THE FIRST STAGES OF THE RETREAT
The battle of Vinkovo put an abrupt end to any hopes which Napoleon may
yet have cherished as to a speedy conclusion of peace. It is fairly
obvious, however, that he had already made up his mind that Moscow
must be abandoned. On October 14th orders were reiterated to evacuate
the hospitals at Mozhaïsk and elsewhere by the 20th. Junot was also
directed to destroy arms which could not be carried away. Evers’ column
of reinforcement, which had already passed Viasma, was turned back to
that town; and other _régiments de marche_ were ordered to remain at,
or return to, Smolensk.
The condition of the army needs careful consideration. Montholon,
who may be regarded as speaking for his master, says that it was
strengthened and revivified by its long rest, that it had twenty days’
supply of food, that it was abundantly provided with ammunition.
It is to be observed that this categorical _apologia_ does not mention
the vitally important matters of discipline, clothing, and horses. Of
these something will presently be said. The points noted by Montholon
may be discussed one by one.
In the first place a distinction must be drawn between the troops in
and about Moscow and those belonging to Murat’s advance-guard.
Of the former, it may be said that they were, as regards the men, in
fair physical condition. Even here, however, a distinction must be
made. The Guards and the 1st Corps had been lying inactive for four
weeks. They had had the benefit of the best that Moscow could afford;
and certainly should have been in first-rate condition. But, on the
other hand, they had been living freely, upon food not always as
nourishing as attractive to rough men, and upon the wines and spirits
which abounded in the palaces and warehouses, and were probably hardly
prepared for new and terrible hardships. The 3rd and 4th Corps had been
generally encamped outside Moscow, had obtained little by pillage, and
had been uselessly fatigued and over-worked by constant foraging and
outpost work. Yet it is possible that these unpampered men were really
better prepared for what lay before them than the Guards and Davout’s
corps.
As to the question of food supplies it is difficult to express an
opinion. It is certain that food was not lacking, and probably the
troops might have carried with them twenty days’ rations had discipline
been good and transport abundant. As it is, it is clear that the army
was short of supplies within ten days of its departure from Moscow.
There is no reason to doubt Napoleon’s statement that the supply of
ammunition was abundant.
Napoleon having, according to his custom, dealt entirely with material
matters, it may be well to follow in his footsteps before considering
things moral. The evidence of survivors is all to the effect that the
troops were badly and inadequately clothed. Except in so far as some of
them were supplied from the pillage of Moscow the men had only the worn
and tattered uniforms which had served them all through the advance.
The footgear was much worn, and the underclothing in a deplorable
condition. Bourgogne, a sergeant in the Young Guard--one of a favoured
corps, therefore--speaks of wearing a shirt until it rotted upon him.
Only on the 17th of October were leather and linen issued, and it was
then too late to make up the material.
[Illustration:
THE CHURCH OF VASILII BLAGORENNYI AT MOSCOW
Built by the famous Tzar Ivan the Terrible in the latter half of the
16th century]
Whatever might be the state of the army’s supplies it lacked transport
for them. The horses were dying steadily from fatigue, sickness and,
above all, lack of food. The state of the cavalry has been noticed,
and the artillery and trains were naturally in equally bad condition.
Napoleon refused to abandon any of his vast and wretchedly horsed
artillery in order to lighten the dead weight which encumbered the
march. It would have been wiser to leave behind a part of the enormous
mass of ammunition and to fill up the artillery waggons with food
or forage. The commander of the artillery of the Young Guard did do
something of the kind, with good results, but for the most part the
dread of Napoleon effectually hindered such common-sense action. The
draft horses, in bad condition, and overloaded in any case, without
considering non-military and unnecessary further additions, began to
die at the very beginning of the retreat, and the artillery and trains
were lost piecemeal. Much of what food and forage the army took with it
was lost early, owing to the failure of the transport.
One fact is curious and inexplicable. It might have been thought that
the most strenuous exertions would have been put forth to provide the
individual soldiers with plenty of breadstuffs, when the deficiency of
the transport was well known. There is evidence that food was left in
Moscow. De Fezensac states that he made a present of the flour which he
could not carry away to some Muscovites whom he had fed during his stay
in the city. The incident does honour to his humanity. Yet one wonders
why he did not distribute it among his soldiers, who were ere long
dying of want. It is clear that little food was carried by the soldiers
themselves, and the reason for this is probably connected with the low
_morale_ of the army.
A long course of excess of every kind had weakened such sense of
honour as the bulk of the men possessed, and the scattered barracking
necessitated by the destruction of the greater part of the city
rendered the maintenance of order very difficult. So far as can be
judged, constant drill was by no means a feature of the Napoleonic
army, and inspections of kits were apparently often perfunctory. It is,
at any rate, certain that they were so during the sojourn in Moscow.
