"On which side is the equity?" asked his brother with a shru

Produced by Al Haines.

[Illustration: "Nan!" broke from her father's lips, in tones more

eloquent than a volume would have been. "Little Nan!" "I would I were

your little Nan again," she said. "We were happy then, my Lord--at

least I was." P. 140.]

_Red and White_

_A Tale of

The Wars of the Roses_

BY

EMILY SARAH HOLT

AUTHOR OF "THE WHITE ROSE OF LANGLEY," ETC.

"If loving hearts were never lonely,

If all they wish might always be,

Accepting what they look for only,

They might be glad, but not in Thee."

--ANNA L. WARING.

_NEW EDITION_

LONDON

JOHN F. SHAW AND CO.

48 PATERNOSTER ROW

1882

*PREFACE.*

It is a proverbial truth that thunderstorms clear the air. And it would

seem as though that eventful and terrible period of English history,

known as the Wars of the Roses, had cleared the political air for the

coming Reformation. How little those who took part in it realised the

time to follow! To the men of that day it was either a wrestle for

personal fame, or a passionate enthusiasm for the establishment of

Right. To the women with whom it was not the latter, it must have been a

meaningless agony--a passion with no visible end, and with no

conceivable moral purpose. Alas for him who loses his faith in the

providence of God, for the key of the world has dropped out of his hand.

And happy are they who can calmly walk on in the dark by the side of the

Father, it may be feeling the atmosphere painfully oppressive, yet

willing to wait His time, and knowing that when they come forth into the

light of the Golden City, they will be satisfied with it.

*CONTENTS.*

CHAP.

I. THE FLEDGLINGS LEAVE THE NEST

II. LILIES AMONG THE THORNS

III. FLIGHT

IV. SCENE-SHIFTING

V. HIS LITTLE NAN

VI. THE MIST ON EASTER DAY

VII. THE LAST BATTLE OF THE RIVAL ROSES

VIII. THE END OF A WEDDING-DAY

IX. DRAWING NEARER

X. AT THE PARCHMENT-MAKER'S

XI. A LAST INTERVIEW

XII. IDONIA UNDERSTANDS

XIII. THE LAST OF THE SILVER RING

HISTORICAL APPENDIX

*RED AND WHITE.*

*CHAPTER I.*

*THE FLEDGLINGS LEAVE THE NEST.*

"Ah, God will never let us plant

Our tent-poles in the sand,

But ever, e'er the blossom buds,

We hear the dread command,--

'Arise and get thee hence away,

Unto another land.'"

"Frid!" said little Dorathie in a whisper.

Frid held up a hushing finger with a smile.

"Frid!" came again; in a tone which showed that tears were not very far

from Dorathie's blue eyes.

Frid's hand was held out in reply, and little Dorathie, understanding

the gesture, sidled along the window-seat until she reached her sister

in the opposite corner. There, nestled up close to Frideswide, and held

fast by her arm, Dorathie put the melancholy question which was

troubling her repose.

"Frid, be you going hence?--verily going?"

The answering nod was a decided affirmative.

"But both of you?--both thee and Agnes?"

Another silent, uncompromising nod from Frideswide.

"O Frid, I shall be all alone! Whatever must I do?"

And the tears came running from the blue eyes.

"Serve my Lady my grandmother," Frideswide whispered back.

"But that is--only--being useful," sobbed Dorathie, "and I--want to--be

happy."

"Being useful is being happy," said her sister.

"I would being happy were being useful," was Dorathie's lugubrious

answer. "They never go together--not with me."

"So do they alway with me," replied Frideswide.

"Oh, thou! Thou art a woman grown," said Dorathie with a pout.

"Right an old woman," said Frideswide with a sparkle of fun in her eyes,

for she was not quite twenty. Dorathie was only eight, and in her

estimation Frideswide had attained a venerable age. "But list, Doll!

My Lady calleth thee."

Dorathie's sobs had attracted the notice of one of the four grown-up

persons assembled round the fire. They were two ladies and two

gentlemen, and the relations which they bore to Dorathie were father,

mother, grandmother, and grand-uncle.

It was her grandmother who had called her--the handsome stately old lady

who sat in a carved oak chair on the further side of the fire. Her hair

was silvery white, but her eyes, though sunken, were lively, flashing

dark eyes still.

Dorathie slipped down from the window-seat, crossed the large room, and

stood before her grandmother with clasped hands and a deferential bob.

She was not much afraid of a scolding, for she rarely had one from that

quarter: still, in the days when girls were expected to be silent

statues in the august presence of their elders, she might reasonably

have feared for the result of her whispered colloquy with Frideswide.

"What ails my little Doll?" gently asked the old lady.

"An't please your good Ladyship, you said Frid and Annis[#] should both

go away hence."

[#] Annis, or more correctly Anneyse, is the old French form of Agnes,

and appears to have been used in the Middle Ages, in England, as an

affectionate diminutive. Some have supposed Annis to be a variety of

Anne, and have therefore concluded that Anne and Agnes were considered

the same name. This, I think, is a mistake. Annas is the Scottish

spelling.

"We did, my little maid. Is our Doll very sorry therefor?"

"I shall be all alone!" sobbed Dorathie.

