanius

knew, and crowds followed “this witch” to collect the dust of her

footprints or her spittle to use in curing diseases.[1637]

[Sidenote: _The Book of the Laws of Countries._]

We possess an important document for the attitude of early Christianity

and Gnosticism towards astrology in _The Dialogue concerning Fate_ or

_The Book of the Laws of Countries_ of Bardesanes or Bardaisan.[1638]

The complete Syriac text is extant;[1639] there is a long and somewhat

modified extract adopted from it in the Latin _Recognitions_ of

Clement,[1640] and briefer fragments in the Greek fathers. Strictly

speaking, the text seems to be written by some follower of Bardesanes

named Philip who represents his master as discussing the problem of

human free will with Avida, himself, and other disciples. The bulk of

the treatise is in any case put in Bardesanes’ mouth and it probably

reflects his views with fair accuracy. Eusebius ascribed it to

Bardesanes himself.

[Sidenote: Personality of Bardesanes]

Bardesanes (154-222 A. D.) was born in Edessa. He spent most of his

life in Mesopotamia but for a time went to Armenia as a missionary.

His many works in Syriac included apologies for Christianity, attacks

upon heresies, and numerous hymns, but the only work extant is the

treatise we are about to examine, with the possible exception of _The

Hymn of the Soul_[1641] ascribed to him and contained in the Syriac

_Acts of St. Thomas_. His doctrines were regarded by Ephraem Syrus and

others as tainted with Gnostic heresy. He is often represented as a

follower of Valentinus, but the ancient authorities, such as Epiphanius

and Eusebius, disagree as to whether he degenerated from orthodoxy to

Valentinianism or reformed in the opposite direction. In the dialogue

which we consider he is represented as a Christian, but his remarks

have often been thought to have a Gnostic flavor. F. Nau, however, has

argued that he was not a Gnostic and that the statements in question in

the dialogue can be explained as purely astrological.[1642]

[Sidenote: Sin possible for men, angels, and stars.]

The treatise opens with the query, why did not God make men so that

they could not sin? The reply of course is that moral freedom for good

or evil is a greater gift of God than compulsory morality. By virtue of

his individual freedom of action man is equal to the angels, some of

whom, too, have sinned with the daughters of men and fallen, and is

superior even to the sun, moon, and signs of the zodiac which are fixed

in their courses. The stars, however, as in _The Book of Enoch_, “are

not absolutely destitute of all freedom” and will be held responsible

at the day of judgment. Presently some of them are called evil.

[Sidenote: Does fate in the astrological sense prevail?]

After some discussion whether man does wrong from his nature, the

treatise turns to the question, how far are men controlled by fate,

that is, by the power of the seven planets in accordance with the

doctrine of the Chaldeans, which is the term here usually employed for

astrologers. Some men attack astrology as “a lying invention” and hold

that the human will is free and that such evils as man cannot avoid are

due to chance or to divine punishment but not to the stars. Between

these extremes Bardesanes takes middle ground. He believes that there

is such a force in the stars, whom he refers to as Potentates and

Governors, as the fate of which the astrologers speak, but that this

fate evidently does not rule everything, since it is itself established

by the one God who imposed upon the stars and elements that motion in

conformity with which “intelligences undergo change when they descend

to the soul, and souls undergo change when they descend to bodies,” a

statement which appears to have a Gnostic flavor. This fate furthermore

is limited by nature on the one hand and human free will on the other

hand. The vital processes and periods which are common to all men,

such as birth, generation, child-bearing, eating, drinking, old age,

and death, Bardesanes regards as governed by nature. “The body,” he

says, “is neither hindered nor helped by fate in the several acts it

performs,” a view which most astrologers would probably not accept.

On the contrary, in Bardesanes’ opinion wealth and honors, power and

subjection, sickness and health, are controlled by fate which often

disturbs the regular course of nature. This is because in genesis

or the nativity the stars, some of which work with and some against

nature, are in conflict. In short, some stars are good and some are

evil.

[Sidenote: National laws and customs as a proof of free will.]

If nature is thus often upset by the stars, fate in its turn may be

resisted and overpowered by man’s exercise of will. This assertion

Bardesanes proceeds to prove by the argument which has given to the

dialogue the title, _The Book of the Laws of the Countries_, and which

we find much repeated in subsequent writers. Briefly it is that in

various nations certain laws are enforced upon, or customs observed by

all the people alike regardless of their diverse individual horoscopes.

In illustration of this are listed various prohibitions and practices

fondly supposed by Bardesanes and his audience to characterize the

Seres, Brahmans, Persians, Geli, Bactrians, Arabs, Britons, Parthians,

Amazons, and other peoples. Savage tribes are mentioned among whom

there are no artists, bankers, perfumers, musicians, and poets to

fit the nativities decreed by the constellations for certain times.

Bardesanes is aware of the astrological theory of seven zones or

climes, by which the science of individual horoscopes is corrected

and modified, but he contends that there are many different laws in

each of these zones, and would be, even if the number were raised to

twelve according to the number of the signs or to thirty-six after

the decans. He also contends that men retain their laws or customs

when they migrate to other climes, and adduces the fidelity of Jews

and Christians to the commandments of their respective religions as

a further illustration of the triumph of free will over the stars.

He concedes, however, as before that “in every country and in every

nation there are rich and poor, and rulers and subjects, and people

in health and those who are sick, each one according as fate and his

nativity have affected him.” Incidentally to the foregoing discussion

it is affirmed that the astrology of Egypt and that of the Chaldeans

in Babylon are identical. At the close of the treatise is appended a

note stating that Bardesanes estimated the duration of the world at six

thousand years on the basis of sixty as the least number of years in

which the seven planets complete an even number of revolutions.

[Sidenote: The _Pistis-Sophia_: attitude to astrology.]

If the work ascribed to Bardesanes is not certainly Gnostic, the

_Pistis-Sophia_ is, and we turn next to it and first of all to its

attitude towards astrology. This treatise is extant in a Coptic codex

of the fifth or sixth century;[1643] the Greek original text was

probably written in the second half of the third century. It gives

the revelations made by Jesus to his disciples after He had ascended

to heaven and returned again to them. When He ascended through the

heavens, He changed the fatal influence of the lords of the spheres and

made the planets turn to the right for six months of the year, whereas

before they had faced the left continually.[1644] In a long passage

near the close of the _Pistis-Sophia_ proper[1645] Jesus asserts the

absolute control of human destiny hitherto by “the rulers of the fate”

and describes how they fashion the new soul, control the process of

generation and of the formation of the child in the womb, and decree

every event of life down to the day and manner of death. Only by the

Gnostic key to the mysteries can one escape their control.[1646] In the

following _Book of the Saviour_, moreover, even the finding of this

key is subjected to astral control, since a constellation is described

under which all souls descending to this world will be just and good

and will discover the mysteries of light.[1647]

[Sidenote: “Magic” condemned.]

The _Pistis-Sophia_ assumes the usual attitude of condemnation of magic

so-called. Among the evils which Jesus warns his followers to renounce

are superstition and invocations and drugs or magic potions.[1648]

One object of his reducing by one-third the power of the lords of the

spheres when He ascended through the heavens was that men might not

henceforth invoke them by magic rites for evil purposes. Marvels may

still, however, be accomplished by “those who know the mysteries of the

magic of the thirteenth aeon” or power above the spheres.[1649]

[Sidenote: Power of names and rites.]

But while magic is renounced, great faith is shown in the power of

names and rites. Thus after a description of the dragon of outer

darkness and the twelve main dungeons into which it divides and the

animal faces and names of the twelve rulers thereof, who evidently

represent in an inaccurate fashion the signs of the zodiac, it is added

that even unrepentant sinners, if they know the mystery of any one of

these twelve names, can escape from these dungeons.[1650] In the _Book

of the Saviour_ Jesus not only utters several long lists of strange

and presumably magic words by way of invocation to the Power or powers

above, but these are accompanied by careful observance of ceremonial.

On both occasions Jesus and the disciples are clad in linen.[1651] In

the first case the disciples are carefully grouped with reference to

the points of the compass, towards which Jesus turns successively as He

utters the magic words standing at a sacrificial altar. The result of

this ceremony and invocation was that the heavens were displaced and

the earth left behind and that Jesus and the disciples found themselves

in the region of mid-air. Before uttering the other invocation Jesus

commanded that fire and vine branches be brought, placed an offering

on the flame, and carefully arranged two vessels of wine, two cups of

water, and as many pieces of bread as there were disciples. In this

case the object was to remit the sins of the disciples. In the _Book of

Jeû_ in the Bruce Papyrus there is a perfect riot of such magic names

and invocations, seals and diagrams, and accompanying ceremonial.[1652]

[Sidenote: Interest in natural science.]

The interest of the Gnostics in natural science is seen in the list of

things that will be known by one who has penetrated all the mysteries

and fully entered upon the inheritance of the kingdom of light. Not

only will he understand why there is light and darkness, and why sin

and vice exist and life and death, but also why there are reptiles and

wild beasts and why they shall be destroyed, why there are birds and

beasts of burden, why there are gems and precious metals, why there are

brass, iron and steel, lead, glass, wax, herbs, waters, “and why the

wild denizens of the sea.” Why there are four points of the compass,

why demons and men, why heat and cold, stars, winds, and clouds, frost,

snow, planets, aeons, decans, and so on and so forth.[1653]

[Sidenote: “Gnostic gems” and astrology.]