Haversacks and knapsacks, instead of being stored with necessaries,
too often contained plunder. The officers either made no determined
attempt to check the evil, or their efforts were without avail. It is
probable that the former discreditable condition of affairs actually
obtained. Brigandage was rife in the Napoleonic armies, and numbers of
officers had their private vehicles laden with plunder. Generals were
often no better. Napoleon himself added to the encumbrances of the army
two convoys of spoils, one of gold and silver bullion, the presence
of which may be justified, the other of objects of purely sentimental
value, for which excuse can hardly be made. It was but another example
of the paltry spirit which impelled Napoleon to desecrate the tomb of
Frederick the Great. It is difficult to blame subordinate officers when
their ruler and their generals set so evil an example, still less is
it possible to find fault with the ignorant soldiery. Be this as it
may, lack of discipline, fostered by a low sense of honour among the
officers, and greed of plunder, was not the least of the causes of the
destruction of the _Grande Armée_.
Finally, the pernicious practice of permitting the troops to march in
disorder was soon to be productive of fatal consequences. Officers and
men had grown so accustomed to it that its extent was probably not at
first realised, and it soon became impossible to check it. The results
were terrible. The worse element among the suffering troops had every
opportunity for disbanding, and the Russian irregulars, who could
achieve little against closed bodies of infantry, were able to commit
immense havoc.
Over and above all this the army was encumbered by a disproportionate
throng of non-combatants. Besides the ordinary camp-followers, male
and female, it has already been observed that there were with the army
a number of persons--partly women--who should not have been permitted
to accompany it. There were sick and wounded to the number of at least
several thousands at the outset. The French colony at Moscow mostly
fled with the army. Also a number of Russian prostitutes, and even a
good many women and girls of better stamp--including some of the upper
classes--accompanied men who had formed connections with them.
The precise state of feeling in the army cannot be ascertained. There
is no doubt that the struggle at Borodino had badly affected its
_morale_, and the French troops at least with their quick intelligence
must have looked forward to the future with dread. On the other hand,
their natural light-heartedness and their belief in Napoleon probably
sustained their spirits. The foreign element was, doubtless, even less
hopeful. That the more reflective among the officers were filled with
misgiving is indubitable; and there was much discouragement among the
generals, many of whom, besides, were war-weary and yearned for rest.
Thus, disorganised, with discipline shattered, ill clothed, ill
supplied, deficient in transport but laden with useless plunder,
encumbered with sick, wounded, and helpless non-combatants, and with
demoralisation latent everywhere, the _Grande Armée_ set out from
Napoleon’s Farthest to fight its way home. It is perhaps difficult
to see things in their true light, every effort at so doing being
naturally affected by knowledge of succeeding events. But the
conclusion can hardly be avoided that the fate of the _Grande Armée_
was already sealed, and that the shadow of impending disaster lay
darkly upon its disorderly columns.
The numbers of the Napoleonic host on leaving Moscow can only be
approximately computed. The dates of the muster-rolls collected by De
Chambray vary so much that they can only be taken as a general guide.
There are also errors in the published tables, the 8th Corps having
4916 infantry and artillery instead of 1916. De Chambray also, with
all his merits, has the failing, natural enough indeed, and entirely
excusable, of rather under-rating French numbers. An example of this
may be seen in his estimate of Napoleon’s strength at Borodino.
On the whole, working upon the muster-rolls collected by De Chambray,
the marching-out strength of Napoleon’s army from Moscow would appear
to have been approximately as follows:--
--------------------------------+------------+----------+---------+------
Corps. | Infantry, | Mounted | Total. | Guns.
| Artillery, | Cavalry. | |
| Dismounted | | |
| Cavalry. | | |
--------------------------------+------------+----------+---------+------
Grand Quarter-General | 3,000 | 1,000 | 4,000 | ?
Imperial Guard | 19,000 | 4,000 | 23,000 |
1st Army Corps | 30,000 | 1,000 | 31,000 |
3rd ” ” | 10,500 | 1,000 | 11,500 |
4th ” ” | 26,000 | 1,500 | 27,500 |
5th ” ” | 5,000 | 1,000 | 6,000 |
8th ” ” | 5,000 | 750 | 5,750 |
Cavalry Reserve | 1,000 | 5,000 | 6,000 |
Brigade of Dismounted Horsemen | 4,000 | | 4,000 |
Artillery Parks, Engineers, } | | | |
Pontonniers, Gendarmerie, etc.} | 5,000 | 500 | 5,500 |
+------------+----------+---------+------
| 108,500 | 15,750 | 124,250 | 600
--------------------------------+------------+----------+---------+------
The precise number of guns is not very certain, and to compute it
is a somewhat unnecessary task. But, including the spare pieces in
the reserve parks, and allowing for losses and reinforcements, the
total must have been in the neighbourhood of 600. There were over
2000 artillery vehicles, for the most part heavily laden and very
inadequately horsed.