"'All alone!'" repeated her grandmother with a smile, which was pitying

and a little sympathetic. "Little Doll, there be fourteen in this house

beside Frideswide and Agnes."

"But they are none of them _them_!" said Dorathie.

"Aye. There is the rub," answered her grandmother. "But, little maid,

we all have to come to that some time."

"'Tis as well to begin early, Doll," said her uncle.

"Please it you, Uncle Maurice," replied Dorathie, rubbing the tears out

of her eyes with her small hands, "I'd rather begin late!"

Her father laughed. "Folks must needs go forth into the world, Doll,"

said he. "Thou mayest have to do the like thine own self some day."

"Shall I so?" asked Dorathie, opening her eyes wide. "Then, an' it like

your good Lordship, may I go where Frid and Annis shall be?"

"Thou wilt very like go with Frid or Annis, it we can compass it,"

replied her father; "but they will not be together, Doll."

"Not together!" cried Dorathie in a tone of disappointed surprise.

"Nay: Frideswide goeth to my good Lady of Warwick at Middleham; and

Agnes to London town, to serve my Lady's Grace of Exeter in her

chamber."

"Then they'll be as unhappy as me!" said Dorathie, with a very sorrowful

shake of her head. "I thought they were going to be happy."

"They shall be merry as crickets!" answered her father. "My Lady of

Warwick hath two young ladies her daughters, and keepeth four maidens in

her bower; and my Lady's Grace of Exeter hath likewise a daughter, and

keepeth other four maids to wait of her. They are little like to be

lonely."

Her grandmother understood the child's feeling, but her father did not.

And Dorathie was dimly conscious that it was so. She dropped another

courtesy, and crept back to Frideswide in the window-seat,--not

comforted at all. There they sat and listened to the conversation of

their elders round the fire. Frideswide was sewing busily, but

Dorathie's hands were idle.

The season was early autumn, and the trees outside were just beginning

to show the yellow leaf here and there. The window in which the two

girls sat, a wide oriel, opened on a narrow courtyard, in front of which

lay a garden of tolerable size, wherein pinks, late roses, and other

flowers were bowing their heads to the cool breeze of the Yorkshire

wolds. The court-yard was paved with large round stones, not pleasant

to walk on, and causing no small clatter from the hoofs of the horses.

A low parapet wall divided it from the garden, which was approached by

three steps, thus making the court into a wide terrace. Beyond the

garden, a crenellated wall some twelve feet high shut out the prospect.

What it shut out beside the prospect was a great deal, of which little

was known to Frideswide, and much less to Dorathie. They lived at a

period of which we, sheltered in a country which has not known war for

two hundred years, can barely form an adequate idea. For fourteen

years--namely, since Frideswide was five years old, and longer than

Dorathie's life--England had been torn asunder by civil warfare. Nor

was it over yet. The turbulent past had been sad enough, but the worst

was yet to come.

Never, since the cessation of the Heptarchy, had a more terrible time

been seen than the Wars of the Roses. In this struggle above all

others, family convictions were divided, and family love rent asunder.

Father and son, brother and brother, uncle and nephew, constantly took

opposite sides: and every warrior on each side was absolutely sure that

all shadow of right lay with his candidate, and that the "rebel and

adversary" of his chosen monarch had not an inch of ground to stand on.

Nor was the question of right so clear and indisputable as in this

nineteenth century we are apt to think. To our eyes, regarding the

matter in the light of modern law, it appears certain that Edward IV.

was the rightful heir of the crown, and that there was no room for

dispute in the matter. But the real point in dispute was the very

important one, what the law of succession really was. Was it any bar

that Edward claimed through a female? The succession of all the kings

from the Empress Maud might be fairly held to settle this item in

Edward's favour. But the real difficulty, which lay beyond, was not so

easily solved.

Very little understood at present is the law of non-representation, the

old "custom of England," which was also the custom of Artois, and

several other provinces. According to this law, if a son of the king

should predecease his father, leaving issue, that issue was barred from

the throne. They were not to be allowed to represent their dead father.

The right of succession passed at once to the next son of the monarch.

Several of our kings tried to alter this law, but it was so dear to the

hearts of the English people that up to 1377 they invariably failed.

The most notable instance is that of Richard I., who tried hard to

secure the succession of Arthur, the son of his deceased brother

Geoffrey, in preference to his youngest brother John. But the "custom

of England" was too strong for him: and though John was personally

neither liked nor respected by any one, England preferred his rule to

making a change in her laws.

It was Edward III. who succeeded in making the alteration. His eldest

son, the famed Black Prince, had died leaving a son behind him, and the

old King strongly desired to secure the peaceable succession of his

grandson. He succeeded, partly because of the popularity of the

deceased Prince, partly on account of the unpopularity of the next heir,

but chiefly because the next heir himself was willing to assist in the

alteration. His reward for this self-abnegation is that modern writers

are perpetually accusing him of unbridled ambition, and of a desire to

snatch the crown from that nephew who would assuredly never have worn it

had he withheld his consent.

But though John of Gaunt was perfectly willing to be subject instead of

sovereign, his son Henry did not share his feelings. He always

considered that he had been tricked out of his rights: and he never

forgave his father for consenting to the change. After sundry futile

attempts to eject his cousin from the throne, he at last succeeded in

effecting his purpose. The succession returned to the right line

according to the old "custom of England"; and since King Richard II.,

for whom it had been altered, left no issue, matters might have gone on

quietly enough had it been suffered to remain there.