King has shown that many of the so-called “Gnostic gems” are purely

astrological talismans and that “only a very small minority amidst

their multitude present any traces of the influence of Christian

doctrines.”[1654] Many are for medicinal or magical purposes rather

than of a religious character. Some nevertheless are engraved with

the truly Gnostic figure of Pantheus Abraxas which King regards as

“the actual invention of Basilides.” Another common symbol, borrowed

from Egypt, is the Agathodaemon, which by the third century had become

the popular designation of the hooded snake of Egypt, or Chnuphis or

Chneph, a great serpent with a lion’s head encircled by a crown of

seven or twelve rays, representing the planets or signs. Often the

seven Greek vowels are placed at the tips of the seven rays. On the

obverse of the gem the letter “s” is engraved thrice and traversed by a

straight rod, a design probably meant to depict a snake twisting about

a wand. We are reminded, not only with King of the club of Aesculapius,

but of Aaron’s rod, the magicians of Pharaoh, and the serpent lifted

up in the wilderness; also of Lucian’s tale of the pretended discovery

of the god Asclepius by the pseudo-prophet, Alexander. At least one

“Gnostic amulet” has on the back the legend “Iao Sabao” (th).[1655]

[Sidenote: The planets in early Christian art.]

The influence of astrology may be seen in other and more certainly

genuine works of early Christian art than many of the so-called Gnostic

gems. On a lamp in the catacombs Christ is depicted as the good

shepherd with a lamb on His shoulder. Above His head are the seven

planets, although the sun and moon are shown again at either side, and

about His feet press seven lambs, perhaps an indication that He is

freeing the peoples of the seven climes from the fatal influence of the

stars. In the _Poemander_ attributed to Hermes it is stated that there

are seven peoples from the seven planets. On a gem of perhaps the third

century a similar scene is engraved except that the sun and moon are

not shown apart from the seven planets, and that the lamb on Christ’s

shoulders is counted as one of the seven, so that there are but six at

His feet.[1656]

[Sidenote: Gnostic amulets in Spain.]

“Gnostic amulets and other works of art” are occasionally found in

Spain, especially the Asturian northwest which remained Christian at

the time of the Mohammedan conquest of the rest of the peninsula. One

ring is inscribed with the sentence, “Zeus, Serapis, and Iao are one.”

On another octagonal ring are Greek letters signifying the Gnostic

_Anthropos_ or father of wisdom. A stone is carved with a candelabrum

and the seven planets, “the sacred hebdomad of the Chaldeans.”[1657]

[Sidenote: Syriac Christian charms.]

Gollancz in his _Selection of Charms from Syriac Manuscripts_ presents

a number of spells and incantations which, whether any of them are

Gnostic or not, certainly seem to be Christian, since they mention

the divine persons of Christianity, Mary, and various Biblical

characters.[1658]

[Sidenote: Priscillian executed for magic.]

At the close of the fourth century the views of the Gnostics were

revived in Gaul and Spain by Priscillian, who seems to have been

much influenced by astrology and who was put to death at Treves in

385 A. D. on a charge of magic. He confessed under torture, but was

afterwards thought innocent. We are not told, however, what the magical

practices were of which he was accused.[1659] Both Sulpicius Severus

and Isidore of Seville[1660] state that he was accused of _maleficium_,

which should mean witchcraft, sorcery, or magical operations with the

intent to injure someone. But further details are wanting, except that

Sulpicius calls Priscillian a man “more puffed up than was right with

the knowledge of profane things, and who was further believed to have

practiced magic arts since adolescence,” while Isidore states that

Bishop Itacius (Ithaicus), who was largely responsible for pushing the

charges against Priscillian, showed in a book which he wrote against

Priscillian’s heresy that “a certain Marcus of Memphis, most learned

in magic art, was a disciple of Mani and master of Priscillian.”

Priscillian himself states in his extant works that Itacius had accused

him of magic in 380. As the final trial proceeded, Itacius gave way

as accuser to a public prosecutor (_fisci patronus_) who continued

the case on behalf of the emperor Maximus who seems to have had his

eye upon Priscillian’s large fortune. St. Martin of Tours in vain

obtained from Maximus a promise that Priscillian should not be put to

death.[1661] But his execution brought his persecutor Itacius into such

bad odor that he was excommunicated and condemned to exile for the rest

of his life.

[Sidenote: Manichean Manuscripts]

We have just heard that Priscillian was taught by a disciple of

Mani, while Ephraem Syrus states that Bardesanes was the teacher of

Mani. Augustine in his youth, when a follower of the Manicheans, had

been devoted to astrology. This connection between Gnosticism and

astrology and Manicheism has been further attested by the fragments of

Manichean manuscripts recently discovered in central Asia.[1662] In

them the sun-god and moon-god and five other planets play a prominent

part. Besides the five planets we have five elements—ether, wind,

light, fire, and water—five plants, five trees, and five beings with

souls—man, quadrupeds, reptiles, aquatic, and flying animals. The five

gods or luminous bodies are represented as good forces who imprisoned

five kinds of demons; but the devil had his revenge by imprisoning

luminous forces in man, whom he made a microcosm of the universe. And

whereas the good spirit had created sun and moon, the devil formed male

and female. The great sage of beneficent light then appeared in the

world and brought forth from his own five members five liberators—pity,

contentment, patience, wisdom, and good faith—corresponding to the

five elements just as among the Christians we shall find four virtues

and four elements. Then ensued the struggle of the old man with the

new man. Although we are commonly told that idolatry and magic were

strictly prohibited by the Manicheans, the envoy of light is in one

text represented as “employing great magic prayers” in his effort to

deliver living beings. When men eat living beings, they offend against

the five gods, the earth dry and moist, the five orders of animate

beings, the five different herbs and five trees. Other numbers than

five appear in these Manichean fragments: four seals of light and four

praises, four courts with iron barriers; three vestments and three

wheels and three calamities; ten vows and ten layers of heavens above,

and eight layers of earth beneath; twelve great kings and twelve

evil natures; thirteen great luminous forces and thirteen parts of

the carnal body and thirteen vices,—elsewhere fourteen parts; fifteen

enumerations of sins for which forgiveness is sought; fifty days in the

year to be observed; and so on.

[Sidenote: The Mandaeans.]

A sect derived either from Gnosticism or from common sources

seems still to exist in the case of the Mandaeans of southern

Babylonia.[1663] They believe that the earth and man were formed by a

Demiurge, who corresponds to the Ialdabaoth of the Ophites, and who was

aided by the spirits of the seven planets. They divide the history of

the world into seven ages and represent Jesus Christ as a false prophet

and magician produced by the planet Mercury. The lower world consists

of four vestibules and three hells proper and has seven iron and seven

golden walls. A dying Mandaean is clothed in a holy dress of seven

pieces. The spirits of the planets, however, are represented as evil

beings, and the first two of three sets of progeny borne by the spirit

of hell fire were the seven planets and the twelve signs of the zodiac.

The influence of these two numbers, seven and twelve, may be further

seen in the regulation that a candidate for the priesthood should be

at least nineteen years old and have had twelve years of previous

training, which we infer would normally begin when he reached his

seventh year and not before. Other prominent numbers in Mandaean lore

are five,[1664] perhaps indicative of the planets other than sun and

moon, and three hundred and sixty, suggestive of the number of degrees

in the circle of the zodiac. Thus the main manifestations of the primal

light are five, and the third generation produced by the spirit of

hell fire was of like number. The number of aeons is often stated as

three hundred and sixty, and the delivering deity or Messiah of the

Mandaeans is said to have sent forth that number of disciples before

his return to the realm of light. We hear of yet other numbers, such

as 480,000 years for the duration of the world, 60,000, and 240, but

these too are commensurate, if not identical, with astrological periods

such as those of conjunctions and the _magnus annus_. A peculiarity of

Mandaean astronomy and astrology is that the other heavenly bodies are

all believed to rotate about the polar star. Mandaeans always face it

when praying; their sanctuaries are built so that persons entering face

it; and even the dying man is placed so that his feet point and eyes

gaze in its direction. Like the Gnostics, the Mandaeans invoke by many

strange names their spirits and aeons who are divided into numerous

orders. Their names for the planets seem to be of Babylonian origin.

Passages from their sacred books are recited like incantations and are

considered more effective in danger and distress than prayer in the

ordinary sense of the word. Such recitations are also employed to aid

the souls of the dead to ascend through various stages or prisons to

the world of light. Earthenware vessels have recently been brought to

light with Mandaean inscriptions and incantations to avert evil.[1665]

CHAPTER XVI

THE CHRISTIAN APOCRYPHA

Magic in the Bible—Apocryphal Gospels of the Infancy—Question of

their date—Their medieval influence—Resemblances to Apuleius and

Apollonius in the Arabic _Gospel of the Infancy_—Counteracting magic

and demons—Other miracles and magic by the Christ child—Sometimes with

injurious results—Further marvels from the _Pseudo-Matthew_—Learning

of the Christ child—Other charges of magic against Christ and

the apostles—The _Magi_ and the star—Allegorical zoology of

Barnabas—Traces of Gnosticism in the apocryphal Acts—Legend of St.

John—Legend of St. Sousnyos—Old Testament Apocrypha of the Christian

era.

[Sidenote: Magic in the Bible.]