The trains, already enormous, were now still further augmented by
quantities of carts and carriages of every kind taken in Moscow, and
requisitioned to transport food, wounded, refugees, and plunder. The
bulk of the troops had made additions to their worn uniforms in the
shape of garments of all kinds, often female ones, ransacked from
the shops and warehouses. The effect must at the time have appeared
fantastic and comical; but the humour of the sight was soon to be
quenched in horror.
It has been seen that on the 14th orders had been issued which
foreshadowed the evacuation of Moscow; and on the 16th Napoleon wrote
to Maret at Vilna, setting forth his intentions. He would march
against and defeat Kutuzov, take Kaluga, and then act according to
circumstances. He would probably eventually go into winter quarters
between Minsk and Smolensk, as Moscow did not afford a satisfactory
military position. The Emperor made a final attempt to induce Kutuzov
to open negotiations, but, of course, without result. He was in one of
his worst moods, raging at his want of success, and the savage side of
his nature displayed itself in all its nakedness in the disgraceful
orders to blow up the Kremlin and its sacred and historic buildings.
From Moscow two roads led to Kaluga. The western one went by the
towns of Fominskoië, Borovsk and Maloyaroslavetz, that to the east
by Voronovo and Tarutino. The eastern road is the more direct of
the two, and is roughly the chord of the shallow arc of a circle
described by the other. From Borovsk a cross-road leads by Vereia to
Gzhatsk. From Maloyaroslavetz a fairly good highway goes eastward and
south-eastward by Medyn to Yukhnov, and thence by Ielnia to Smolensk.
The two Moscow-Kaluga roads are farthest apart between Tarutino and
Borovsk, the latter place being some 20 miles distant from the former
and slightly to the north-east of it. Maloyaroslavetz is about 11 miles
south of Borovsk, and some 22 by road from Tarutino. It is thus evident
that it was a point of great strategic importance.
The positions of the opposing armies were as follows: On the French
side Murat’s force was near Voronovo, some 18 miles north of Tarutino.
At Fominskoië, 15 or 16 miles west of Voronovo, was Broussier’s
division of the 4th Corps, which had been sent thither a few days
earlier. Junot, with the 8th Corps, was about Mozhaïsk. The rest of the
_Grande Armée_ was in and around Moscow.
Marshal Kutuzov was encamped with his _Corps de Bataille_ about
Tarutino, while Miloradovich with the advance-guard was pushed forward
to observe Murat. Platov’s Flying Corps and other light detachments
were in the vicinity of Tarutino; Dorokhov was at Vereia; and
Winzingerode’s cavalry observed Moscow, as before, on the north and
east.
Marshal Mortier was left by Napoleon to complete the evacuation of
Moscow and to execute the abominable order to destroy the Kremlin. He
had under his command Laborde’s division of the Young Guard, Charrier’s
brigade of dismounted troopers, a brigade of light cavalry, and some
artillery and sappers--about 9000 men in all. He was to hold the
Kremlin for a few days and to give out that Napoleon would soon return,
while clearing the ruins of such wounded, non-combatants and refugees.
The rest of the Guard, the 1st, 3rd and 4th Corps, began to evacuate
Moscow in the night of October 18-19. There was great confusion, owing
to the crowding of the trains into the Moscow-Kaluga road, and the
march was slow. Recklessness and the breakdown of discipline were
everywhere apparent. When the 3rd Corps reached its rendezvous at
the monastery of Semenovski it was found to be in flames, and it is
astounding to read that quantities of provisions were burned in it. It
is useless to seek for excuse for the commission of such an act; it was
simple insanity.
The army advanced along the eastern road directly upon Tarutino. Eugène
opened the march, and behind him came the 1st and 3rd Corps and the
Guard. The advance by the western road appeared to threaten a frontal
attack on the position of Tarutino, but on reaching the Pakhra, the
Emperor diverted the columns on to the western route. Murat’s force
was broken up. The King himself with the relics of the 1st, 2nd and
3rd Cavalry Corps was directed upon Fominskoië; Poniatowski’s corps on
Vereia, to recover that place from Dorokhov. Ney was to take Murat’s
place at Voronovo, the Vistula Legion, the remains of the 4th Cavalry
Corps and the cavalry of the 1st Corps being also placed at his
disposal. He had in all about 16,000 men and over 100 guns--sufficient
under his resolute leadership to hold Miloradovich in check. There was
also the possibility that his presence at Voronovo would induce Kutuzov
to believe that the whole French army was advancing by the eastern
road; and in any case it would divert attention from the flank movement
by the western one.