They were quiet enough until the death of Henry V. But a long minority

of the sovereign has nearly always been a misfortune to the country: and

the longest of all minorities was that of Henry VI., who was only eight

months old when he came to the throne. Then began a restless and weary

struggle for power among the nobles, and especially the three uncles of

the baby King. The details of the struggle itself belong to general

history: but there are one or two points concerning which it will be

best to make such remarks as are necessary at once, in order to save

explanations which would otherwise be constantly recurring.

King Henry was remarkably devoid of relatives, and the nearest he had

were not of his own rank. He was the only child of his father, and on

the father's side his only living connections beside distant cousins

were an uncle--Humphrey Duke of Gloucester--and a grand-uncle--Cardinal

Beaufort--both of whom were, though different from each other, equally

diverse from the King in temperament and aim. On the mother's side he

had two half-brothers and a sister, with whom he was scarcely allowed to

associate at all. He wanted a wife: and he took the means to obtain one

which in his day princes usually took. He sent artists to the various

courts of Europe, to bring to him portraits of the unmarried Princesses.

King Henry's truth-loving nature comes out in the instructions given to

these artists. They were to be careful not to flatter any of the royal

ladies, but to draw their portraits just as they were. Of the

miniatures thus brought to him, the King's fancy was attracted by the

lovely face of a beautiful blonde of sixteen--the Princess Marguerite of

Anjou, second daughter of Rene, the dispossessed King of Naples. An

embassy, at the head of which was William Duke of Suffolk, was sent over

to demand, and if accepted, to bring home the young Princess.

The girl-Queen found herself a very lonely creature, flung into the

midst of discordant elements. She loved her husband, as she afterwards

showed beyond question, and she must have felt deep respect for his

pure, gentle, truthful, saintly soul. Yet, excellent as he was, he was

no adviser for her. It was simply impossible for her brilliant intellect

and brave heart to lean upon his dulled brain and timid nature. How

could he, with the uttermost will to aid her, help his young wife to

keep out of snares laid for her which he could not even see, or counsel

her to beware of false friends whose falsehood he never so much as

suspected? Is it any wonder that Marguerite in this sore emergency

turned to Suffolk, her first friend, a man almost old enough to be her

grandfather, with a wise head and a tender heart, and thoroughly

desirous to do his duty? Poor, innocent girl! she paid dearly for it.

One word of cruel, contemptuous surmise dropped from the lips of a young

nobleman,--who very possibly had wished the fair young Queen to make him

her chief adviser--and all over the land, as with wings, the wicked

falsehood sped, till there was no possibility of undoing the evil, and

Marguerite woke up in horror to find her name defamed, and her innocent

friendship with Suffolk believed to be criminal. She did not discover

for some time who was the author of this cruel slander: but when she

did, she never forgave Warwick.

There is not the shadow of probability that it was true. Suffolk was

about fifty years of age[#] when Marguerite was married, and he had been

for nearly fifteen years the husband of one of the loveliest women in

England, to whom he was passionately attached. His character is shown

further by the farewell letter written to his son,[#] one of the most

touching and pious farewell letters ever penned by man.

[#] He was born at Cotton, in Suffolk, and baptized in that church on

"The Feast of St. Michael in Monte Tumba" [Oct. 16] 1396. (_Prob.

AEtatit Willielmi Ducis Suffolk_, 5 H. V. 63.)

[#] Published among the Paston Letters.

But now another and a more serious complication was added to those

already existing. The dispossessed heir of the elder branch, Richard

Duke of York, had much to forgive the House of Lancaster. He had the

memory of a murdered father and a long-imprisoned mother ever fresh

before him. His claim was only through the female line, as the son of a

daughter of the son of a daughter of Lionel Duke of Clarence, the second

son of Edward III. who attained manhood, and who had predeceased his

father. In respect of the male line, he was descended from a younger

brother[#] of the grandfather of Henry VI. It was therefore only as the

representative of Duke Lionel that he could put forward any claim at

all. But Richard was not good at forgiving. And when, as if for the

purpose of further entangling matters, and suggesting to Richard the

very idea which he afterwards carried into action, Henry VI. was seized

with an attack of that temporary insanity which he inherited from his

maternal grandfather, Richard, as his next male relative, was placed in

the position of Regent: a state of things so entirely suited to his

wishes that when, the King having recovered, he was summoned to resign

his charge, Richard coolly expressed his perfect satisfaction with the

position of governor, and his intention to remain such, since he

considered himself to be, as heir general of Duke Lionel, much more

rightfully King of England than the cousin who had displaced him.

[#] Edmund Duke of York.

The first sensation of Henry VI., on hearing this calm assertion of

Richard, was simply one of unbounded amazement.

"My grandfather," said he, "held the crown for twelve years, and my

father for ten, and I have held it for twenty-three: and all that time

you and your fathers have kept silence, and not one word of this have I

ever heard before. What mean you, fair cousin, to prefer such a claim

against the Lord's Anointed?"