It is hardly necessary to rehearse here in detail the numerous

allusions to, prohibitions of, and descriptions of the practice

of magic, witchcraft, and astrology, enchantments and exorcisms,

divination and interpretation of dreams, which are to be found

scattered through the pages of the Old and New Testaments. Such

passages had a profound influence upon Christian thought on such themes

in the early church and during the middle ages, and we shall have

occasion to mention many, if not most, of such scriptural passages, in

connection with this later discussion of them by the church fathers and

others. For instance, Pharaoh’s magicians and their contests with Moses

and Aaron; Balaam and his imprecations and enchantments and prediction

that a star would come out of Jacob and a scepter out of Israel; the

witch of Endor or ventriloquist and her invocation of what seemed to be

the ghost of Samuel; the repeated use of the numbers seven and twelve,

suggestive of the planets and signs of the zodiac, as in the twelve

cakes of showbread and candlestick with seven branches; the dreams

and interpretation of dreams of Joseph and Daniel, not to mention

the former’s silver divining cup;[1666] the wise men who saw Christ’s

star in the east; Christ’s own allusion to the shaking of “the powers

of the heavens” and the gathering of His elect from the four winds

at His second coming; the accusation against Christ that He cast out

demons by the aid of the prince of demons; the eclipse of the sun at

the time of the crucifixion; the adventures of the apostles with Simon

Magus, with Elymas the sorcerer, and with the damsel possessed with a

spirit of divination who brought her master much gain by soothsaying;

the burning of their books of magic by the vagabond Jewish exorcists;

the prohibitions of heathen divination and witchcraft by the Mosaic

law and by the prophets; the penalties prescribed for sorcerers in

the Book of Revelation; at the same time the legalized practice of

similar superstitions, such as the ordeal to test a wife’s faithfulness

by making her drink “the bitter water that causeth the curse,”[1667]

the engraved gold plate upon the high priest’s forehead,[1668] or the

use of Paul’s handkerchief and underwear to cure the sick and dispel

demons; the promise to believers in the closing verses or appendix of

_The Gospel according to St. Mark_ that they shall cast out devils,

speak with new tongues, handle serpents and drink poison without

injury, and cure the sick by laying on of hands. The foregoing scarcely

exhaust the obvious allusions or analogies to astrology and other magic

arts in the Bible, to say nothing of less explicit passages[1669]

which were later taken to justify certain occult arts, as Exodus XIII,

9, to support chiromancy, and the Gospel of John XI, 9, to support

the astrological doctrine of elections. Suffice it for the present to

say that the prevailing atmosphere of the Bible is one of prophecy,

vision, and miracle, and that with these go, like the obverse face of a

coin or medal, their inevitable accompaniments of divination, demons,

and magic.

[Sidenote: Apocryphal gospels of the infancy.]

This is also the case in apocryphal literature of the New Testament

which is now so much less familiar and accessible especially to English

readers,[1670] but which had wide currency in the early Christian and

medieval periods. We may begin with the apocryphal gospels and more

particularly those dealing with the infancy and childhood of Christ.

Of these two are believed to date from the second century, namely,

the Gospel of James or “Gospel of the Infancy” (_Protoevangelium

Iacobi_)[1671] and the Gospel of St. Thomas, which is mentioned

by Hippolytus. However, he cites a sentence which is not in the

present text—of which the manuscripts are scanty and for the most

part of late date[1672]—and the gospel as we have it is not Gnostic,

as he says it is, so that our version has probably been altered

by some Catholic.[1673] Later in date is the Latin gospel of the

Pseudo-Matthew—perhaps of the fourth or fifth century—and the Arabic

Gospel of the Infancy, which is believed to be a translation from a

lost Syriac original. We are the worst off of all for manuscripts of

its text and apparently there is no Latin manuscript of it now extant,

although a Latin text has reached us through the printed editions.

Tischendorf was, however, “unwilling to omit in this new collection

of the apocryphal gospels that ancient and memorable monument of the

superstition of oriental Christians,” and for the same reason we

shall survey its medley of miracle and magic in the present chapter.

Speaking of the flight into Egypt this gospel says, “And the Lord Jesus

performed a great many miracles in Egypt which are not found recorded

either in the Gospel of the Infancy or in the Perfect Gospel.”[1674]

Tischendorf noted the close resemblance of its first nine chapters to

the Gospel of James and of chapters 36-55 to the Gospel of Thomas,

while the intervening chapters “contain especially fables of the sort

you may fittingly call oriental, filled with allusions to Satan and

demons and sorceries and magic arts.”[1675] We find, however, the same

sort of fables in the other three apocryphal gospels; there are simply

more of them in the Arabic Gospel of the Infancy. It appears to be a

compilation and may embody other earlier sources no longer extant as

well as passages from the pseudo-James and pseudo-Thomas.

[Sidenote: Question of their date.]

There is a tendency on the part of orthodox Christian scholars to

defer the writing of apocryphal works to as late a date as possible,

and they seem to have a notion that they can save the credibility or

purity of the miracles of the New Testament[1676] by representing such

miracles as those recorded of the infancy of Christ as the inventions

of a later age. And it is probably true that all these marvels were not

the invention of a single century but of a succession of centuries.

On the other hand, I know of no reason for thinking Christians of the

first century any less credulous than Christians of the fifth century;

it was not until the latter century that Pope Gelasius’ condemnation

of apocryphal books was drawn up, but apocryphal books had long been

in existence before that time; nor for thinking the Christians of

the thirteenth century any more credulous than those of the other

two centuries. It is only in our own age that Christians have become

really critical of such matters. Moreover, these unacceptable miracles,

whenever they were invented, were presumably invented by and accepted

by Christians, who must bear the discredit for them. Whatever the

century was, the same men believed in them who believed in the miracles

recorded in the New Testament. If the plant has flowered into such rank

superstition, can the original seed escape responsibility? The Arabic

Gospel of the Infancy is no doubt an extreme instance of Christian

credence in magic, but it is an instance that cannot be overlooked,

whatever its date, place, or language.

[Sidenote: Their medieval influence.]

These apocryphal gospels of the Infancy, which are in part extant

only in Latin, continued to be influential in the medieval period.

At the beginning of it we find included in Pope Gelasius’ list of

apocryphal works, published at a synod at Rome in 494,[1677] besides

apocryphal gospels of Matthew and of Thomas—which last we are told,

“the Manicheans use”—a _Liber de infantia Salvatoris_ and a _Liber de

nativitate Salvatoris et de Maria et obstetrice_. There are numerous

manuscripts of such gospels in the later medieval centuries but it

would not be safe to attempt to identify or classify them without

examining each in detail. As Tischendorf said, the Latins do not seem

to have long remained content with mere translations of the Greek

pseudo-gospel of James but combined the stories told there with others

from the Pseudo-Thomas or other sources into new apocryphal treatises.

Thus the extant Latin apocrypha in no case reproduce the Gospel of

James accurately but rather are imitated after it, and include some of

it, omit some of it, embellish some of its tales, and add to it.[1678]

Mâle states in his work on religious art in France in the thirteenth

century that _The Gospel of the Pseudo-Matthew_ and _The Gospel

of Nicodemus_ or _Acts of Pilate_ were the two apocryphal gospels

especially used in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.[1679]

[Sidenote: Resemblances to Apuleius and Apollonius in the Arabic Gospel

of the Infancy.]

That the fables of the Arabic Gospel of the Infancy were at least

not fresh from the orient is indicated by the way in which some of

the incidents in the stories of Apuleius and Apollonius of Tyana are

closely paralleled.[1680] In the parlor of a well furnished house where

lived two sisters with their widowed mother stood a mule caparisoned

in silk and with an ebony collar about his neck, “whom they kissed and

were feeding.”[1681] He was their brother, transformed into a mule by

the sorcery of a jealous woman one night a little before daybreak,

although all the doors of the house were locked at the time. “And we,”

they tell a girl who had been instantly cured of leprosy by use of

perfumed water in which the Christ child had been washed and who had

then become the maid-servant of the virgin Mary,[1682] “have applied to

all the wise men, magicians, and diviners in the world, but they have

been of no service to us.”[1683] The girl recommends them to consult

Mary, who restores their brother to human form by placing the Christ

child upon his back. This romantic episode is then brought to a fitting

conclusion by the marriage of the brother to the girl who had assisted

in his restoration to his right body. As the demon, who in the form of

an artful beggar was causing the plague at Ephesus and whom Apollonius

had stoned to death, turned at the last moment into a mad dog, so

Satan, when forced by the presence of the Christ child to leave the

boy Judas, ran away like a mad dog.[1684] The reviving of a corpse by

an Egyptian prophet in the _Metamorphoses_ in order that the dead man

may tell who murdered him is paralleled in both the Arabic Infancy and

the gospels of Thomas and the Pseudo-Matthew by the conduct of Jesus

when accused of throwing another boy down from a house-top. The text

reads: “Then the Lord Jesus going down stood over the dead boy and said

with a loud voice, ‘Zeno, Zeno, who threw you down from the house-top?’

Then the dead boy answered, ‘Lord, thou didst not throw me down, but

so-and-so did.’”[1685]

[Sidenote: Counteracting magic and demons.]

Many were the occasions upon which the Christ child or his mother

counteracted the operations of magic or relieved persons who were

possessed by demons. Kissing him cured a bride whom sorcerers had made

dumb at her wedding,[1686] and a bridegroom who was kept by sorcery

from enjoying his wife was cured of his impotence by the mere presence

of the holy family who lodged in his house for the night.[1687] Mary’s

pitying glance was sufficient to expel Satan from a woman possessed by

demons.[1688] Another upright woman who was often vexed by Satan in

the form of a serpent when she went to bathe in the river,[1689] which

reminds one somewhat of Olympias and Nectanebus,[1690] was permanently

cured by kissing the Christ child. And a girl, whose blood Satan

used to suck, miraculously discomfited him when he appeared in the

shape of a huge dragon by putting upon her head and about her eyes a

swaddling cloth of Jesus which Mary had given to her. Fire then went

forth and was scattered upon the dragon’s head and eyes, as from the

blinking eyes of the artful beggar who caused the plague in the _Life

of Apollonius of Tyana_, and he fled in a panic.[1691] A priest’s

three-year-old son who was possessed by a great multitude of devils,

who uttered many strange things, and who threw stones at everybody, was

likewise cured by placing on his head one of Christ’s swaddling clothes

which Mary had hung out to dry. In this case the devils made their

escape through his mouth “in the shape of crows and serpents.”[1692]

Such marvels may offend modern taste but have their probable prototype

in the miracles wrought by use of Paul’s handkerchief and underwear in

the New Testament and illustrate, like the placing of spittle on the

eyes of the blind man, the great healing virtue then ascribed to the

perspiration and other secretions and excretions of the human body.