The diversion of the advance to the western road was a well-conceived
manoeuvre, and had it been carried out with greater rapidity it might
have achieved brilliant results. The distance to Maloyaroslavetz by
the French line of march is about 72 miles, which the leading troops
covered by the evening of the 23rd. As the roads were poor and the
cross-tracks unspeakable, and there was besides some rain to make them
worse, the army cannot be said to have done badly. But its march,
encumbered as it was by interminable trains of artillery and baggage,
was not speedy enough for the emergency. The attention of the Russian
staff, indeed, appears to have been riveted upon the eastern road,
for it was not until the 22nd that Kutuzov learned that there were
French troops at Fominskoië. Considering that it was probably merely a
powerful screen for foraging operations, Kutuzov directed Dokhturov,
with the 6th Corps and the light cavalry of the Imperial Guard, to
attack and drive it back. Miloradovich was ordered to demonstrate
against the force in his front so as to prevent it detaching succours
to the division at Fominskoië. This was on the evening of the 22nd.
Eugène’s corps, with Delzons’ division leading, was between Fominskoië
and Borovsk; Davout and the Guard were about Fominskoië. At midnight on
the 23rd Ney started from Voronovo for Borovsk in pouring rain which
simply obliterated the tracks and seriously impeded the march. He
was also harassed by detachments of Cossacks. Poniatowski arrived at
Vereia early on the 23rd and, after some fighting, drove out Dorokhov,
who retired by cross-roads towards Maloyaroslavetz. Late on the same
day Delzons occupied Maloyaroslavetz with his advanced guard of two
battalions.
Dokhturov, accompanied by Yermólov and by Sir Robert Wilson, left
Tarutino early on the 23rd. The 6th Corps, owing to its terrible losses
at Borodino, was only 10 regiments strong, even with the addition of
one or two from corps which had suffered less. One of them, moreover,
was detached to Ozharovski’s column. Dokhturov had, therefore, only
18 battalions, 7 batteries and the 3 regiments of the light cavalry
of the Guard--about 12,000 men in all, with 84 guns. By the afternoon
he had arrived at a point 5 or 6 miles from the western road, between
Fominskoië and Borovsk, and there received information that 12,000
French troops were in his front. He consulted with his subordinates
and with Wilson, and it was decided, rightly, to halt and await
events, since if this body were isolated it would probably remain on
the defensive. If, on the other hand, it continued to advance it was
probably the head of a formidable force--perhaps the entire French
army. Very soon intelligence came from Seslavin that Moscow was
evacuated and the French army marching across from the eastern road to
Fominskoië; and immediately afterwards a report from Dorokhov announced
that a Cossack post at Borovsk had been expelled by Delzons. Dokhturov
promptly took his decision. He could no longer hope to intercept the
French at Borovsk, so must make a dash for Maloyaroslavetz, and there
bar the road. He sent off word to Tarutino of his intelligence and
intentions, and started his force for the vital point, arriving there
in the night of the 23rd-24th.
Napoleon himself reached Borovsk on the 23rd. Thence he despatched
orders to Baraguay d’Hilliers to move out from Smolensk towards Ielnia.
He evidently expected to carry out his manoeuvre without hindrance. In
a letter to Eugène, dated at 7.30 p.m., he appears to have discovered
the presence of Dokhturov, but to have anticipated an attack on the
flank of his columns rather than an attempt to bar his way. As he
dictated this despatch all the Russian commanders in touch with him
had full information of his manoeuvre, Kutuzov had been warned, and
Dokhturov was marching hard for Maloyaroslavetz!
At 1 a.m. Mortier in Moscow ordered the firing of the mines which had
been laid under the buildings in the Kremlin and elsewhere. They were
charged with 183,000 pounds of powder, and great damage was wrought,
but by no means the complete destruction intended by Napoleon. Mortier,
who hated the ignominious task which he had been set by his master,
is said, doubtless with truth, to have been by no means sorry at the
comparatively small results of the Emperor’s vandalism.
Winzingerode, who was already in the suburbs with his troops, pressed
forward rather inconsiderately to reoccupy the Kremlin, riding himself
in advance without an escort, attended only by a single aide-de-camp.
The result was that he was taken prisoner, though he made a
dishonourable, if not entirely inexcusable, attempt to escape by waving
his handkerchief and pretending to have come on a parley. Mortier quite
rightly declined to listen, and detained him. The evacuation was then
completed. The Marshal made the most strenuous efforts to save all the
invalids and to alleviate their sufferings as far as possible, but so
great was the deficiency of transport that many hundreds had to be left
behind. Eighteen guns, doubtless rendered unserviceable, were also
abandoned. The gigantic convoy, guarded by Mortier’s small force,
moved not by the main road to Smolensk, but by cross roads on Vereia.