It was not quite the fact that Richard's fathers had kept absolute

silence, since his uncle, Edmund Earl of March, had been put forward as

a claimant for the throne, just fifty years before:[#] but in all

probability the King was entirely justified in stating that the idea was

new to him. It is not likely that those about him from infancy would

have allowed him to become familiar with it, since his delicate sense of

right and justice was--in their eyes--the most tiresome thing about him.

But the question was not in his hands for decision. Had it been so, no

man would ever have heard of the Wars of the Roses. King Henry "had no

sense of honour," which probably means that ambition, self-seeking, and

aggressiveness were feelings utterly unknown to him. "Yea, let him take

all," would have been the language of his lips and heart, so long as he

had left to him a quiet home in some green nook of England, the wife and

child whom he dearly loved, a few books, and peace. At times God's

providence decrees peace as the lot of such men. At other rimes it

seems to be the one thing with which they must not be trusted. They are

tossed perpetually on the waves of this troublesome world, "emptied from

vessel to vessel," never suffered to rest. This last was the destiny of

Henry VI. For him, it was the way home to the Land of Peace, where

there is no more death, neither sorrow, nor crying. For four hundred

years his spirit has dwelt in the eternal peace of Paradise; God has

comforted him for ever.

[#] A full account of this transaction will be found in "The White Rose

of Langley."

It was an unfortunate thing for Richard of York that he had married a

woman who acted toward his ambitious aspirations not as a bridle, but as

a spur. Cicely Neville, surnamed from her great beauty The Rose of Raby,

was a woman who, like two of her descendants, would have "died to-morrow

to be a queen to-day," and would have preferred "to eat dry bread at a

king's table, rather than feast at the board of an elector."[#] Of all

members of the royal family of England, this lady is to my knowledge the

only one who ever styled herself in her own charters "the right high and

right excellent Princesse." The Rose of Raby was not the only title

given her. To the vulgar in the neighbourhood where her youth was spent

she was also known as Proud Cis. And every act of her life tends to

show the truth of the title.

[#] The words first quoted were spoken by Anne Princess of Orange,

eldest daughter of George II.; the latter by Elizabeth Queen of Bohemia,

eldest daughter of James I.

It was at the battle of St. Albans--the first fought between the rival

Roses--that Dorathie's grandfather had been killed; the husband of the

stately old lady who remained head of the household at Lovell Tower.

His barony descended to his only daughter Margery, who, after a good

deal of hesitation among rival suitors who greatly admired her title and

fortune, had gradually awoke to the discovery that she liked nobody

quite so well as her old friend John Marston, though he was nearly twice

her age, and a widower with three children. So on him, with the full

consent of her mother, she bestowed hand and heart, title and fortune;

the former being in his eyes, alone of all her lovers, more valuable

than the latter. In her right he became Lord Marnell of Lymington, for

until a comparatively recent period the title of a peeress in her own

right was held to become the property of her husband as absolutely as

her goods, and was conferred by courtesy, as a matter of necessity, upon

any second wife whom he might marry. Two more children--Dorathie and

Ralph--were added to the family: but only the former now survived. It

will thus be seen that Frideswide and Agnes were half-sisters of

Dorathie. The other member of the family not yet introduced was Walter,

the eldest son. He was at present a young squire in the household of

Queen Marguerite.

Every soul at Lovell Tower was passionately Lancastrian. To them Henry

VI. was The King, and Edward IV. was "the rebel." In the house of the

next knight, half a mile away, the conditions were reversed: and the two

families, who had been old and firm friends, now passed each other on

the road with no notice whatever. Very painful was this state of things

to the Lady Idonia, the only sister of four brothers thus placed at

variance. Her two younger brothers, Maurice and William, were still on

good terms with her, for they were Lancastrians like herself. But the

Carew family was one of those which the political earthquake had

shattered, and Hugh and Thomas were determined Yorkists. It was the

sadder--or should have been,--since the younger Lady Marnell had been

educated under the roof of her Uncle Hugh, during the prolonged

residence of her parents at the Court of Scotland. Fortunately or

unfortunately, Uncle Hugh and Aunt Mabel had contrived to impress

themselves on the mind of young Margery in no other character than that

of live barricades against the accomplishment of all her wishes. To be

otherwise than on speaking terms with them, therefore, was a much

smaller calamity to Margery than to her mother. The Lady Idonia used to

sigh heavily when their names were mentioned. Yet to keep up the

friendship would have been no easy matter. Hugh Carew was granite where

his convictions were concerned; and not content with following them

himself, he insisted on imposing them on every body who came near him.

It would have been in his eyes a matter of principle not to allow his

sister or his niece to speak of "the King" or "the rebel," without

letting them see that he wilfully misunderstood the allusion. Idonia

merely sighed ever this piece of perversity, while yet their intercourse

remained unbroken: but Margery was apt to flare up and make an open

breach of the peace. It certainly was trying, when she spoke of the

King (meaning Henry VI.) as in Scotland, to be reminded in a cold,

precise tone, slightly astonished, that she had unaccountably forgotten

that His Highness was at Westminster. It is not therefore to be

wondered at, if Margery felt the open hostility rather a relief than a

burden, while her mother grieved over it in secret.

"'Tis strange gear," the Lady Idonia would sometimes say, "that men

cannot think alike."

"Nay, fair Sister, why should they so?" was her brother William's

answer. "This were tame world if no man saw by his own eyes, but all

after a pattern."