[Sidenote: Other miracles and magic by the Christ child.]

Sick children as well as lepers were cured by the water in which Jesus

had bathed or by wearing coats made of his swaddling clothes,[1693]

while the child Bartholomew was snatched from the very jaws of death

by the mere smell of the Christ child’s garments the moment he was

placed on Jesus’ bed.[1694] On the road to Egypt is a balsam which

was produced “from the sweat which ran down there from the Lord

Jesus.”[1695] The Christ child cured snake-bite, in the case of his

brother James by blowing on it, in the case of his playfellow, Simon

the Canaanite, by forcing the serpent who had stung him to come out of

its hole and suck all the poison from the wound, after which he cursed

the snake “so that it immediately burst asunder and died.”[1696] When

the boy Jesus took all the cloths waiting to be dyed with different

colors in a dyer’s shop and threw them into the furnace, the dyer began

to scold him for this mischief, but the cloths all came out of the

desired colors.[1697] Jesus also miraculously remedied the defective

carpentry of Joseph, who had worked for two years on a throne for

the king of Jerusalem and made it too short. Jesus and Joseph took

hold of the opposite sides and pulled the throne out to the required

dimensions.[1698]

[Sidenote: Sometimes with injurious results.]

The usual result of the Christ child’s miracles was that all the

bystanders united in praising God. But when his little playmates went

home and told their parents how he had made his clay animals walk and

his clay birds fly, eat, and drink, their elders said, “Take heed,

children, for the future of his company, for he is a sorcerer; shun

and avoid him, and from henceforth never play with him.”[1699] Indeed,

if the theory of the fathers is correct that the surest hall-mark by

which divine miracles may be distinguished from feats of magic is that

the former are never wrought for any evil end while the latter are, it

must be admitted that his contemporaries were sometimes justified in

suspecting the Christ child of resort to magic. After his playmates

had been thus forbidden to associate with Jesus, they hid from him in

a furnace, and some women at a house near by told him that there were

not boys but kids in the furnace. Jesus then actually transformed them

into kids who came skipping forth at his command.[1700] It is true that

he soon changed them back into human form, and that the women worshiped

Christ and asserted their conviction that he was “come to save and not

to destroy.” But on several subsequent occasions Jesus is represented

in the apocryphal gospels of the infancy as causing the death of his

playmates. When another boy broke a little fish-pool which Jesus had

constructed on the Sabbath day, he said to him, “In like manner as this

water has vanished, so shall thy life vanish,” and the boy presently

died.[1701] When a third boy ran into Jesus and knocked him down, he

said, “As thou hast thrown me down, so shalt thou fall, nor ever rise;”

and that instant the boy fell down and died.[1702] When Jesus’ teacher

started to whip him, his hand withered and he died. After which we

are not surprised to hear Joseph say to Mary, “Henceforth we will not

allow him to go out of the house; for everyone who displeases him is

killed.”[1703]

[Sidenote: Further marvels from the _Pseudo-Matthew_.]

As has been indicated in the footnotes many of the foregoing marvels

are recounted in the Pseudo-Matthew and Latin Gospel of Thomas as

well as in the Arabic Gospel of the Infancy. The Pseudo-Matthew also

tells how lions adored the Christ child and were bade by him to go in

peace.[1704] And how he “took a dead child by the ear and suspended him

from the earth in the sight of all. And they saw Jesus speaking with

him like a father with his son. And his spirit returned unto him and

he lived again. And all marveled thereat.”[1705] When a rich man named

Joseph died and was lamented, Jesus asked his father Joseph why he did

not help his dead namesake. When Joseph asked what there was that he

could do, Jesus replied, “Take the handkerchief which is on your head

and go and put it over the face of the corpse and say to him, ‘May

Christ save you.’” Joseph followed these instructions except that he

said, “_Salvet te Iesus_,” instead of “_Salvet te Christus_,” which

was possibly the reason why the dead man upon reviving asked, “Who is

Jesus?”[1706]

[Sidenote: Learning of the Christ child.]

While no very elaborate paraphernalia or ceremonial were involved in

the miracles ascribed to the Christ child in the Arabic Gospel of the

Infancy, it is perhaps worth noting that he was already possessed of

all learning and nonplussed his masters, when they tried to teach him

the alphabet, by asking the most abstruse questions. And when he

appeared before the doctors in the temple, he expounded to them not

only the books of the law,[1707] but natural philosophy, astronomy,

physics and metaphysics, physiology, anatomy, and psychology. He is

represented as telling them “the number of the spheres and heavenly

bodies, as also their triangular, square, and sextile aspect; their

progressive and retrograde motion; their twenty-fourths and sixtieths

of twenty-fourths” (perhaps corresponding to our hours and minutes!)

“and other things which the reason of man had never discovered.”

Furthermore, “the powers also of the body, its humors and their

effects; also the number of its members, and bones, veins, arteries,

and nerves; the several constitutions of the body, hot and dry, cold

and moist, and the tendencies of them; how the soul operates upon

the body; what its various sensations and faculties are; the faculty

of speaking, anger, desire; and lastly, the manner of the body’s

composition and dissolution, and other things which the understanding

of no creature had ever reached.”[1708] It may be added that in the

apocryphal epistles supposed to have been interchanged between Christ

and Abgarus, king of Edessa, that monarch writes to Christ, “I have

been informed about you and your cures, which are performed without the

use of herbs and medicines.”[1709]

[Sidenote: Other charges of magic against Christ and the apostles.]

Jesus is again accused of magic in _The Gospel of Nicodemus_ or _Acts

of Pontius Pilate_, where the Jews tell Pilate that he is a conjurer.

After Pilate has been warned by his wife, the Jews repeat, “Did we not

say unto thee, He is a magician? Behold, he hath caused thy wife to

dream.”[1710] In the _Acts of Paul and Thecla_, to which Tertullian

refers and which are now seen to be an excerpt from the apocryphal

_Acts of Paul_, discovered in 1899 in a Coptic papyrus,[1711] the mob

similarly cries out against Paul, “He is a magician; away with him.”

In the _Acts of Peter and Andrew_[1712] they are both accused of

being sorcerers by Onesiphorus, who also, however, denies that Peter

can make a camel go through the eye of a needle. Nor is he satisfied

when the feat is successfully performed with a needle and camel of

Peter’s selection, but insists upon its being repeated with an animal

and instrument of his own selection. Onesiphorus also has “a polluted

woman” ride upon his camel’s back, apparently with the idea that this

will break the magic spell. But Peter sends the camel through the

eye of the needle, “which opened up like a gate,” as successfully as

before, and also back again through it once more from the opposite

direction.

[Sidenote: The _Magi_ and the star.]

Some details are added by the apocrypha to the account of the star at

Christ’s birth. The Arabic Gospel states that Zoroaster (Zeraduscht)

had predicted the coming of the _Magi_, that Mary gave the _Magi_ one

of Christ’s swaddling clothes, that they were guided on their homeward

journey by an angel in the form of the star which had led them to

Bethlehem, and that after their return they found that the swaddling

cloth would not burn in fire.[1713] The _Epistle of Ignatius to the

Ephesians_ states that this star shone with a brightness far exceeding

all others, filling men with fear, and that with its coming the power

of magic was destroyed and the new kingdom of God ushered in.[1714]

[Sidenote: Allegorical zoology of Barnabas.]

In the apocryphal _Epistle of Barnabas_ occurs some of that allegorical

zoology which we are apt to associate especially with the Physiologus.

In its ninth chapter the hyena and weasel are adduced as examples of

its contention that the Mosaic distinction between clean and unclean

animals has a spiritual meaning. Thus the command not to eat the hyena

means not to be an adulterer or corrupter of others, for the hyena

changes its sex annually. The weasel which conceives with its mouth

signifies persons with unclean mouths. In the _Acts of Barnabas_ he

cures the sick of Cyprus by laying a copy of the _Gospel of Matthew_

upon their bodies.[1715]

[Sidenote: Traces of Gnosticism in the apocryphal Acts.]

If we turn again to the various apocryphal Acts, where we have already

noted charges of magic made against the apostles, we may find traces

of gnosticism which have already been noted by Anz.[1716] In the _Acts

of Thomas_ the Holy Ghost is called the pitying mother of seven houses

whose rest is the eighth house of heaven. In the _Acts of Philip_

that apostle prays, “Come now, Jesus, and give me the eternal crown

of victory over every hostile power ... Lord Jesus Christ ... lead me

on ... until I overcome all the cosmic powers and the evil dragon who

opposes us. Now therefore Lord Jesus Christ make me to come to Thee

in the air.” _The Acts of John_, too, speak of overcoming fire and

darkness and angels and demons and archons and powers of darkness who

separate man from God.

[Sidenote: Legend of John.]

We deal in another chapter with the struggle of the apostles with Simon

Magus as recounted in the apocryphal _Acts of Peter and Paul_, and with

similar legends of the contests of other apostles with magicians. Here,

however, we may mention some of the marvels in the apocryphal legend

of St. John, supposed to have been written by his disciple Procharus

and “which deluded the Greek Church by its air of sincerity and its

extreme precision of detail,”[1717] although it does not seem to have

reached the west until the sixteenth century. John is represented

as drinking without injury a poison which had killed two criminals,

and as reviving two corpses without going near them by directing an

incredulous pagan to lay his cloak over them. A Stoic philosopher had

persuaded some young men to embrace the life of poverty by converting

their property into gems and then pounding the gems to pieces. John

made the criticism that this wealth might have better been distributed

among the poor, and when challenged to do so by the Stoic, prayed to

God and had the gems made whole again. Later when the young men longed

for their departed wealth, he turned the pebbles on the seashore into

gold and precious stones, a miracle which is said to have persuaded the

medieval alchemists that he possessed the secret of the philosopher’s

stone.[1718] At any rate Adam of St. Victor in the twelfth century

wrote the following lines concerning St. John in a chant to be used in

the church service:

Cum gemmarum partes fractas

Solidasset, has distractas

Tribuit pauperibus;

Inexhaustum fert thesaurum

Qui de virgis fecit aurum,

Gemmas de lapidibus.[1719]

[Sidenote: Legend of St. Sousnyos.]

