BY MAX L. MARGOLIS

[Illustration: _MAX L. MARGOLIS (born in Merecz, Russia, in 1866), one

of the leading Biblical scholars of America, received his education in

Russia, Germany, and the United States (Columbia Ph.D. 1891). He has

held important professorships of Semitics and Biblical Exegesis at the

Hebrew Union College and the University of California,--and since 1909

has filled the chair of Biblical Philology in The Dropsie College for

Hebrew and Cognate learning. He has been engaged also, as

Editor-in-Chief, in the monumental task of the new English translation

of the Bible by American Jewish scholars. He is the author of numerous

learned papers and books on Biblical lore and theology._]

SO long as Jewish psalms are sung in the cathedrals of Christendom and

Jewish visions are rehearsed by Christian catechumens, the Synagogue

will continue to hold in veneration the chest where reposes its

chiefest glory. Surely a book which thrills the religious emotions of

civilized mankind cannot but be an object of pride to the people that

produced it. Stupendous as the literary output of the Jewish people

has been in post-biblical times, the Scriptures stand on a footing of

their own. Throughout the era of the dispersion they have held their

unique position and have exercised a most potent influence on the

Jewish soul. And the modern man taught by Lowth and Herder, and the

modern Jew under the spell of Mendelssohn and the Haskalah, have their

minds open to the æsthetic side of the "Bible as literature."

To the Jew, however, the Scriptures are possessed of an interest

beyond the religious and literary. They are the record of his

achievements in the past when his foot rested firm and steady on

native soil, of a long history full of vicissitudes from the time when

the invaders battled against the kings of Canaan to the days when the

last visionary steeled the nation's endurance in its struggle with the

heathen. They are the charter of Jewish nobility, linking those of the

present to the wanderer from Ur of the Chaldees.

As a finished product the Hebrew Scriptures came after the period of

national independence. When canon-making was in its last stage,

Jerusalem was a heap of ruins. The canon was the supreme effort of

Judæa--throttled by the legions of Rome--withdrawing to its inner

defences. The sword was sheathed and deliverance was looked for from

the clouds. The Scriptures were to teach the Jew conduct and prayer,

and the chidings of the prophets were listened to in a penitential

mood, but also joyfully because of the consolations to which they led.

The canon-makers had an eye to the steadying of a vanquished people

against the enemy without and the foe within. For there arose teachers

who proclaimed that the mission of the Jew was fulfilled: free from

the fetters of a narrow nationalism, of a religion bound up with the

soil, he was now ready to merge his individuality with the large world

when once it accepted that measure of his teaching suited to a wider

humanity. The temple that was made with hands was destroyed, and

another made without hands was building where men might worship in

spirit and truth. The dream was fascinating, the danger of absorption

was acute, because it was dressed up with the trappings of an ideal to

which many believed the Scriptures themselves pointed.

There was a much larger range of writings in Palestine and a still

larger in Egypt. The list included historical works carrying on the

story of the people's fortunes beyond Alexander the Great; novelistic

tales like that of the heroic Judith luring the enemy of her people to

destruction, or that exquisite tale of Jewish family life as

exemplified by the pious Israelite captive Tobit; books like the wise

sayings of Jesus, son of Sirach, the Wisdom of Solomon, or the Psalms

of Solomon, all modelled after patterns in the canon; midrashic

expositions of the law, like the Little Genesis; apocalyptic visions

going by the name of Enoch and the Twelve Patriarchs and Moses and

Isaiah and Esdras, whose prototype may be sought in the canonical

Daniel. Over and above the three parts which the Synagogue accepted

there were a fourth and fifth; but by an act of exclusion the canon

was concentrated upon the three and the others were cast overboard.

The canon was the creation of the Pharisaic doctors, who drew a line

at a point of their own choosing, and decreed that writings "from that

time onward" did not defile the hands.

_The Making of the Canon by the Pharisees_

THE Pharisee held the ground when the nation had politically

abdicated. The war with Rome had been brought on by the intransigent

hotspurs of Galilee and the commune of Jerusalem. John, son of Zakkai,

parleyed with the enemy that Jamnia with its House of Study might go

unscathed. There the process began which culminated in the gigantic

storehouse of legal lore which was to dominate Jewish life and Jewish

literature for centuries, commentary being piled upon commentary and

code upon code. For in the sum total of Scriptures the Torah was

admittedly to be the chief corner-stone, albeit prophecy and wisdom

had not lost their appeal; and in moments of relaxation or when

addressing their congregations worn out with the strife of the

present, the scholars of the wise brought out of the ancient stock

many a legend and quaint saying and even apocalyptic vision,

transporting the mourners for Zion into the ecstasies of the future

redemption. While official Judaism was committed to the dialectics of

the Halakah, in the unofficial Haggadah mysticism exercised a potent

influence by underground channels, as it were, issuing in later days

in Kabbalah and offsetting the rational philosophies borrowed from

Hellas. For the time being, however, the dominant note was legistic,

Pharisean.