"That were well, Ida," replied the graver Maurice, "could all men see

through God's eyes."

"Aye, and who shall dare say how He looketh on these matters?" rejoined

William.

"Know we not that?" said Maurice. "'The righteous Lord delighteth in

righteousness; His countenance beholdeth equity.'"[#]

[#] Psalm xi. 8.

"On which side is the equity?" asked his brother with a shrug of his

shoulders. "Somewhat scant on both, as methinks. My Lords of Warwick

and Somerset are scarce they which, before giving battle, should look

through a speculation glass[#] to find the righteousness of the matter."

[#] Magnifier.

"Perhaps it were hardly so small as to need the same," was Maurice's dry

answer.

"Nay, fair Uncle William, but I cry you mercy!" broke in Margery. "It

seems me you be but half-hearted toward our good King. Surely his, and

none other, is the cause of right and justice."

"Gramercy, Madge! I am well assured I never said they lay with that

rebel," returned her uncle, laughing.

"Methinks," said Maurice quietly, "that King David was the wisest, which

committed his cause unto God. Never, truly, had king so clear and

perfect title as he. But we find not that he laid siege to King Saul,

in order to come by it the sooner."

"Dear heart! prithee go tell that to the Queen," said William, still

laughing. "Such reasoning were right after the King's heart."

"The Queen fights not for herself," responded Maurice. "It is easier to

trust our own lot in God's hands, than the lot of them we love most. But

mind ye not, Will and Ida, what our Philip were wont to say--'They that

God keepeth be the best kept'?"

William made no reply. He was silenced by the allusion to the dead

brother, on whom the Carews looked much as those around them did upon

the saints.

The interval between the battles of St. Albans and Wakefield--five years

and a half--had changed most of the _dramatis personae_, but had not in

any degree altered the sanguinary character of the struggle. Richard

Duke of York was gone--killed at Wakefield: Suffolk was gone, a victim

to popular fury. King Henry and Queen Marguerite were still the

prominent figures on the Lancastrian side, joined now by their son

Prince Edward. On the York side were the three sons of Duke

Richard,--Edward, George, and Richard, whose ages when the story opens

were twenty-eight, nineteen, and seventeen. Which of these three young

men possessed the worst character it is difficult to judge, though that

evil eminence is popularly assigned to Richard. Edward was an

incorrigible libertine; not a bad organiser, nor devoid of personal

bravery, though it usually appeared by fits and starts. He could do a

generous action, but he was irremediably lazy, and far weaker in

character than either of his brothers. One redeeming point he had--his

personal love for his blood relations. But it was not pure love, for

much selfishness was mixed with it. Perhaps really the worst of the

three was George, for he was not merely an ingrained self-seeker, but

also false to the heart's core. No atom of trust could ever be placed

in him. The most solemn oath taken to-day was no guarantee whatever

against his breaking through every engagement to-morrow. The Dutchman's

maxim, "Every man for mineself," was the motto of George's life. Each

of the brothers spent his life in sowing seeds of misery, and in each

case the grain came to perfection: though most of the harvest of George

and Richard was reaped by themselves, while Edward's was left for his

innocent sons to gather.

It may reasonably be asked why Warwick is counted among the

Lancastrians, when to a great extent Edward owed his throne to him, and

he had been a consistent Yorkist for years. It is because, at the

period when the story opens, Warwick thought proper so to account

himself. King Henry, never able to see through a schemer or a traitor,

had complacently welcomed him back to his allegiance: Queen Marguerite,

who saw through him to the furthest inch, and held him in unmitigated

abhorrence, felt that he was necessary at this moment to her husband's

cause, and locking her own feelings hard within her, allowed it to be

supposed that she was able to trust him, and kept sharp watch over every

movement.

It has already been said that the decision for peace or war was not left

in the hands of King Henry. The woman who sat by his side on the throne

was no longer the timid, lonely dove of their early married life.

Marguerite of Anjou was now a woman of middle age, and a mother whose

very soul was wrapped around that bright-haired boy who alone shared her

heart with his father. Could she but have looked forward a few years,

and have seen that for that darling son war meant an early and bloody

end, she might have been more ready to acquiesce in King Henry's

preference for an obscure but peaceful life. What she saw was something

very different. How was she to know that the golden vision which rose

so radiantly before her entranced eyes was but a mirage of the desert,

and that the silver stream which seemed to spread so invitingly before

her would only mock her parched lips with burning sand?

The fatal choice was made for war, and the war had now been raging for

fourteen years. The wheel of Fortune had turned rapidly and

capriciously, but York had on the whole been uppermost. To the majority

of ordinary Englishmen who cared at least as much for peace and

prosperity as politics, "the King" had meant Edward IV. since 1461.

England at that weary hour cared more for rest than she cared to know

who gave it to her. Edward, on his part, had "indulged himself in ease

and pleasure"[#]--which was what he most valued--and might have

continued to do so if he had kept on good terms with Warwick. For let

Edward or Henry be termed the King, it was Warwick who "had all Englond

at his bedyng," and the man who offended this master of kings was not

likely to be king much longer. Edward had sent Warwick to France to

negotiate for his marriage to Bona of Savoy, the Queen's sister, and

while the envoy was away, the master fell into the toils of the fair

face and golden hair and sweet purring ways of the Lady Grey of Groby.