At Tarutino Kutuzov during the 23rd received the intelligence sent
by Miloradovich and Dokhturov. The hour is a little doubtful, but he
cannot have received Dokhturov’s report until late in the day, and
it was not possible to march at once owing to the absence of a large
part of the artillery horses, which, as before the action of Vinkovo,
had been led far away to obtain forage. The blame freely lavished
upon Kutuzov for dilatoriness seems to be without foundation; there
was no unnecessary delay. To set forth to encounter Napoleon without
the artillery would have been unwise to the verge of insanity. As a
fact, supposing the final information to have reached the camp about
4 p.m., six or seven hours was not too long in which to call in the
parties and make preparations for the march. Platov was sent off at
once with 15 regiments of Cossacks to observe and harass the march of
Napoleon’s column, and at 11 p.m. the rest of the army started for
Maloyaroslavetz. The distance, allowing for deviations, was about 25
miles, mostly over an execrable byway rendered almost impassable by
the pouring rain. Nevertheless, the Russians pushed doggedly forward,
and by 11 a.m. on the 24th the head of the column was within reach of
Maloyaroslavetz. Seeing that Ney, who on this same night was moving
across from the eastern road, did not reach Borovsk until the evening
of the 26th, having occupied three days in covering about 36 miles, the
greatest credit is due to the Russian army.
Dokhturov with his force reached Maloyaroslavetz in the night of the
23rd-24th. Either now or soon after daylight on the 24th he was joined
by Dorokhov from Vereia. His troops must have been nearly dead beat,
but he managed to spread them round the town so as to hold the outlets
of all the roads which led out of it. He, of course, did not know that
there were only two battalions holding the town; but Buturlin’s blame
of him for not carrying it is unreasonable. His men had been marching
for nearly an entire day and night, and it was indispensably necessary
to allow them some rest.
Maloyaroslavetz, an ordinary Russian country town built almost entirely
of wood, lay on the southern bank of the small river Luzha, at the
point where it was crossed by a bridge carrying the Moscow-Kaluga road.
The river, like most streams in the region, flows in a deeply sunk
channel. Below the bridge there were, according to Wilson, fords, but
the Russians did not need them, and the French knew nothing of them.
In any case, neither side attempted to use them. The country was very
broken and also wooded, and the banks of the river, especially the
southern one, were very steep. There were a few isolated buildings near
the stream, while the town proper lay some hundreds of yards farther
on, spreading over the top of the rise on to a plateau with a slight
descent to the southward. The only good artillery position on the
Russian side was eastward of the town, but though from it the opposite
bank of the Luzha, down which the enemy must come, could be commanded,
the ground was so broken and wooded that the bridge could nowhere be
seen, and it was never apparently seriously injured.
Early on the 24th some fugitive inhabitants made their way to
Dokhturov, and informed him that there were as yet only two battalions
of French troops in the town. Accordingly soon after daylight, his men
having by this obtained a little rest, he sent forward the 6th and 33rd
Chasseur Regiments to carry the town. They expelled the garrison from
nearly the whole of the place, but the buildings near the bridge formed
a sort of _tête du pont_, which the French held desperately. Dokhturov
supported the attack by two more Chasseur regiments, but the resistance
was stubborn, and the Russians could not advance against the deadly
fire kept up upon them. Delzons could at first only reinforce the
gallant garrison by fragments and driblets, for when his main body
endeavoured to defile down the northern bank Dokhturov rapidly brought
a line of batteries into action east of the town and effectually
checked them. About an hour later some batteries of the 4th Corps,
which were toiling along the miry road, were ranged by the Viceroy
opposite the Russian artillery, and thus covered Delzons’ division
crossed the bridge and recaptured the town.
Dokhturov thereupon restored the fight with three line regiments,
which rallied the Chasseurs and stormed through the streets of
Maloyaroslavetz, driving the 13th Division back towards the bridge.
Baron Delzons was killed in the midst of the struggle, and as his
brother and aide-de-camp endeavoured to carry his body to the rear
he also was struck down. Baron Guilleminot, Eugène’s chief-of-staff,
took the command, rallied the division and, supported by part of
Broussier’s, which was beginning to arrive, again stormed the now
burning town, only to be forced out again as Dokhturov sent in fresh
reinforcements. Once more the Russian charge was checked at the bridge;
and Broussier and Guilleminot, with their united divisions, again drove
the 6th Corps through the blazing town, but could not debouch from it
in the face of the Russian artillery fire.
