CHAPTER XII.

The Queen did not sufficiently conceal the dissatisfaction she felt at

having been unable to prevent the appointment of M. de Calonne; she even

one day went so far as to say at the Duchess’s, in the midst of the

partisans and protectors of that minister, that the finances of France

passed alternately from the hands of an honest man without talent into

those of a skilful knave. M. de Calonne was thus far from acting in

concert with the Queen all the time that he continued in office; and,

while dull verses were circulated about Paris describing the Queen and her

favourite dipping at pleasure into the coffers of the comptroller-general,

the Queen was avoiding all communication with him.

During the long and severe winter of 1783-84 the King gave three millions

of livres for the relief of the indigent. M. de Calonne, who felt the

necessity of making advances to the Queen, caught at this opportunity of

showing her respect and devotion. He offered to place in her hands one

million of the three, to be distributed in her name and under her

direction. His proposal was rejected; the Queen answered that the charity

ought to be wholly distributed in the King’s name, and that she would this

year debar herself of even the slightest enjoyments, in order to

contribute all her savings to the relief of the unfortunate.

The moment M. de Calonne left the closet the Queen sent for me:

“Congratulate me, my dear,” said she; “I have just escaped a snare, or at

least a matter which eventually might have caused me much regret.” She

related the conversation which had taken place word for word to me,

adding, “That man will complete the ruin of the national finances. It is

said that I placed him in his situation. The people are made to believe

that I am extravagant; yet I have refused to suffer a sum of money from

the royal treasury, although destined for the most laudable purpose, even

to pass through my hands.”

The Queen, making monthly retrenchments from the expenditure of her privy

purse, and not having spent the gifts customary at the period of her

confinement, was in possession of from five to six hundred thousand

francs, her own savings. She made use of from two to three hundred

thousand francs of this, which her first women sent to M. Lenoir, to the

cures of Paris and Versailles, and to the Soeurs Hospitalieres, and so

distributed them among families in need.

Desirous to implant in the breast of her daughter not only a desire to

succour the unfortunate, but those qualities necessary for the due

discharge of that duty, the Queen incessantly talked to her, though she

was yet very young, about the sufferings of the poor during a season so

inclement. The Princess already had a sum of from eight to ten thousand

francs for charitable purposes, and the Queen made her distribute part of

it herself.

Wishing to give her children yet another lesson of beneficence, she

desired me on New Year’s eve to get from Paris, as in other years, all the

fashionable playthings, and have them spread out in her closet. Then

taking her children by the hand, she showed them all the dolls and

mechanical toys which were ranged there, and told them that she had

intended to give them some handsome New Year’s gifts, but that the cold

made the poor so wretched that all her money was spent in blankets and

clothes to protect them from the rigour of the season, and in supplying

them with bread; so that this year they would only have the pleasure of

looking at the new playthings. When she returned with her children into

her sitting-room, she said there was still an unavoidable expense to be

incurred; that assuredly many mothers would at that season think as she

did,--that the toyman must lose by it; and therefore she gave him fifty

Louis to repay him for the cost of his journey, and console him for having

sold nothing.

The purchase of St. Cloud, a matter very simple in itself, had, on account

of the prevailing spirit, unfavourable consequences to the Queen.

The palace of Versailles, pulled to pieces in the interior by a variety of

new arrangements, and mutilated in point of uniformity by the removal of

the ambassadors’ staircase, and of the peristyle of columns placed at the

end of the marble court, was equally in want of substantial and ornamental

repair. The King therefore desired M. Micque to lay before him several

plans for the repairs of the palace. He consulted me on certain

arrangements analogous to some of those adopted in the Queen’s

establishment, and in my presence asked M. Micque how much money would be

wanted for the execution of the whole work, and how many years he would be

in completing it. I forget how many millions were mentioned: M. Micque

replied that six years would be sufficient time if the Treasury made the

necessary periodical advances without any delay. “And how many years

shall you require,” said the King, “if the advances are not punctually

made?”--“Ten, Sire,” replied the architect. “We must then reckon upon ten

years,” said his Majesty, “and put off this great undertaking until the

year 1790; it will occupy the rest of the century.”