The brief legend of St. Sousnyos, which Basset has included in his

edition of Ethiopian Apocrypha,[1720] is all magic, beginning with

an incantation or magic prayer against disease and demons. There is

also a Slavonic version. This Sousnyos is presumably the same as

the Sisinnios who is said by the author of the apocryphal _Acts of

Archelaus_,[1721] forged about 330-340 A. D., to have abandoned Mani,

embraced Christianity, and revealed to Archelaus secret teachings which

enabled him to triumph over his adversary.

[Sidenote: Old Testament apocrypha of the Christian era.]

While on the subject, mention may be made of two works which properly

belong to the apocrypha of the Old Testament, but which first appear

during the Christian era and so fall within our period. _The Ascension

of Isaiah_,[1722] of which the old Latin version was printed at Venice

in 1522, and which dates back to the second century, is something like

the _Book of Enoch_, describing Isaiah’s ascent through the seven

heavens and vision of the mission of Christ. In the _Book of Baruch_,

of which the original version was written in Greek by a Christian of

the third or fourth century,[1723] the most interesting episode is the

magic sleep into which, like Rip Van Winkle, Abimelech falls during the

destruction of Jerusalem by the Chaldeans. In the legend of Jeremiah

the prophet’s soul is absent from his body on one occasion for three

days, while on another occasion he dresses up a stone to impersonate

himself before the populace who are trying to stone him to death, in

order that he may gain time to make certain revelations to Abimelech

and Baruch. When he has had his say, the stone asks the people why they

persist in stoning it instead of Jeremiah, against whom they then turn

their missiles.[1724]

Such is no exhaustive listing but rather a few examples of the

encouragement given to belief in magic by the Christian Apocrypha.

CHAPTER XVII

THE RECOGNITIONS OF CLEMENT AND SIMON MAGUS

The Pseudo-Clementines—Was Rufinus the sole medieval version?—Previous

Greek versions—Date of the original version—Internal

evidence—Resemblances to Apuleius and Philostratus—Science and

religion—Interest in natural science—God and nature—Sin and

nature—Attitude to astrology—Arguments against genethlialogy—The

virtuous Seres—Theory of demons—Origin of magic—Frequent accusations

of magic—Marvels of magic—How distinguish miracle from magic?—Deceit

in magic—Murder of a boy—Magic is evil—Magic is an art—Other accounts

of Simon Magus: Justin Martyr to Hippolytus—Peter’s account in the

_Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum_—Arnobius, Cyril, and

Philastrius—Apocryphal _Acts of Peter and Paul_—An account ascribed to

Marcellus—Hegesippus—A sermon on Simon’s fall—Simon Magus in medieval

art.

“_The Truth herself shall receive thee a wanderer and a stranger, and

enroll thee a citizen of her own city._”

—_Recognitions_ I, 13.

[Sidenote: The Pseudo-Clementines.]

The starting-point and chief source for this chapter will be the

writings known as the _Pseudo-Clementines_ and more particularly

the Latin version commonly called _The Recognitions_. We shall then

note other accounts of its villain-hero, Simon Magus, in patristic

literature.[1725] The _Pseudo-Clementines_, as the name implies, are

works or different versions of one work ascribed to Clement of Rome,

who is represented as writing to James, the brother of the Lord, an

account of events and discussions in which he and the apostle Peter had

participated not long after the crucifixion. This Pseudo-Clementine

literature has a double character, combining romantic narrative

concerning Peter, Simon Magus, and the family of Clement with long,

argumentative, didactic, and doctrinal discussions and dialogues in

which the same persons participate but Peter takes the leading and

most authoritative part. Not only the authorship, origin, and date,

but even the title or titles and the make-up and arrangement of the

various versions and their original are doubtful or disputed matters.

The versions now extant and published seem by no means to have been

the only ones, but we will describe them first. In Greek we have the

version known as _The Homilies_ in twenty books, in which the didactic

element preponderates. It is extant in only two manuscripts of the

twelfth and fourteenth centuries at Paris and Rome,[1726] but is also

preserved in part in epitomes. Different from it is the Latin version

in which the narrative element plays a greater part.

[Sidenote: Was Rufinus the sole medieval version?]

This Latin version, now usually referred to as _The Recognitions_,

because the main point in its plot is the successive bringing together

again of, and recognition of one another by, the members of a family

long separated, is the translation made by Rufinus, who is last heard

from in 410. It is usually divided into ten books. Numerous manuscripts

of this version attest its popularity and influence in the middle

ages, when we early find Isidore of Seville quoting Clement several

times as an authority on natural science.[1727] Arevalus, however,

thought that Isidore used some other version of the Pseudo-Clementines

than that of Rufinus,[1728] and in the medieval period another title

was common, namely, _The Itinerary of Clement_, or _The Itinerary of

Peter_.[1729] William of Auvergne, for instance, in the first half of

the thirteenth century cites the _Itinerarium Clementis_ or “Book of

the disputations of Peter against Simon Magus.”[1730] This _Itinerary

of Clement_ also heads the list of works condemned as apocryphal by

Pope Gelasius at a synod at Rome in 494,[1731] a list reproduced by

Vincent of Beauvais in his _Speculum naturale_ in the thirteenth

century[1732] and in the previous century rather more accurately by

Hugh of St. Victor in his _Didascalicon_.[1733] In all three cases

the full title is given in practically the same words, “The Itinerary

by the name of the Apostle Peter which is called Saint Clement’s, an

apocryphal work in eight books.”[1734] Here we encounter a difficulty,

since as we have said _The Recognitions_ are in ten books. We find,

however, that in another passage[1735] Vincent correctly cites the

ninth book of _The Recognitions_ as Clement’s ninth book, and that the

number of books into which _The Recognitions_ is divided varies in the

manuscripts, and that they, too, more often call it _The Itinerary of

Clement_ or even apply other designations. Rabanus Maurus in the ninth

century quotes an utterance of the apostle Peter from _The History of

Saint Clement_, but the passage is found in _The Recognitions_.[1736]

Vincent of Beauvais also quotes “the blessed apostle Peter in a

certain letter attached to _The Itinerary of Clement_.” No letter by

Peter is prefaced to the printed text of _The Recognitions_, nor does

Rufinus mention such a letter, although he does speak in his preface of

a letter by Clement which he has already translated elsewhere. Prefixed

to the printed _Homilies_, however, and in the manuscripts found also

with _The Recognitions_, are letters of Peter and Clement respectively

to James. But the passage quoted by Vincent does not occur in either,

but comes from the tenth book of _The Recognitions_.[1737] It would

seem, therefore, despite variations in the number of books and in the

arrangement of material, that the Latin version by Rufinus was the only

one current in the middle ages, but we cannot be sure of this until all

the extant manuscripts have been more carefully examined.[1738]

[Sidenote: Previous Greek versions.]

The version by Rufinus differed from previous ones not only in being in

Latin but also in various omissions which he admits he made and perhaps

other changes to suit it to his Latin audience. That there was already

more than one version in Greek he shows in his preface by describing

another text than that upon which his translation or adaptation was

based. Neither of these two Greek texts appears to have been the same

as the present _Homilies_.[1739] Yet _The Homilies_ were apparently in

existence at that time, since a Syriac manuscript of 411 A. D. contains

four books of _The Homilies_ and three of _The Recognitions_,[1740]

thus in itself furnishing an illustration of the ease with which new

versions might be compounded from old. Both _The Homilies_ and _The

Recognitions_ as they have reached us would seem to be confusions and

perversions of this sort, as their incidents are obviously not arranged

in correct order. For instance, when the story of _The Recognitions_

begins Christ is still alive and reports of His miracles are reaching

Rome; the same year Barnabas pays a visit to Rome and Clement almost

immediately follows him back to Syria, making the passage from Rome to

Caesarea in fifteen days;[1741] but on his arrival there he meets Peter

who tells him that “a week of years” have elapsed since the crucifixion

and of other intervening events involving a considerable lapse of time.

Or again, in the third book of _The Recognitions_ Simon is said to have

sunk his magical paraphernalia in the sea and gone to Rome, but as late

as the tenth and last book we find him still in Antioch and with enough

paraphernalia left to transform the countenance of Faustus.

[Sidenote: Date of the original version.]

Yet this late and misarranged version on which Rufinus bases his

text must have been already in existence for some time, since he

confesses that he has been a long while about his translation. The

virgin Sylvia who “once enjoined it upon” him to “render Clement into

our language” is now spoken of as “of venerable memory,” and it is to

Bishop Gaudentius that Rufinus “after many delays” in his old age “at

length” presents the work. We might thus infer that the original and

presumably more self-consistent Pseudo-Clementine narrative, which

Rufinus evidently does not use, must date back to a much earlier

period. We hear from other sources of _The Circuits_ or _Periodoi of

Peter_ by Clement, but this may have been the version translated by

Rufinus.[1742] Conservative Christian scholars regard as the oldest

unmistakable allusion to the Pseudo-Clementines that by Eusebius early

in the fourth century, who, without giving any specific titles, speaks

of certain “verbose and lengthy writings, containing dialogues of Peter

forsooth and Apion,” which are ascribed to Clement but are really

of recent origin. As for the date of the original work from which

_Homilies_ and _Recognitions_ are derived,[1743] from 200 to 280 A. D.

is suggested by Harnack and his school, who take middle ground between

the extreme contentions of Hilgenfeld and Chapman. But the original

Pseudo-Clement is supposed to have utilized _The Teachings of Peter_

and _The Acts of Peter_, which Waitz would date between 135 and 210 A.