The main armies were approaching the scene of action. Davout’s corps
was advancing from Borovsk to the support of Eugène; the main Russian
army was nearing the field from Tarutino. Raievski’s corps marched
at the head of the long column, and behind him came in succession
the 8th, 3rd, 5th, 2nd and 4th Corps, and Korff’s, Golitizin’s and
Vassilchikov’s cavalry. The aged commander-in-chief travelled during
the night in his carriage. When about 3 or 4 miles from Maloyaroslavetz
he halted and ordered Colonel Löwenstern to see Dokhturov to report.
The whole of the 6th Corps was now engaged and forced on the
defensive by Broussier and Guilleminot; and of this Löwenstern informed
the commander-in-chief. Kutuzov sent Raievski forward at once to the
assistance of Dokhturov, ordered the other corps to march upon the field
with all speed, and himself mounted his horse and hurried to the front
to range his oncoming troops in line of battle.
[Illustration: PLAN OF BATTLE OF MALOYAROSLAVETZ, OCTOBER 24TH, 1812]
Raievski’s leading division, personally led by the corps commander
and by Konovnitzin, reached the front about 12.30 p.m., gathered
up Dokhturov’s weary divisions, and the united force stormed
Maloyaroslavetz for the sixth time, driving Broussier and Guilleminot
into the bridge-head for shelter, until Pino’s Italians sustained and
rallied them. The three divisions beat back the oncoming Russians
and once more gained possession of the awful heap of blood-stained
ruins that now represented the town. The conflict was horrible
beyond description; the opposing soldiery fought to the death amid
conflagration and ruin; the wounded were suffocated, trodden underfoot,
burned alive in the blazing houses, or hideously mangled by the
opposing guns and artillery waggons as they forged their way backward
and forward through the chaos.
To repel the three French and Italian divisions Dokhturov was now
obliged to send in Raievski’s second division. Once more the Russian
infantry poured into the ruins of Maloyaroslavetz, driving their
opponents before them and thrusting them down the slope towards the
bridge. But the head of Davout’s corps was at length arriving, and
Eugène accordingly sent in his last reserve, the Royal Guard of Italy.
Its six battalions finally turned the scale against the Russian 6th
and 7th Corps, which, still fighting furiously, were driven back upon
and through the ruins of the town. Davout’s corps artillery forced
the batteries on the east to retire; the entire artillery of the 4th
Corps was pushed to the front over the dead and dying to support the
infantry, while Compans’ and Gérard’s divisions crossed a temporary
bridge and took up positions, the former on Eugène’s left, the latter
to his right.
The French were masters of the blood-stained ruins of Maloyaroslavetz,
and that was all. While the battle was raging Kutuzov had stationed his
whole army just south of the town and commenced to entrench himself. He
relieved the 6th Corps by the 8th and the 3rd Division, and directed
Borozdin and Raievski once more to assault the dreadful ruins of
Maloyaroslavetz. Borozdin’s leading troops entered it, but were driven
out again, and, realising that the French hold was now too firm to be
shaken, the Russians finally withdrew; but their immense artillery
commanded every exit, and their skirmishers were everywhere close up to
those of their opponents. The 7th and 8th Corps and the 3rd Division
were in front line; the 2nd, 4th, 5th and 6th with the rest of the 3rd
in second and third, while the powerful cavalry covered both flanks as
far as the Luzha.
So far as a single event can be fixed upon as the decisive point
of Napoleon’s career that event is undoubtedly the battle of
Maloyaroslavetz. Dokhturov’s swift decision, splendidly seconded
by the desperate fighting of the 6th and 7th Corps, had definitely
ended all hope of carrying out the retreat with success. It may be
doubted whether, even by marching by way of Kaluga, the army would
have succeeded in retaining much discipline and cohesion; but, at
any rate, it would have been the only chance, and now the attempt
had failed. Napoleon knew it. He established his head-quarters in a
peasant’s hut at Gorodnia, about 5 miles north of Maloyaroslavetz, and
to him in the evening he called Murat, Berthier and Bessières. He was
seated at a table on which was spread a map of the country, and began
to detail the situation to the generals. Suddenly the full extent of
his imminent ruin seemed to burst upon him, and, dropping his head
upon his hands and his elbows upon the table, he remained for more
than an hour staring at the map, the comrades of his sixteen years of
victory waiting for him to speak, silent and mournful. Rising at last
he dismissed them without further comment, apparently resolved on a
final desperate throw of the dice. He sent word to Davout to relieve
Eugène’s weary troops at the front, and that he would himself bring up
the Guard in support. Ney, who had now reached Fominskoië, was ordered
to bring Ledru’s and Razout’s divisions to a point between Borovsk
and Maloyaroslavetz, leaving Claparède and Scheler to guard the vast
assemblage of trains at the former place.