The King afterwards talked of the depreciation of property which took

place at Versailles whilst the Regent removed the Court of Louis XV. to

the Tuileries, and said that he must consider how to prevent that

inconvenience; it was the desire to do this that promoted the purchase of

St. Cloud. The Queen first thought of it one day when she was riding out

with the Duchesse de Polignac and the Comtesse Diane; she mentioned it to

the King, who was much pleased with the thought,--the purchase confirming

him in the intention, which he had entertained for ten years, of quitting

Versailles.

The King determined that the ministers, public officers, pages, and a

considerable part of his stabling should remain at Versailles. Messieurs

de Breteuil and de Calonne were instructed to treat with the Duc d’Orleans

for the purchase of St. Cloud; at first they hoped to be able to conclude

the business by a mere exchange. The value of the Chateau de Choisy, de

la Muette, and a forest was equivalent to the sum demanded by the House of

Orleans; and in the exchange which the Queen expected she only saw a

saving to be made instead of an increase of expense. By this arrangement

the government of Choisy, in the hands of the Duc de Coigny, and that of

La Muette, in the hands of the Marechal de Soubise, would be suppressed.

At the same time the two concierges, and all the servants employed in

these two royal houses, would be reduced; but while the treaty was going

forward Messieurs de Breteuil and de Calonne gave up the point of

exchange, and some millions in cash were substituted for Choisy and La

Muette.

The Queen advised the King to give her St. Cloud, as a means of avoiding

the establishment of a governor; her plan being to have merely a concierge

there, by which means the governor’s expenses would be saved. The King

agreed, and St. Cloud was purchased for the Queen. She provided the same

liveries for the porters at the gates and servants at the chateau as for

those at Trianon. The concierge at the latter place had put up some

regulations for the household, headed, “By order of the Queen.” The same

thing was done at St. Cloud. The Queen’s livery at the door of a palace

where it was expected none but that of the King would be seen, and the

words “By order of the Queen” at the head of the printed papers pasted

near the iron gates, caused a great sensation, and produced a very

unfortunate effect, not only among the common people, but also among

persons of a superior class. They saw in it an attack upon the customs of

monarchy, and customs are nearly equal to laws. The Queen heard of this,

but she thought that her dignity would be compromised if she made any

change in the form of these regulations, though they might have been

altogether superseded without inconvenience. “My name is not out of

place,” said she, “in gardens belonging to myself; I may give orders there

without infringing on the rights of the State.” This was her only answer

to the representations which a few faithful servants ventured to make on

the subject. The discontent of the Parisians on this occasion probably

induced M. d’Espremenil, upon the first troubles about the Parliament, to

say that it was impolitic and immoral to see palaces belonging to a Queen

of France.

[The Queen never forgot this affront of M. d’Espremenil’s; she said that

as it was offered at a time when social order had not yet been disturbed,

she had felt the severest mortification at it. Shortly before the

downfall of the throne M. Espremenil, having openly espoused the King’s

side, was insulted in the gardens of the Tuileries by the Jacobins, and so

ill-treated that he was carried home very ill. Somebody recommended the

Queen, on account of the royalist principles he then professed, to send

and inquire for him. She replied that she was truly grieved at what had

happened to M. d’Espremenil, but that mere policy should never induce her

to show any particular solicitude about the man who had been the first to

make so insulting an attack upon her character.--MADAME CAMPAN]

The Queen was very much dissatisfied with the manner in which M. de

Calonne had managed this matter. The Abbe de Vermond, the most active and

persevering of that minister’s enemies, saw with delight that the

expedients of those from whom alone new resources might be expected were

gradually becoming exhausted, because the period when the Archbishop of

Toulouse would be placed over the finances was thereby hastened.

The royal navy had resumed an imposing attitude during the war for the

independence of America; glorious peace with England had compensated for

the former attacks of our enemies upon the fame of France; and the throne

was surrounded by numerous heirs. The sole ground of uneasiness was in

the finances, but that uneasiness related only to the manner in which they

were administered. In a word, France felt confident in its own strength

and resources, when two events, which seem scarcely worthy of a place in

history, but which have, nevertheless, an important one in that of the

French Revolution, introduced a spirit of ridicule and contempt, not only

against the highest ranks, but even against the most august personages. I

allude to a comedy and a great swindling transaction.