The Pharisees had been lifted by the national catastrophe into the

leading position. They had previously been a party among many parties,

and their Judaism one of the many varieties. The Sadducees, their

chief opponents, had a literature of their own: the day upon which

their "Book of Decrees" was consigned to destruction was made a legal

holiday upon which fasting was prohibited. But even writings which

were lightly touched by the Sadduccee spirit were frowned upon: the

Siracide was barely tolerated on the outside because he made light of

individual immortality, and believed in the eternity of Israel and the

Zadokite priesthood. The Pharisees had been on the opposition during

the latter period of the Maccabeans: so with partisan ruthlessness

they excluded from the canon the writings commemorative of the

valorous deeds of those priest-warriors who freed the people from

foreign overlordship and restored the Davidic boundaries of the realm.

Because the apocalyptic visions inclined to teachings not acceptable

to the dominant opinion, they were declared not only heterodox,

heretical, but worthy of destruction. Had the stricter view prevailed,

the sceptical Preacher--now, to quote Renan, lost in the canon like a

volume of Voltaire among the folios of a theological library--would

have shared the fate of Sirach and Wisdom and the other writings which

Egypt cherished after Palestine had discarded them. And there were

mutterings heard even against the Song, that beautiful remnant of the

Anacreontic muse of Judæa. It was then that Akiba stepped into the

breach and by bold allegory saved that precious piece of what may be

called the secular literature of the ancient Hebrews.

The process concluded by the Pharisees had begun long before. The

Pharisee consummated what the scribe before him had commenced, and the

scribe in turn had carried to fruition the work inaugurated by the

prophet. Just as the Pharisee decreed what limits were to be imposed

upon the third part of the Scriptures, the scribe in his day gave

sanction to the second, and at a still earlier period the prophet to

the wide range of literature current in his days. Sobered by national

disaster, the scribe addressed himself to the task of safeguarding the

remnant of Judæa in the land of the fathers. There were schisms in the

ranks, and all kinds of heresies, chief among which stood the

Samaritan. The nation's history was recast in a spirit showing how

through the entire past faithful adherence to Mosaism brought in its

wake national stability, and conversely a swaying from legitimacy and

law was responsible for disaster. With the Torah as a guide, prophecy

was forced into the channels of orthodoxy. Heterodox prophets, the

"false prophets," were consigned to oblivion. Their opponents alone

were given a hearing. Secular history there was to be none; there was

room only for the sacred. We may take it for granted that the

"prophets of Baal," as their adversaries triumphantly nicknamed them,

had their disciples who collected their writings and recorded the

deeds of _their_ spirit. But they were one and all suppressed. The

political achievements of mighty dynasts had been recorded by

annalists; the pious narrators in the so-called historical books of

the canon brush them aside, gloss over them with a scant hint or

reference; what is of absorbing interest to them is the activity of an

Elijah or an Elisha, or the particular pattern of the altar in the

Jerusalem sanctuary. In their iconoclastic warfare upon the

abomination of Samaria, the prophets gave a partisanly distorted view

of conditions in the North which for a long time had been the scene of

Hebrew tradition and Hebrew life.

_The Death-blow to the Old Hebraic Culture_

WHAT these upheavals meant in the history of Hebrew literature and

culture can only approximately be gauged. One thing is certain: they

all and one dealt the death-blow to the old Hebraic culture. When the

excavator sinks his spade beneath the ground of a sleepy Palestinian

village, he lays bare to view from under the overlaid strata, Roman

and Greek and Jewish and Israelitish, the Canaanite foundation with

its mighty walls and marvellous tunnels, its stelæ and statuettes, its

entombed infants sacrificed to the abominable Moloch. Similarly if we

dig below the surface of the Scriptures, we uncover glimpses of the

civilization of the Amorite strong and mighty, which generations of

prophets and lawmakers succeeded in destroying root and branch. On the

ruins of the Canaanite-Amorite culture rose in the latter days Judaism

triumphant; the struggle--prolonged and of varying success--marked the

ascendancy of the Hebraic culture which was a midway station between

the indigenous Canaanite civilization on the one hand and that mighty

spiritual leaven, Mosaism in its beginnings and Judaism in its

consummation, on the other. The Hebraic culture was a compromise. It

began by absorbing the native civilization. The danger of succumbing

to it was there, but it was averted by those whom their adversaries

called the disturbers of Israel. And even to the last, when the sway

of Judaism was undisputed, the Hebraic culture could not be severed

from the soil in which it was rooted. It was part of a world-culture

just as it contributed itself thereto.