Meanwhile Kutuzov had also been deliberating. He had announced his
intention of standing to fight on the ground which he held; but as
the hours wore away his resolution failed him. He is not perhaps to
be blamed; it was no light thing to meet Napoleon--never so dangerous
as when he appeared completely baffled. He knew that the quality of
his army, diluted with raw militia-men and recruits of a few weeks’
training, left much to be desired; another battle like that of Borodino
would completely cripple it. At any rate, he decided not to accept
battle where he stood, but to fall back to another position about 3
miles in rear. This appears to have been strong enough; but it left
uncovered the road from Maloyaroslavetz to Medyn, which Napoleon might
have used for his retreat. The anger in the Russian army was great.
Wilson was furious, and practically accuses Kutuzov of treachery. This
is, of course, absurd. The Russian commander-in-chief and the English
commissioner were on very bad terms, the latter being apparently rather
tactless and too urgent in his efforts to induce the former to take
the offensive. There is no question that Kutuzov was too old for his
post; but, after all, he was the responsible chief of the Russian
armies, and he knew, what Wilson did not, the internal condition of his
own. Wild enthusiasm, assisted only by pikes, hardly constitutes
a very firm stay against veteran and well-armed warriors led by a
great military genius. Nevertheless, it is certain that Wilson and the
bellicose Russian corps commanders were correct. The position behind
Maloyaroslavetz was a better one than that which had been held with
such desperate obstinacy at Borodino, and to defend it Kutuzov, after
deducting the losses on the previous day, had 100,000 regulars and
15,000 irregulars with over 600 guns. Against these Napoleon could
bring only the Guard (less Claparède’s division), the 1st and 4th
Corps, the bulk of the 3rd and the remains of the reserve cavalry.
Mortier was on the march from Moscow to Vereia, Junot near Mozhaïsk,
Poniatowski moving westward from Vereia. Allowing for these detachments
Napoleon could place in line of battle by the 27th little more than
80,000 men, including the Head-quarters Guard. He would have 12,000
cavalry, mostly in very bad condition, and about 450 badly horsed
guns as against at least 620 excellently appointed Russian pieces.
This, however, Kutuzov did not accurately know, while he did know that
Napoleon was in his front with the bulk of his army. He pointed out
that any reverse would be fatal, since behind the present position was
a very difficult defile. To Wilson’s heated expostulations he replied
angrily that he did not intend to win victories of which only England
would reap the benefit! This outbreak may be charitably attributed to
ill-temper at Wilson’s worrying of him. The withdrawal was carried out.
There was considerable disorder during the passage of the artillery
through the defile, but the movement was successfully accomplished,
well protected by Miloradovich’s skilful handling of the rear-guard.
[Illustration:
THE COUNCIL OF WAR AFTER THE BATTLE OF MALOYAROSLAVETZ
Napoleon in the peasant’s hut at Gorodnia remained for over an hour
gazing at his map before making the fatal decision to retreat by the
devastated route to Smolensk]
Davout in the morning was able to debouch unopposed from
Maloyaroslavetz, but his advance was soon checked by the sight of the
Russian army, now established in its new position. Meanwhile, Napoleon
had started from Gorodnia. He was attended by his usual escort of
three or four squadrons. The cavalry of the Guard was some distance
behind when, on the road to Maloyaroslavetz, a mass of Cossacks poured
out of the woods on the left and raced at the escort. They were riding
in good order, says Rapp, so that it was at first thought that they
were regulars. They were, in fact, Platov’s own corps, the Ataman
having crossed the Luzha early that morning to raid Napoleon’s line of
communications. He was now aiming for a park of 40 guns of the Guard
near Gorodnia. Rapp seized Napoleon’s bridle and turned his horse, and
the escort formed in haste, Rapp thrusting himself before the Emperor
to shield him from the lances of the wild moss-troopers. His chivalrous
devotion had wellnigh cost him dear, for his horse was killed, but the
staff and escort rescued him, and, the cavalry of the Guard coming up,
the Cossacks dispersed. They seized the artillery park, however, but
the horses being at a distance watering, only 11 guns could be carried
off. The bold attempt spread alarm through the army, which was almost
all called under arms to resist an expected attack.