D.[1744]

[Sidenote: Internal evidence.]

The work itself, even in the perverted form preserved by Rufinus,

makes pretensions to the highest Christian antiquity. Not only is it

addressed to James and put into the mouth of Clement, but Paul is never

mentioned, and no book of the New Testament is cited by name, while

sayings of Jesus are cited which are not found in the Bible. Christ is

often alluded to in a veiled and mystic fashion as “the true prophet,”

who had appeared aforetime to Abraham and Moses, and interesting and

vivid incidental glimpses are given of what purports to be the life

of an early Christian community and perhaps is that of the Ebionites,

Essenes, or some Gnostic sect. Emphasis is laid upon the purifying

power of baptism, upon Peter’s practice of bathing early every morning,

preferably in the sea or running water, upon secret prayers and

meetings, a separate table for the initiated, esoteric discussions of

religion at cock-crow and in the night, and upon power over demons. All

this may be mere clever invention, but there certainly is an atmosphere

of verisimilitude about it; and it is rather odd that a later writer

should be “very careful to avoid anachronisms,” in whose account as it

now stands are such glaring chronological confusions as those already

noted concerning Clement’s voyage to Caesarea and Simon’s departure for

Rome. But, as in the case of the New Testament Apocrypha, the exact

date of composition makes little difference for our purpose, for which

it is enough that the _Pseudo-Clementines_ played an important part in

the first thirteen centuries of Christian thought viewed as a whole.

Eusebius and Epiphanius may find them unpalatable in certain respects

and reject them as heretical, but Basil and Gregory utilize their

arguments against astrology. Gelasius may classify them as apocryphal,

but Vincent of Beauvais justifies a discriminating use of the

apocryphal books in general and cites this one in particular more than

once as an authority, and the incidents of its story were embodied, as

we shall see, in medieval art.

[Sidenote: Resemblances to Apuleius and Philostratus.]

The same resemblance to the works of Apuleius and Philostratus that

we noted in the case of an apocryphal gospel is observable in the

_Pseudo-Clementines_. We see in _The Recognitions_ the same mixed

interest in natural science and in magic combined with religion and

romantic incident that characterized the variegated and motley page

of the author of the _Metamorphoses_ and the biographer of Apollonius

of Tyana. It is probably only a coincidence that two of the works of

Apuleius are dedicated to a Faustinus whom he calls “my son,” while

Clement’s father is named Faustus or Faustinianus, and the legend of

Faust is believed to originate with him and the episodes in which he is

concerned.[1745] Less accidental may be the connection between Peter’s

religious sea-bathing and that purification in the sea by which the

hero of the _Metamorphoses_ began the process by which he succeeded

in regaining his lost human form. More considerable are the detailed

parallels to the work of Philostratus.[1746] Peter corresponds roughly

to Apollonius and Clement to Damis, while the wizards and _magi_ are

ably personified by the famous Simon Magus. If Apollonius abstained

from all meat and wine and wore linen garments, Peter lives upon “bread

alone, with olives, and seldom even with pot-herbs; and my dress,”

he says, “is what you see, a tunic with a pallium: and having these,

I require nothing more.”[1747] Like Philostratus the Pseudo-Clement

speaks of bones of enormous size which are still to be seen as proof

of the existence of giants in former ages;[1748] and the accounts of

the Brahmans and allusions to the Scythians in the _Life of Apollonius

of Tyana_ are paralleled in _The Recognitions_ by a series of brief

chapters on these and other strange races.[1749] Peter is, of course,

a Jew, not a Hellene like Apollonius, but in his train are men who are

thoroughly trained in Greek philosophy and capable of discussing its

problems at length. They also are not without appreciation of pagan

art and turn aside, with Peter’s consent, to visit a temple upon an

island and “to gaze earnestly” upon “the wonderful columns” and “very

magnificent works of Phidias.”[1750] Just as Apollonius knew all

languages without having ever studied them, so Peter is so filled with

the Spirit of God that he is “full of all knowledge” and “not ignorant

even of Greek learning”; but to descend from his usual divine themes to

discuss it is considered to be rather beneath him. Clement, however,

felt the need of coaching Peter up a little in Greek mythology.[1751]

This mingled attitude of contempt for “the babblings of the Greeks”

when compared to divine revelation, and of respect for Greek philosophy

when compared with anything else is, it is hardly necessary to say, a

very common one with Christian writers throughout the Roman Empire.

[Sidenote: Science and religion.]

The same attitude prevails toward natural science. At the very

beginning of the Clementines the curiosity of the ancient world in

regard to things of nature is shown by the question which someone

propounded to Barnabas when he began to preach, at Rome according to

_The Recognitions_, at Alexandria according to _The Homilies_, of the

Son of God. The heckler wanted to know why so small a creature as a

fly has not only six feet but wings in addition, while the elephant,

despite its enormous bulk, has only four feet and no wings at all.

Barnabas did not answer the question, although he asserted that he

could if he wished to, making the excuse that it was not fitting to

speak of mere creatures to those who were still ignorant of their

Creator.[1752]

[Sidenote: Interest in natural science.]

This unwillingness to discuss natural questions by no means continues

characteristic of the Clementines, however. Not only does Peter

explain to Clement the creation of the world and propound the

extraordinary[1753] doctrine that after completing the process of

creation God “set an angel as chief over the angels, a spirit over the

spirits, a star over the stars, a demon over the demons, a bird over

the birds, a beast over the beasts, a serpent over the serpents, a fish

over the fishes,” and “over men a man who is Christ Jesus.”[1754] Not

only does he later in public defend baptism with water on the ground

that “all things are produced from waters” and that waters were first

created.[1755] We also find Niceta accepting the Greek hypothesis of

four elements, of the sphericity of the universe, and of the motions

of the heavenly bodies “assigned to them by fixed laws and periods,”

citing Plato’s _Timaeus_, mentioning Aristotle’s introduction of a

fifth element,[1756] disputing the atomic theory of Epicurus,[1757]

and alluding to “mechanical science.”[1758] He further discusses the

generation of plants, animals, and human beings as evidences of divine

design and providence,[1759] in which connection he collects a number

of examples of marvelous gen eration of animals such as moles from

earth and vipers from ashes, and affirms that “the crow conceives

through the mouth and the weasel generates through the ear.”[1760]

Simon Magus declared himself immortal on the theory, which we shall

find cropping out again in the thirteenth century in Roger Bacon and

Peter of Abano, that his flesh was “so compacted by the power of his

divinity that it can endure to eternity.”[1761] On the other hand,

Niceta describes the action of the intestines in a fairly intelligent

manner,[1762] and tells how the blood flows like water from a fountain,

“and first borne along in one channel, and then spreading through

innumerable veins as through canals, irrigates the entire territory

of the human body with vital streams.”[1763] A little later on Aquila

gives a natural explanation of rainbows.[1764]

[Sidenote: God and nature.]

There is noticeable, it is true, a tendency, common in patristic

literature and found even among those fathers who hold the dualism

of the Manichees in the deepest detestation, to make a distinction

between God and nature and to attribute any flaws in the universe to

the latter.[1765] Niceta cannot agree with “those who speak of nature

instead of God and declare that all things were made by nature”; he

holds that God created the universe. But Aquila, who supports his

brother in the discussion, seems to think that God’s responsibility

for the universe ceased, at least in part, after it was once created.

At any rate he admits that “in this world some things are done in an

orderly and some in a disorderly fashion. Those things therefore,” he

continues, “that are done rationally, believe that they are done by

Providence; but those that are done irrationally and inordinately,

believe that they befall naturally and happen accidentally.”[1766]

[Sidenote: Sin and nature.]

But even nature sometimes rises up against the sins of mankind

according to Peter and his associates. Aquila believes that the sins

of men are the cause of pestilences;[1767] that “when chastisement

is inflicted upon men according to the will of God, he” (i. e. the

Sun, already called “that good servant” and whom the early Christians

found it difficult to cease to personify) “glows more fiercely and

burns up the world with more vehement fires”;[1768] and that “those

who have become acquainted with prophetic discourse know when and for

what reason blight, hail, pestilence, and such like have occurred

in every generation, and for what sins these have been sent as a

punishment.”[1769] Peter gives the impression that nature sometimes

acts rather independently of God in thus punishing the wicked. He says:

“But this also I would have you know, that upon such souls God does not

take vengeance directly, but His whole creation rises up and inflicts

punishments upon the impious. And although in the present world the

goodness of God bestows the light of the world and the services of the

earth alike upon the pious and the impious, yet not without grief does

the Sun afford his light and the other elements perform their services

to the impious. And, in short, sometimes even in opposition to the

goodness of the Creator, the elements are worn out by the crimes of the

wicked; and hence it is that either the fruit of the earth is blighted,

or the composition of the air is vitiated, or the heat of the sun is

increased beyond measure, or there is an excess of rain or cold.”[1770]

This is a close approach to the notion of _The Book of Enoch_ that

human sin upsets the world of nature, and an even closer approach to

the theory of the Brahmans in _The Life of Apollonius of Tyana_ that

prolonged drought is a punishment visited by the world-soul upon human

sinfulness.

[Sidenote: Attitude to astrology.]