Whether living in amity or in warfare, nations influence each other to

a marked degree. They exchange the products of their soils and their

industry--they also give and take spiritual possessions. Culture is a

compound product. The factors that are contributory to its make-up are

the soil and the racial endowment recoiling against the domination

from without which, though not wholly overcome, is resisted with might

and main. Cultures are national amidst an international culture. They

express themselves in a variety of ways, chiefly in language and

literature. For while blood is thicker than water, the pen is mightier

than the sword. Out of a mass of myth and legend and worldly wisdom

the Hebrews constructed, in accordance with their own bent of mind,

their cosmogonies and ballads and collections of proverbs. At every

shrine the priests narrated to the throngs of worshippers the

marvelous stories of local or national interest.

_The Difference Between Hebraic Culture and Judaism_

THE chief feature of the Hebraic culture was that it was joyous. The

somber seriousness of latter-day Judaism had not yet penetrated it.

Israel rejoiced like the nations. The young men and maidens danced and

wooed in the precincts of the sanctuaries which dotted the country

from Dan to Beersheba. The festivals were seasons of joy, the

festivals of the harvest and of the vintage. The prophets called them

carousals and dubbed the gentlemen of Samaria drunkards. Probably

there were excesses. But life was enjoyed so long as the heavens

withdrew not the moisture which the husbandman was in need of. The

wars which the Kings waged were the wars of the Lord, and the exploits

of the warriors were rehearsed throughout the land--they were spoken

of as the Lord's righteous acts. National victories strengthened the

national consciousness. Taunt songs were scattered on broadsides. The

enemy was lampooned. At the height of national prosperity, when Israel

dwelt in safety in a land of corn and wine moistened with the dew of

the heavens, the pride of the nation expressed itself in the pæan,

"Happy art thou, O Israel: who is like unto thee, a people victorious

through the Lord, the shield of thy help, and that is the Sword of thy

excellency!" Excellency then meant national independence and welfare.

It was the period of the Omrides whose exploits are merely hinted at

in our sources, whose sway marked the nascent struggle between

Hebraism and Judaism. For the time being, Hebraic culture was on the

ascendant, successor to the indigenous Canaanite civilization which it

had absorbed, remodelled, developed.

The chief difference between the Hebraic culture and Judaism which

supplanted it consists in the fact that, whereas the latter was

bookish, transforming its votaries into the "people of the book," the

former was the sum total of all that goes to make up the concern of a

nation living upon its own soil. Bookishness, literature, has a place

in the affairs of a nation, but it contributes only a side in its

manifold activities. The spoken word precedes the written. The writer

has an eye to aftertimes. He lives in the future. The speaking voice

addresses itself to the present and its varied needs. Saints are

canonized after death. The act of canonization means the verdict of

the survivors who from a distance are able to gauge the merits of past

deeds. When a literature is pronounced canonical or classical, it is

no more. In its dying moments it is reduced to rule, and its range

becomes norm. But normalization is an act of choosing, of accepting

and excising. A living literature is far from being normalized. Much

that is written serves a temporary purpose, but is none the less

effective while it has vogue. However, it is only a part of the

national activities, mirroring them and commenting upon them. So is

religion another part of the national life. Government policy and

legal procedure and the arts and the crafts occupy a nation's living

interests. The Hebraic culture meant all that. It is now a thing of

the distant past. It speaks to us from beneath the Hebrew Scriptures

by which it is overlaid, themselves the remnant of what in times gone

by stirred the nation's spirit. A revival of that culture may come,

but when it comes it will be tempered by Judaism. And the Hebrew

Scriptures which constitute the bridge between them both will act as

the peacemaker.

[Illustration: Signature: Max L. Margolis]

_JEWISH knowledge to me is valuable in the sense in

which the word "knowledge" is employed in Hebrew. For

"to know" in Hebrew_ (yada) _does not merely mean to

conceive intellectually, but expresses at the same

time the deepest emotions of the human soul; it also

means to care, to cherish, to love. It is remarkable

indeed that the only Hebrew expression which in any

way approaches what in modern languages we call

religion is_ daath elohim, the knowledge of God. _It

is no less remarkable that the fundamental concept

formulated by one of the greatest thinkers who

proceeded from Jewish loins, by Baruch Spinoza, is_

amor Dei intellectualis, _"the intellectual love of

God," that is, the mental and yet emotional conception

of the Supreme Power that rules the universe. If I

were to wish for anything, it would be for an_ amor

Judaismus intellectualis, "_an intellectual love of

Judaism," not shallow love and hollow self-complacency

that cover every sin. We want to be frank about our

Judaism, we want to be clear about our faults, we want

to remedy our faults whenever we can, but at the same

time we want to have the sympathy that goes with

knowledge._--_From a Menorah Address by Professor Israel

Friedlaender._

The Menorah Journal, Volume 1, 1915 · 第 25 / 329 题