Napoleon, probably greatly exasperated, returned to Gorodnia until
the way should be safe. At ten o’clock he again started, examined the
battle-field and then returned to Gorodnia, having practically wasted
a whole day--this when every hour was precious. This may have been
because he was still undecided as to what he should do. At his quarters
he held a final and stormy council. Murat, bold to the last, advocated
advance, and offered to clear a way if the Guard cavalry were added to
the remnant of his horsemen. Bessières, however, opposed him, observing
that the transport was already failing and that the advance could not
be rapid enough to be effective. Davout advised that the Medyn-Smolensk
road should be adopted as the main line of retreat, but this was
sufficient to provoke the opposition of Murat, who insisted that it was
not safe from Russian flank attacks. The end was that Napoleon decided
to fall back by the main road to Smolensk, and ordered the whole army
to move on to it by way of Mozhaïsk. The road by Medyn, Yukhnov and
Ielnia is about 40 miles shorter than the route adopted; the country
which it traversed was not yet entirely devastated, and it is strange
that Napoleon did not take it, braving the chance of a flank attack by
the cautious, and by no means confident, Russian commander-in-chief. It
is possible that, whichever route the army might take, it would have
been prevented from foraging by the Cossacks. Perhaps also Napoleon
hoped to give Kutuzov the impression that he was retreating upon
Vitebsk--as, in fact, he at first did.
Kutuzov was, indeed, so little confident that on the 26th he retreated
towards Kaluga. His decision has been violently criticised, and not
without much show of reason. The only reply is that what we know very
well to-day was not so plain to Kutuzov in 1812. He did not believe
that his army was a match for Napoleon’s, and that the correct policy
was to “play hide and seek” with the invaders, as Clausewitz expresses
it, and so wear them out. Having come to this conclusion, Kutuzov
proceeded to carry out his design regardless of opposition. He was
perhaps wrong, but it cannot be pronounced on the evidence which lay
before him at the time that he was. Had Napoleon followed, his army
would but have been weakened; had he turned westward the Russians would
still have been on his flank. Wherever he went his line of march would
be infested by Cossacks. Kutuzov was undoubtedly too cautious; he might
have risked more, but he might equally have exposed himself to the
counter-strokes of his mighty antagonist, now driven to desperation,
and have lost everything. His operations were conducted on the basal
idea that Napoleon was not to be beaten by open force, but by steady
evasion and constant harassing. From this point of view his retirement
was natural. His really serious blunder was committed two days later,
and was the direct outcome of Napoleon’s retreat by Mozhaïsk.
On the 26th, while Kutuzov’s exasperated generals were ordering the
retrograde march on Kaluga, Napoleon was commencing the fatal movement
which was the beginning of his downfall. The 8th Corps about Mozhaïsk
naturally formed the advance-guard; Ney was directed on Mozhaïsk from
Borovsk, while the Guard moved back to that place. Mortier was to reach
Vereia by the evening, and next day would be rejoined by Roguet’s and
Claparède’s divisions. Eugène was to follow in the track of the Guard,
while Davout with the 1st Corps and the relics of the 1st and 3rd
Cavalry Corps covered the rear. Poniatowski was to move by cross-roads
to Gzhatsk to cover the left flank. Finally, Evers, who had moved some
way southward towards Yukhnov, was to return to Viasma, and there await
the army.
While the French army lay about Maloyaroslavetz it had received
repeated proofs of the activity and audacity of the Russian light
troops. All the columns had in their turn been alarmed and harassed.
On the 25th a body of Cossacks executed a _hourra_ (alarm) upon
Borovsk. On the same day Colonel Ilovaïski IX with three regiments of
them surprised the advance-guard of the 5th Corps, consisting of a
regiment of infantry and two of cavalry under General Tyskiewicz near
Kreminskoië, between Vereia and Medyn. Tyskiewicz was captured, and of
his force of about 1300 men, 500 were killed, wounded and captured.
Ilovaïski also took 5 guns.
In the actual battle of Maloyaroslavetz the forces engaged were nearly
equal in number. On the French side there were successively sent into
line the 4th Corps and the 3rd and 5th Divisions of the 1st--about
35,000 men in all. The Russians successively engaged about the same
numbers--Dokhturov’s force, Dorokhov’s detachment, the 7th Corps,
the 3rd and 27th Divisions, and some regiments of Cossacks. The
Russians admitted a loss of 4412 killed and wounded and 2753 missing.
Very many of the latter, it is to be feared, perished in the burning
town, and the actual total cannot be reckoned at less than 6000,
quite five-sixths of which fell upon the 20,000 infantry of the 6th
and 7th Corps. A heavy loss was that of General Dorokhov, who, being
somewhat deaf, miscalculated the distance of musketry fire and was
mortally wounded in consequence. Martinien’s lists show something over
300 officers killed and wounded on the French side, and the total of
casualties, therefore, would also be about 6000--the vast majority
falling upon the 4th Corps. Of its four infantry division commanders,
Delzons was killed, and Broussier and Pino were wounded. Two generals
of brigade were killed and three wounded. The losses in the various
Cossack alarms were probably slight on both sides. The Russians, as
aforesaid, captured 11 guns.