Such vestiges of the world-soul doctrine, such a tendency to ascribe

emotion and will to the elements and planets, to personify them, and to

think of God as ruling the world indirectly through them, prepare us

to find an attitude rather favorable to astrological theory. Indeed,

in the first book of _The Recognitions_[1771] we are told in so many

words that the Creator adorned the visible heaven with stars, sun, and

moon in order that “they might be for an indication of things past,

present, and future,” and that these celestial signs, while seen by

all, are “understood only by the learned and intelligent.” Astrology is

respectfully described as “the science of mathesis,”[1772] and, as was

common in the Roman Empire, astrologers are called _mathematici_.[1773]

A defender even of the most extreme pretensions of the art is not

abused as a charlatan but is courteously greeted as “so learned a

man,”[1774] and all admire his eloquence, grave manners, and calm

speech, and accord him a respectful hearing.[1775] Astrology, far

from being regarded as necessarily contrary to religion, is thought

to furnish arguments for the existence of God, and it is said that

Abraham, “being an astrologer, was able from the rational system of the

stars to recognize the Creator, while all other men were in error, and

understood that all things are regulated by His Providence.”[1776] The

number seven is somewhat emphasized[1777] and the twelve apostles are

called the twelve months of Christ who is the acceptable year of the

Lord.[1778] Somewhat similarly the Gnostic followers of the heretic

Valentinus made much of the Duodecad, a group of twelve aeons, and

believed, according to Irenaeus, “that Christ suffered in the twelfth

month. For their opinion is that He continued to preach for one year

only after His baptism.”[1779] Peter, too, has a group of twelve

disciples.[1780] Niceta speaks of “man who is a microcosm in the great

world.”[1781] It is admitted that the stars exert evil as well as

good influence,[1782] and that the astrologer “can indicate the evil

desire which malign virtue produces.”[1783] But it is contended that,

“possessing freedom of the will, we sometimes resist our desires and

sometimes yield to them,” and that no astrologer can predict beforehand

which course we will take.

[Sidenote: Arguments against genethlialogy.]

In fine, astrology is criticized adversely only when it goes to the

length of contending that “there is neither any God, nor any worship,

neither is there any Providence in the world, but all things are done

by fortuitous chance and _genesis_”; that “whatever your _genesis_

contains, that shall befall you”;[1784] and that the constellations

force men to commit murder, adultery, and other crimes.[1785] On

this point Niceta and Aquila, and finally Clement himself, have long

discussions with an aged adept in genethlialogy which fill a large

portion of the last three books of _The Recognitions_, and include a

dozen chapters which are little more than an extract from _The Laws

of Countries_ of Bardesanes. Divine Providence and human free will

are defended, and genethlialogy is represented as an error which has

received confirmation through the operations of demons.[1786] It

is asserted that men can be kept from committing crimes by fear of

punishment and by law, even if they are naturally so inclined, and

races like the Seres (Chinese) and Brahmans are adduced as examples

of entire races of men who never commit the crimes into which men are

supposed to be forced by the constellations. The argument is also

advanced, “Since God is righteous and since He Himself made human

nature, how could it be that He should place _genesis_ in opposition to

us, which should compel us to sin, and then that He should punish us

when we do sin?”[1787] It is further charged that the constellations

are so complicated, that for any given moment one astrologer may infer

a favorable and another a disastrous influence,[1788] and that most

successful explanations of the effects of the stars are made after

the event, like dreams of which men can make nothing at the time, but

“when any event occurs, then they adapt what they saw in the dream to

what has occurred.”[1789] Finally the aged defender of _genesis_, who

believed that his own fate and that of his wife had been accurately

prescribed by their horoscopes, turns out to be Faustinianus (called

Faustus in _The Homilies_), the long-lost father of Clement, Niceta,

and Aquila; is also restored to his wife; and learns that his previous

interpretation of events from the stars was quite erroneous.[1790]

[Sidenote: The virtuous Seres.]

The ideal picture of the Seres or Chinese, “who dwell at the beginning

of the world,” which _The Recognitions_ apparently borrows from

Bardesanes, is perhaps worth repeating here as an odd admission that

a non-Christian people can attain a state of moral perfection and

sinlessness, as well as an interesting bit of ancient ethnology. “In

all that country which is very large there is neither temple nor

image nor harlot nor adulteress, nor is any thief brought to trial.

But neither is any man ever slain there.... For this reason they are

not chastened with those plagues of which we have spoken; they live

to extreme old age, and die without sickness.”[1791] Perhaps these

virtuous Seres are the blameless Hyperboreans in another guise.

[Sidenote: Theory of demons.]

Demons and angels abound in _The Recognitions_. One may be rebuked

and scourged at night by an angel of God.[1792] Peter says that every

nation has an angel, since God has divided the earth into seventy-two

sections and appointed an angel as governor and prince of each.[1793]

Once, before beginning to preach, Peter expelled demons from a number

of persons in the audience.[1794] In another passage is described

the cure of a girl of twenty-seven who for twenty years had been

vexed by an unclean spirit and had been shut up in a closet in chains

because of her violence and superhuman strength. The mere presence

of Peter put this demon to rout and the chains fell off the girl

of their own accord.[1795] Besides these personal encounters with

demons, the theory of demoniacal possession is discussed more than

once, and anything of which the author does not approve, such as the

art of horoscopes, heathen oracles, the excesses of pagan rites and

festivals, and the animal gods of the Egyptians, is attributed to

the influence of demons.[1796] One becomes susceptible to demoniacal

possession who eats meat sacrificed to idols or who merely eats and

drinks immoderately.[1797] Demons are apt to get into the very bowels

of those who frequent drunken banquets.[1798] Incontinence, too, is

accompanied by demons whose “noxious breath” produces “an intemperate

and vicious progeny.... And therefore parents are responsible for their

children’s defects of this sort, because they have not observed the law

of intercourse.”[1799] As much care should be taken in human generation

as in the sowing of crops. But while demons abound, God has given every

Christian power over them, since they may be driven out by uttering

“the threefold name of blessedness.”[1800] Moreover, “what is spoken by

the true God, whether by prophets or varied visions, is always true;

but what is foretold by demons is not always true.”[1801]

[Sidenote: Origin of magic.]

With demons is associated the origin of the magic art. “Certain angels

... taught men that demons could be made to obey man by certain

arts, that is, by magical invocations.”[1802] The first magicians

were Ham and his son Mesraim, from whom the Egyptians, Babylonians,

and Assyrians are descended, and who tried to draw sparks from the

stars[1803] but set himself on fire “and was consumed by the demon

whom he had accosted with too great importunity.”[1804] But on this

account he was called Zoroaster or “living star” after his death.

Moreover, the magic art did not perish but was transmitted to Nimrod

“as by a flash.”[1805] With this may be compared the slightly different

account of the origin of magic given by Epiphanius in the _Panarion_,

written about 374-375 A. D. Magic is older than heresy and was already

in existence before the time of Ham or Mesraim in the antediluvian

days of Jared, when it coexisted with “pharmacy,” a term here used to

cover sorcery and poisoning, licentiousness, adultery, and injustice.

After the flood Epiphanius mentions Nimrod (Νεβρώδ) as the first tyrant

and the inventor of the evil disciplines of astrology and magic. He

states that the Greeks incorrectly confuse him with Zoroaster whom they

regard as the founder of magic and astrology. According to Epiphanius,

“pharmacy” and magic passed from Egypt to Greece in the time of

Cecrops.[1806]

[Sidenote: Frequent accusations of magic.]

In _The Recognitions_ everyone, Christian, heretic, pagan, and

philosopher, condemns or professes to condemn magic, and reference

is made to the laws of the Roman emperors against it.[1807] But

Christians, pagans, and heretics, while claiming divine power and

protection for themselves, freely accuse one another of the practice

of magic. An unnamed person, by whom Paul is perhaps meant, stirs up

the people of Jerusalem to persecute the apostolic community there as

“most miserable men, who are deceived by Simon, a magician.”[1808] The

guards at the sepulcher, unable to prevent the resurrection, said that

Jesus was a magician, a charge which is repeated by one of the scribes

and by Simon Magus. Simon also calls Peter a magician on more than

one occasion.[1809] Peter, of course, makes similar charges against

Simon; he had been especially sent by James to Caesarea in order to

refute this magician who was giving himself out to be the _Stans_ or

Christ.[1810] The gods of Greek mythology, too, are accused of having

resorted to magic transformations and sorcery.[1811] Philosophy,

however, escapes the accusation of magic in _The Recognitions_,[1812]

and it was a philosopher who deterred Clement, before the latter had

become a Christian, from his plan of investigating the problem of

the immortality of the soul by hiring an Egyptian magician to evoke

a soul from the infernal regions by the art of necromancy.[1813]

The philosopher condemned such an attempt as unlawful, impious, and

“hateful to the Divinity.”[1814]

[Sidenote: Marvels of magic.]

But while magic is condemned, its great powers are admitted. Simon

Magus makes great boasts of the marvels which he can perform. These

include becoming invisible, boring through rocks and mountains as if

they were clay, passing through fire without being burned, flying

through the air, loosing bonds and barriers, transformation into animal

shapes, animation of statues, production of new plants or trees in a

moment, and growing beards upon little boys.[1815] He also asserted

that he had formed a boy by turning air into water and the water into

blood, and then solidifying this into flesh, a feat which he regarded

as superior to the creation of Adam from earth. Later Simon unmade him

and restored him to the air, “but not until I had placed his image and

picture in my bedchamber as a proof and memorial of my work.”[1816]

Not only does Simon himself make such boasts; Niceta and Aquila, who

had been his disciples before their conversion by Zaccheus, also

bear witness to his amazing feats. “Who would not be astonished at

the wonderful things which he does? Who would not think that he was

a god come down from heaven for the salvation of men?”[1817] He can

fly through the air, or so mingle himself with fire as to become one

body with it, he can make statues walk and dogs of brass bark. “Yea,

he has also been seen to make bread of stones.”[1818] When Dositheus

tried to beat Simon, the rod passed through his body as if it had

been smoke.[1819] The woman called Luna who goes about with Simon was

seen by a crowd to look out of all the windows of a tower at the same

time,[1820] an illusion possibly produced by mirrors. When Simon fears

arrest, he transforms the face of Faustinianus into the likeness of his

own, in order that Faustinianus may be arrested in his place.[1821]

[Sidenote: How distinguish miracle from magic?]