Beaumarchais had long possessed a reputation in certain circles in Paris

for his wit and musical talents, and at the theatres for dramas more or

less indifferent, when his “Barbier de Seville” procured him a higher

position among dramatic writers. His “Memoirs” against M. Goesman had

amused Paris by the ridicule they threw upon a Parliament which was

disliked; and his admission to an intimacy with M. de Maurepas procured

him a degree of influence over important affairs. He then became

ambitious of influencing public opinion by a kind of drama, in which

established manners and customs should be held up to popular derision and

the ridicule of the new philosophers. After several years of prosperity

the minds of the French had become more generally critical; and when

Beaumarchais had finished his monstrous but diverting “Mariage de Figaro,”

all people of any consequence were eager for the gratification of hearing

it read, the censors having decided that it should not be performed.

These readings of “Figaro” grew so numerous that people were daily heard

to say, “I have been (or I am going to be) at the reading of

Beaumarchais’s play.” The desire to see it performed became universal; an

expression that he had the art to use compelled, as it were, the

approbation of the nobility, or of persons in power, who aimed at ranking

among the magnanimous; he made his “Figaro” say that “none but little

minds dreaded little books.” The Baron de Breteuil, and all the men of

Madame de Polignac’s circle, entered the lists as the warmest protectors

of the comedy. Solicitations to the King became so pressing that his

Majesty determined to judge for himself of a work which so much engrossed

public attention, and desired me to ask M. Le Noir, lieutenant of police,

for the manuscript of the “Mariage de Figaro.” One morning I received a

note from the Queen ordering me to be with her at three o’clock, and not

to come without having dined, for she should detain me some time. When I

got to the Queen’s inner closet I found her alone with the King; a chair

and a small table were ready placed opposite to them, and upon the table

lay an enormous manuscript in several books. The King said to me, “There

is Beaumarchais’s comedy; you must read it to us. You will find several

parts troublesome on account of the erasures and references. I have

already run it over, but I wish the Queen to be acquainted with the work.

You will not mention this reading to any one.”

I began. The King frequently interrupted me by praise or censure, which

was always just. He frequently exclaimed, “That’s in bad taste; this man

continually brings the Italian concetti on the stage.” At that soliloquy

of Figaro in which he attacks various points of government, and especially

at the tirade against State prisons, the King rose up and said,

indignantly:

“That’s detestable; that shall never be played; the Bastille must be

destroyed before the license to act this play can be any other than an act

of the most dangerous inconsistency. This man scoffs at everything that

should be respected in a government.”

“It will not be played, then?” said the Queen.

“No, certainly,” replied Louis XVI.; “you may rely upon that.”

Still it was constantly reported that “Figaro” was about to be performed;

there were even wagers laid upon the subject; I never should have laid any

myself, fancying that I was better informed as to the probability than

anybody else; if I had, however, I should have been completely deceived.

The protectors of Beaumarchais, feeling certain that they would succeed in

their scheme of making his work public in spite of the King’s prohibition,

distributed the parts in the “Mariage de Figaro” among the actors of the

Theatre Francais. Beaumarchais had made them enter into the spirit of his

characters, and they determined to enjoy at least one performance of this

so-called chef d’oeuvre. The first gentlemen of the chamber agreed that

M. de la Ferte should lend the theatre of the Hotel des Menus Plaisirs, at

Paris, which was used for rehearsals of the opera; tickets were

distributed to a vast number of leaders of society, and the day for the

performance was fixed. The King heard of all this only on the very

morning, and signed a ‘lettre de cachet,’--[A ‘lettre de cachet’ was any

written order proceeding from the King. The term was not confined merely

to orders for arrest.]--which prohibited the performance. When the

messenger who brought the order arrived, he found a part of the theatre

already filled with spectators, and the streets leading to the Hotel des

Menus Plaisirs filled with carriages; the piece was not performed. This

prohibition of the King’s was looked upon as an attack on public liberty.

The disappointment produced such discontent that the words oppression and

tyranny were uttered with no less passion and bitterness at that time than

during the days which immediately preceded the downfall of the throne.

Beaumarchais was so far put off his guard by rage as to exclaim, “Well,

gentlemen, he won’t suffer it to be played here; but I swear it shall be

played,--perhaps in the very choir of Notre-Dame!” There was something

prophetic in these words. It was generally insinuated shortly afterwards

that Beaumarchais had determined to suppress all those parts of his work

which could be obnoxious to the Government; and on pretence of judging of

the sacrifices made by the author, M. de Vaudreuil obtained permission to

have this far-famed “Mariage de Figaro” performed at his country house.