As Edward had passed his life on the easy principle of never denying

himself any thing, he acted consistently in marrying the lady.

Considering how few ever do so, he had probably not realised that this

easy principle is apt to turn in later life into the sharpest of

scourges. Warwick came home in a furious passion, and carried his

power, influence, and army instantly over to the side of Lancaster. No

man likes being made to "look small," and least of all could it be

brooked by a man of Warwick's character and position. Edward paid very

dearly for his golden-haired bride, and whether the purchase was worth

the amount it cost may be considered extremely doubtful. Elizabeth Grey

was not like Marguerite of Anjou, a far-seeing, self-less, large-hearted

woman. Her mental horizon was exceedingly minute. She was chiefly

concerned, like the creature she most resembled, to obtain the warmest

spot of the hearthrug for herself. Very delightful to stroke and pet

when all goes well, such quadrupeds--and such women--are capable of

becoming extremely uncomfortable companions in certain combinations of

circumstances.

[#] Comines.

Edward was not the only person who paid that heavy bill which he ran up

with so light a heart. Only one small instalment of it was discharged by

him. A heavier one was due from Queen Elizabeth, wrung out through long

years of anguish and desolation: another from their innocent boys,

discharged in their life's blood. The least amount, perhaps, was

exacted from the most undeserving sharer in the penalty--that young

Warwickshire girl who was Edward's real wife by canon law, and whose

strong love proved equal to the fiery ordeal of saving his honour and

ensuring what seemed his happiness at the cost of all her own. It cost

her life as well. Edward had the cruelty and baseness to call her into

court to deny their marriage. He knew her well enough to dare to do it.

And she came, calm and self-restrained, and perjured her soul because

she thought it would make him happier and save his good name. Hers was

of no moment. Then she passed out of sight, and the overstrained string

snapped, and nothing was left to vex the triumphant monarch. Only God

saw a nameless green grave in a country churchyard. And when He comes

to make inquisition for blood, when every thing that was hidden shall be

known, I think it will be found that He did not forget Elizabeth Lucy.

Yet Edward did not escape quite without reproach. One person endeavoured

to prevent this sin and shame, and it was a very unlikely person. The

voice of Proud Cis was the only one raised against it, and her

interference, futile though it was, is the best action of her life.

From the far north Edward received the passionate reproaches of his

mother for this dastardly action. They did not deter him from its

accomplishment: but let the fact be remembered to Cicely's honour.[#]

[#] Some writers have disputed, and more have ignored, these miserable

transactions. Surely the interference of Cicely, and the language of

Comines, who was a personal acquaintance of the royal family, may fairly

be held to prove the point.

Two months before the story begins, Warwick had taken advantage of some

quarrel between Edward and his brother George of Clarence to allure the

latter to the Lancastrian cause. He offered him an enormous bribe to

come over, being his elder daughter Isabel, with one half of her

mother's vast inheritance. It must not be forgotten that all Warwick's

titles were derived from females. He was Earl of Salisbury in

succession to his mother, and Earl of Warwick only by courtesy, in right

of his wife. His two daughters, Isabel and Anne, were his only

children, and the richest heiresses in the kingdom. They were both

extremely beautiful girls, but Isabel was considered the lovelier.

Clarence, who kept neither a heart nor a conscience, was ready to do any

thing, good, bad, or indifferent, which promised to promote his own

advancement in this world. He accepted Warwick's offer; and was now

therefore in arms against his brother, and a member of Warwick's

household at Middleham Castle, of which household Frideswide Marston was

about to form an item.

*CHAPTER II.*

*LILIES AMONG THE THORNS.*

"Thy soul was like a star, and dwelt apart."--WORDSWORTH.

"Aye, perchance that may serve. What cost it by the yard?"

_That_ was a piece of superb purple satin, which the tailor was holding

up for inspection, in the best way to catch the light.

"Five nobles, an' it please my Lady."

Five nobles amounted to one pound thirteen and fourpence, and was the

price of the very best quality. It is not easy to reduce it into modern

value, since authorities are disagreed on the multiple required. Some

would go as high as sixteen times the value, while others would reduce

it to five. Mv own opinion inclines to the highest number.

"And wherewith wouldst line it, good Whityngham?"

"With velvet, Madam?" suggested the tailor interrogatively.

"Aye. Let it be black."

"At your Ladyship's pleasure."

"And I will have the cloak well furred with Irish fox. Is my broched[#]

cloth of gold gown made ready?"

[#] Figured.

"Madam, it shall be meet for your Ladyship's wearing to-morrow."

"Well, see thou fail me not, for I would have it for our Lady Day in

harvest.--Well, Avice Hilton, what wouldst?"

Avice Hilton, who was a young lady of about eighteen years, had been

waiting the pleasure of her mistress for some minutes.

"An't like you, Madam, your new chamberer that shall be, is now come."

"The Lord Marnell his daughter?"

"She, Madam."

"Hath she eaten aught?"

"Aye, Madam, in the hall."

"Good. Bring her hither."

Frideswide Marston was not a timid or nervous girl by any means, but her

heart beat somewhat faster as Avice Hilton introduced her to the

presence of the Countess of Warwick, the woman who had more of the

reality of queenship than either of those ladies whom the partisans of

the rival Roses termed the Queen.