So great, indeed, are the marvels wrought by Simon and by magicians

generally that Niceta asks Peter how they may be distinguished from

divine signs and Christian miracles, and in what respect anyone sins

who infers from the similarity of these signs and wonders either that

Simon Magus is divine or that Christ was a magician. Speaking first

of Pharaoh’s magicians, Niceta asks, “For if I had been there, should

I not have thought, from the fact that the magicians did like things

(to those which Moses did), either that Moses was a magician, or that

the feats displayed by the magicians were divinely wrought?... But if

he sins who believes those who work signs, how shall it appear that

he also does not sin who has believed on our Lord for His signs and

occult virtues?” Peter’s reply is that Simon’s magic does not benefit

anyone, while the Christian miracles of healing the sick and expelling

demons are performed for the good of humanity. To Antichrist alone

among workers of magic will it be permitted at the end of the world to

mix in some beneficial acts with his evil marvels. Moreover, “by this

means going beyond his bounds, and being divided against himself,

and fighting against himself, he shall be destroyed.”[1822] Later in

_The Recognitions_, however, Aquila states that even the magic of

the present has found ways of imitating by contraries the expulsion

of demons by the word of God, that it can counteract the poisons

of serpents by incantations, and can effect cures “contrary to the

word and power of God.” He adds, “The magic art has also discovered

ministries contrary to the angels of God, placing the evocation of

souls and the figments of demons in opposition to these.”[1823]

[Sidenote: Deceit in magic.]

But while the marvels of magic are admitted, there is a feeling that

there is something deceitful and unreal about them. The teachings

of the true prophet, we are told, “contain nothing subtle, nothing

composed by magic art to deceive,”[1824] while Simon is “a deceiver and

magician.”[1825] Nor is he deceitful merely in his religious teaching

and his opposition to Peter; even his boasts of magic power are partly

false. Aquila, his former disciple, says, “But when he spoke thus of

the production of sprouts and the perforation of the mountain, I was

confounded on this account, because he wished to deceive even us, in

whom he seemed to place confidence; for we knew that those things had

been from the days of our fathers, which he represented as having been

done by himself lately.”[1826] Moreover, not only does Simon deceive

others; he is himself deceived by demons as Peter twice asserts:[1827]

“He is deluded by demons, yet he thinks that he sees the very substance

of the soul.” “Although in this he is deluded by demons, yet he has

persuaded himself that he has the soul of a murdered boy ministering to

him in whatever he pleases to employ it.”

[Sidenote: Murder of a boy.]

This story of having sacrificed a pure boy for purposes of magic or

divination was a stock charge, which we have previously heard made

against Apollonius of Tyana and which was also told of the early

Christians by their pagan enemies and of the Jews and heretics in the

middle ages. Simon is said to have confessed to Niceta and Aquila,

when they asked how he worked his magic, that he received assistance

from “the soul of a boy, unsullied and violently slain, and invoked

by unutterable adjurations.” He went on to explain that “the soul of

man holds the next place after God, when once it is set free from

the darkness of the body. And immediately it acquires prescience,

wherefore it is invoked in necromancy.” When Aquila asked why the

soul did not take vengeance upon its slayer instead of performing the

behests of magicians, Simon answered that the soul now had the last

judgment too vividly before it to indulge in vengeance, and that the

angels presiding over such souls do not permit them to return to earth

unless “adjured by someone greater than themselves.”[1828] Niceta then

indignantly interposed, “And do you not fear the day of judgment, who

do violence to angels and invoke souls?” As a matter of fact, the

charge that Simon had murdered or violently slain a boy is rather

overdrawn, since the boy in question was the one whom he had made from

air in the first place and whom he simply turned back into air again,

claiming, however, to have thereby produced an unsullied human soul.

According to _The Homilies_, however, he presently confided to Niceta

and Aquila that the human soul did not survive the death of the body

and that a demon really responded to his invocations.[1829]

[Sidenote: Magic is evil.]

Nevertheless, the charge of murder thus made against Simon illustrates

the criminal character here as usually ascribed to magic. Simon is said

to be “wicked above measure,” and to depend upon “magic arts and wicked

devices,” and Peter accuses him of “acting by nefarious arts.”[1830]

Simon in his turn calls Peter “a magician, a godless man, injurious,

cunning, ignorant, and professing impossibilities,” and again “a

magician, a sorcerer, a murderer.”[1831]

[Sidenote: Magic is an art.]

A further characteristic of magic which comes out clearly in _The

Recognitions_ is that it is an art. Demons and souls of the dead

may have a great deal to do with it, but it also requires a human

operator and makes use of materials drawn from the world of nature.

It was by anointing his face with an ointment which the magician had

compounded that the countenance of Faustinianus was transformed into

the likeness of Simon, while Appion and Anubion, who anointed their

faces with the juice of a certain herb, were thereby enabled still to

recognize Faustinianus as himself.[1832] In another passage one of

Simon’s disciples who has deserted him and come to Peter tells how

Simon had made him carry on his back to the seashore a bundle “of his

polluted and accursed secret things.” Simon took the bundle out to sea

in a boat and later returned without it.[1833] Simon not only employed

natural materials in his magic, but was regarded as a learned man,

even by his enemies. He is “by profession a magician, yet exceedingly

well trained in Greek literature.”[1834] He is “a most vehement

orator, trained in the dialectic art, and in the meshes of syllogisms;

and what is most serious of all, he is greatly skilled in the magic

art.”[1835] And he engages with Peter in theological debates. It is

also interesting to note as an illustration of the connection between

magic and experimental science that Simon, in boasting of his feats

of magic, says, “For already I have achieved many things by way of

experiment.”[1836]

[Sidenote: Other accounts of Simon Magus: Justin Martyr to Hippolytus.]

In the Pseudo-Clementines we are told that Simon intended to go to

Rome, but _The Recognitions_ and _The Homilies_ deal only with the

conflicts between Peter and Simon in various Syrian cities and do not

follow them to Rome, where, as other Christian writers tell us, they

had yet other encounters in which Simon finally came to his bitter end.

Justin Martyr, writing about the middle of the second century, states

that Simon, a Samaritan of Gitto, came to Rome in the reign of Claudius

and performed such feats of magic by demon aid that a statue was

erected to him as a god. In this matter of the statue Justin is thought

to have confused Semo Sancus, a Sabine deity, with Simon. Justin adds

that almost all Samaritans and a few persons from other nations still

believe in Simon as the first God, and that a disciple of his, named

Menander, deceived many by magic at Antioch. Justin complains that

the followers of these men are still called Christians and on the

other hand that the emperors do not persecute them as they do other

Christians, although Justin charges them with practicing promiscuous

sexual intercourse as well as magic.[1837] Irenaeus gives a very

similar account.[1838] Origen, as we have seen, denied that there were

more than thirty of Simon’s followers left,[1839] but his contemporary

Tertullian wrote, “At this very time even the heretical dupes of this

same Simon are so much elated by the extravagant pretensions of their

art, that they undertake to bring up from Hades the souls of the

prophets themselves. And I suppose that they can do so under cover

of a lying wonder.”[1840] But Origen and Tertullian add nothing to

the story of Simon Magus himself. Hippolytus, too, implies that Simon

still has followers, since he devotes a number of chapters to stating

and refuting Simon’s doctrines and to “teaching anew the parrots of

Simon that Christ ... was not Simon.”[1841] But Hippolytus also gives

further details concerning Simon’s visit to Rome, stating that he there

encountered the apostles and was repeatedly opposed by Peter, until

finally Simon declared that if he were buried alive he would rise again

upon the third day. His disciples buried him, as they were directed,

but he never reappeared, “for he was not the Christ.”

[Sidenote: Peter’s account in the _Didascalia et Constitutiones

Apostolorum_.]

Peter himself is represented as briefly recounting his struggle at

Rome with Simon Magus in the _Didascalia Apostolorum_, an apocryphal

work of probably the third century, extant in Syriac and Latin, and

more fully in the parallel passage of the Greek _Constitutiones

Apostolorum_, written perhaps about 400 A. D.[1842] Peter found

Simon at Rome drawing many away from the church as well as seducing

the Gentiles by his “magic operation and virtues,” or, in the Greek

version, “magic experiments and the working of demons.”[1843] In the

Syriac and Latin account Peter then states that one day he saw Simon

flying through the air. “And standing beneath I said, ‘In the virtue

of the holy name, Jesus, I cut off your virtues.’ And so falling he

broke the arch (thigh?) of his foot (leg?).”[1844] But he did not die,

since Peter goes on to say that while “many then departed from him,

others who were worthy of him remained with him.” In the longer Greek

version Simon announced his flight in the theater. While all eyes were

turned on Simon, Peter prayed against him. Meanwhile Simon mounted

aloft into mid-air, borne up, Peter says, by demons, and telling

the people that he was ascending to heaven, whence he would return

bringing them good tidings. The people applauded him as a god, but

Peter stretched forth his hands to heaven, supplicating God through

the Lord Jesus to dash down the corrupter and curtail the power of the

demons. He asked further, however, that Simon might not be killed by

his fall but merely bruised. Peter also addressed Simon and the evil

powers who were supporting him, requiring that he might fall and become

a laughing-stock to those who had been deceived by him. Thereupon

Simon fell with a great commotion and bruised his bottom and the

soles of his feet. It will be noted that here, as in the accounts by

some other authors, Peter alone struggles with Simon Magus, lending

color to the Tübingen theory once suggested in connection with the

Pseudo-Clementines, that Simon Magus is meant to represent the apostle

Paul.

[Sidenote: Arnobius, Cyril, and Philastrius.]

A History of Magic and Experimental Science, Volume 1 (of 2) During the First Thirteen Centuries of Our Era · 第 13 / 23 章