M. Campan was asked there; he had frequently heard the work read, and did

not now find the alterations that had been announced; this he observed to

several persons belonging to the Court, who maintained that the author had

made all the sacrifices required. M. Campan was so astonished at these

persistent assertions of an obvious falsehood that he replied by a

quotation from Beaumarchais himself, and assuming the tone of Basilio in

the “Barbier de Seville,” he said, “Faith, gentlemen, I don’t know who is

deceived here; everybody is in the secret.” They then came to the point,

and begged him to tell the Queen positively that all which had been

pronounced reprehensible in M. de Beaumarchais’s play had been cut out.

My father-in-law contented himself with replying that his situation at

Court would not allow of his giving an opinion unless the Queen should

first speak of the piece to him. The Queen said nothing to him about the

matter. Shortly, afterwards permission to perform this play was at length

obtained. The Queen thought the people of Paris would be finely tricked

when they saw merely an ill-conceived piece, devoid of interest, as it

must appear when deprived of its Satire.

[“The King,” says Grimm, “made sure that the public would judge

unfavourably of the work.” He said to the Marquis de Montesquiou, who was

going to see the first representation, ‘Well, what do you augur of its

success?’--‘Sire, I hope the piece will fail.’--‘And so do I,’ replied the

King.

“There is something still more ridiculous than my piece,” said

Beaumarchais himself; “that is, its success.” Mademoiselle Arnould

foresaw it the first day, and exclaimed, “It is a production that will

fail fifty nights successively.” There was as crowded an audience on the

seventy-second night as on the first. The following is extracted from

Grimm’s ‘Correspondence.’

“Answer of M. de Beaumarchais to -----, who requested the use of his

private box for some ladies desirous of seeing ‘Figaro’ without being

themselves seen.

“I have no respect for women who indulge themselves in seeing any play

which they think indecorous, provided they can do so in secret. I lend

myself to no such acts. I have given my piece to the public, to amuse,

and not to instruct, not to give any compounding prudes the pleasure of

going to admire it in a private box, and balancing their account with

conscience by censuring it in company. To indulge in the pleasure of vice

and assume the credit of virtue is the hypocrisy of the age. My piece is

not of a doubtful nature; it must be patronised in good earnest, or

avoided altogether; therefore, with all respect to you, I shall keep my

box.” This letter was circulated all over Paris for a week.]

Under the persuasion that there was not a passage left capable of

malicious or dangerous application, Monsieur attended the first

performance in a public box. The mad enthusiasm of the public in favour

of the piece and Monsieur’s just displeasure are well known. The author

was sent to prison soon afterwards, though his work was extolled to the

skies, and though the Court durst not suspend its performance.

The Queen testified her displeasure against all who had assisted the

author of the “Mariage de Figaro” to deceive the King into giving his

consent that it should be represented. Her reproaches were more

particularly directed against M. de Vaudreuil for having had it performed

at his house. The violent and domineering disposition of her favourite’s

friend at last became disagreeable to her.

One evening, on the Queen’s return from the Duchess’s, she desired her

‘valet de chambre’ to bring her billiard cue into her closet, and ordered

me to open the box that contained it. I took out the cue, broken in two.

It was of ivory, and formed of one single elephant’s tooth; the butt was

of gold and very tastefully wrought. “There,” said she, “that is the way

M. de Vaudreuil has treated a thing I valued highly. I had laid it upon

the couch while I was talking to the Duchess in the salon; he had the

assurance to make use of it, and in a fit of passion about a blocked ball,

he struck the cue so violently against the table that he broke it in two.

The noise brought me back into the billiard-room; I did not say a word to

him, but my looks showed him how angry I was. He is the more provoked at

the accident, as he aspires to the post of Governor to the Dauphin. I

never thought of him for the place. It is quite enough to have consulted

my heart only in the choice of a governess; and I will not suffer that of

a Governor to the Dauphin to be at all affected by the influence of my

friends. I should be responsible for it to the nation. The poor man does

not know that my determination is taken; for I have never expressed it to

the Duchess. Therefore, judge of the sort of an evening he must have

passed!”

Memoirs of the Court of Marie Antoinette, Queen of France, Complete Being the Historic Memoirs of Madam Campan, First Lady in Waiting to the Queen · 第 12 / 17 章