She saw a pleasant upper chamber, about twenty feet square, whose

windows looked over the beautiful vale of Wensleydale. It was hung with

tapestry on which scenes from the Quest of the Sangraal were delineated.

At the lower end three young ladies were busily at work of various

kinds: on the dais, or raised step at the further end, nearest the

windows, stood the tailor with his roll of satin over his arm, and two

ladies were seated, the elder in a chair of carved wood, the younger in

a more elaborate one inlaid with ivory. In those days people did not

take the seat they found most comfortable, but were carefully restricted

to a certain fashion of chair, according to delicate gradations of rank.

Frideswide, being a well-educated young person, as education went in the

fifteenth century, had no difficulty in perceiving that she was in the

presence of the Countess of Warwick and her daughter, the bride of the

royal Clarence.

The Countess of Warwick was a rather slightly-made woman, but tall, with

a long pale face, haggard features bearing traces of great former

beauty, and a particularly prominent pair of blue eyes.[#] As is often

the case with persons who exhibit the last-named feature, she was at no

loss for language. She was the daughter, and now the only surviving

child, of that Earl of Warwick who had held a conspicuous place in the

burning of the Maid of Orleans, and of Isabel, heiress of Le Despenser.

All the old prestige and associations of the House of Warwick centred in

her, not her husband. How far her influence over him may have been for

good or evil, is not an easy question. What evidence there is, is

mostly negative, and tends to show that the Countess Anne exercised but

little influence of any kind, and was of a type likely to be more

concerned about the burning of the marchpane in her own oven, than about

the burning of a city at some distance. If this be so, she is much to

be pitied: for of the seed of future misery which Warwick sowed, the

heaviest portion of the harvest was reaped by her and by the best and

dearest of her daughters.

[#] All the members of the Warwick family, and also those of the royal

family, are described so far as is practicable from contemporary

portraits.

The young Duchess of Clarence, who was in her nineteenth year, was a

woman cast in another mould. She resembled her father in character, and

her mother in features: but she was more beautiful than the Countess had

ever been, and was accounted "the finest young lady in England." She

was fair, with blue eyes and shining light hair, over which she wore the

new head-dress, which consisted of a most elaborate erection of

wire-work, surmounted by a veil of transparent gauze, so that the hair,

for many years concealed, was left fully visible.

Head-dresses were now, and for a long time had been, the most important

portion of the female costume. The variety was nearly as astounding as

the size. Hearts, horns, crowns, and steeples, were all represented:

and a full-dressed lady, in all her paraphernalia, was a formidable

object both as to cost and dimensions.

Frideswide found herself put through a lively fire of interrogatories by

the Countess, who might have been projecting the writing of memoirs of

the whole Marnell family, to judge from the minute and numerous details

into which she descended. The Duchess sat generally a silent listener,

but occasionally interjected a query. At last the Countess looked

across the room, and summoned Avice.

"There, take the new maid to you, and show her what shall be her duty,"

said she. "See that she wants for nought, and say to Bonham 'tis my

desire she be set a-work."

Frideswide followed Avice to the further end of the room, where she was

introduced to her remaining fellow-chamberers as Theobalda Salvin and

Eleanor Farley. Beyond them, and hitherto concealed by a chair, she

suddenly perceived a fourth person, in the shape of a little old lady,

so very little as to be almost a dwarf, with the cheeriest and brightest

of faces.

"Mother Bonham," said Avice, "'tis my Lady's good pleasure you set

Mistress Frideswide a-work."

"Well, my lass, there's no pleasure in idlesse," was the answer. "See

you here, my maid: would you rather a white seam, or some matter of

broidery?"

Frideswide, whose tastes inclined her rather to the useful than the

ornamental, chose the plain work, and sitting down among the chamberers,

was soon as busy as any of them.

Mother Bonham was the most important person at Middleham Castle, in the

sense that without her every thing would have gone furthest wrong. She

was "mother," or official chaperone, to the chamberers, which accounted

for the title bestowed on her; she was general housekeeper to the

Countess; she had been nurse and governess to the young ladies; and she

was adviser in general to all the younger inmates of the house. She was

as great a hand at proverbs as Sancho Panza himself: she mixed

marvellous puddings and concocted unimaginable cakes; she drew patterns

for embroidery, told stories of all kinds, nursed every body who was ill

(which often included prescribing for them), praised every body who did

well, smiled on, at, and through every thing that happened to her. Only

one thing there was, as Eleanor confided to Frideswide, which Mother

Bonham could not do. She was totally incapable of scolding! The most

severe thing she ever said was a solemn proverb, prefaced by both

Christian and surname of the offender. The use of both names instantly

informed a chamberer that she had fallen under Mother Bonham's grave

displeasure. But so dearly loved was the little old lady that except in

strong emergencies, this was quite enough to recall the person addressed

to a sense of her delinquencies.

Frideswide was rather amused to find that she had again to run the

gauntlet of inquiries concerning her antecedents from the chamberers.

She certainly had never talked so much about herself and her relatives,

as she did that first afternoon of her stay at Middleham Castle. The

fire of interrogations had slightly slackened, when a door opened in the

wall behind the tapestry, and pushing aside the latter, a girl of

fifteen came forward and sat down by Mother Bonham, who moved some

embroidery from a carved chair to make room for her. The chair taken,

and the style of her dress, sufficiently pointed her out as one of the

Earl's daughters.

Though strongly resembling her mother and sister in colour and features,

the expression of her face was entirely different from either. The

piquancy of the elder sister was wholly absent in the younger, and was

replaced by a mixture of gentleness and dignity. Very queenly she

was--not in the false sense of pride, of which there was none about her:

but in the true sense of that innate kingliness of soul which can

tolerate nothing evil, and can stoop to nothing mean. A lily among

thorns was sweet Anne Neville. And the thorns sprang up, and choked it.

She stood now just

"Where the brook and river meet,

Womanhood and childhood fleet"--

but in the path to be pursued a turn as yet hid the river from view, and

she who was so soon to be borne down it could see nothing of the roaring

cascade and the black pool beneath, where the young life was to be

crushed out, and the fair soul to be set free. As Frideswide glanced at

her, where she sat with her head slightly bent over the broidery, and a

sunbeam lighting up her shining hair, she thought no face so attractive

had ever yet crossed her path in life.

"Tib, draw thou the curtain across," said Mother Bonham. "The sun

cometh too hot on my Lady Anne, I reckon."

Theobalda obeyed in silence, while Lady Anne looked up and smiled

thanks.

"Tib is the best to do it," remarked Eleanor, laughing a little, "for

she is highest of all us. I do believe she should mete to twice of you,

Mother."

"'Good stuff's lapped up in little parcels,' Nell," was Mother Bonham's

good-tempered answer.

Conversation flagged after this. Perhaps work went on the better for

it. Supper was announced in an hour, which was served in the hall,

Frideswide, as the newest arrival, being seated last of the chamberers,

and next to the Earl's squires. She found her neighbour decidedly

communicative. From him she learned that the Countess was not ill to

please, which was more than could be said for my Lady of Clarence; but

my Lady Anne was the sweetest maid in the world. As to my Lord,--with a

little shrug of the squire's shoulders--why, he was in his element in

the midst of a battle, and not anywhere else. Rather just a little

queer-tempered--you had to find out in a morning whether he had got out

of bed on the right side or the wrong. In the former case, he could be

very pleasant indeed: but in the latter--well, least said was soonest

mended.

Frideswide looked up at the potent nobleman thus described to her. She

saw a man of moderate height and breadth, with strong features, a florid

complexion, rather dark hair and eyes, and a very quick, lively,

intelligent expression. His limbs were well-knit and in good

proportion, giving the idea of great muscular strength. It may be

added, though Frideswide of course could only learn this by degrees,

that Warwick was an extremely clever man, with that sort of serpentine

cleverness which regards any means as sanctified by the end proposed;

full of physical courage, but looking upon tenderness and compassion as

contemptible weaknesses only fit for a woman, and indicative of the

consummate inferiority of her sex. He was one of those men in whose

eyes a good woman is simply a woman who has hitherto found no

opportunity of being otherwise. When the opportunity comes in her way,

she must be expected to take advantage of it, as a matter of course.

Clear-sighted as Warwick was in some matters, he was strangely obtuse in

others.

A good deal of further information Frideswide heard from her next

neighbour, who told her that his name was John Wright.[#] He informed

her that the King (by whom he meant Henry VI.) was in the Tower of

London, a prisoner in the hands of "Edward that rebel," who was not

permitted by zealous Lancastrians to enjoy even his ancestral title of

Duke of York. The Queen was abroad, seeking fresh help, and intending

to take the first good opportunity afterwards to land in England. The

Prince of Wales was with her.

[#] Name historical, character imaginary.

As for "that rebel," he of course was enjoying himself to the utmost,

residing in the palaces and squandering the finances which did not

belong to him: and as for "that witch his wife," Mr. Wright was ready to

believe anything of her--by which of course he meant, anything the

reverse of complimentary.

That Edward was squandering money, whether it were his own or not, was

only too true. Never lived man in whose hands money melted in a more

instantaneous manner. During that very summer, he had spent on dress

materials and "other necessaries" upwards of twelve hundred pounds, and

on jewellery and goldsmiths' work L744, inclusive of a gold collar which

cost L34.[#] Nor as we shall presently see, had his extravagance

reached its highest point. No King of England ever spent like him. The

degree to which he surpassed all his predecessors in this point was an

enormous one. By most contemporary chroniclers, Richard II. is accused

of having been a shocking waster of money:[#] but the Issue Rolls of

Richard II. reveal a state of things which is economy itself when

compared with those of Edward IV. Moreover, Richard's extravagance,

such as it was, was mainly in presents to other persons: but what Edward

spent was on his beloved self. This was the more noticeable, as Henry

VI. had not been at all given to spending money; and Queen Marguerite,

while lavish enough in her charities, was singularly frugal in respect

of her wardrobe. As for Edward's Queen, her lord and master, as his

Issue Rolls bear witness, took care she had not much to spend. May not

this exhaustion of the royal treasury under the brothers of York,

account to some extent for the parsimony of which Henry VII. is accused?

[#] Issue Roll, Michis. 9 Edw. IV.

[#] A supposition not at all borne out by his Issue Rolls.

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