CHAPTER VI

THE AWAKENING

1881-1905

The reign of Alexander III, like that of Nicholas I, was devoid of even

that faint glamor of liberalism which, in the days of Alexander I and

Alexander II, had aroused deceptive hopes of better times. During the

thirteen years of Alexander III's autocracy (1881-1894) not a ray of

light was permitted to penetrate into Holy Russia. On May 14, 1881, the

manifesto prohibiting the slightest infringement of the absolute power

of the czar was promulgated, to continue unbroken till the

Russo-Japanese war.

The liberal current which had carried away his predecessors when they

first mounted the throne was checked, the sluices of Slavophilism were

opened, the history of Russian thinkers became again, as Herzen said, "a

long list of martyrs and a register of convicts."

Nicholas Ignatiev, a rabid reactionary, a second Jeffreys, became chief

of the Ministry of the Interior; Katkoff, a repentant liberal and exile,

was appointed the czar's chief adviser, the Richelieu behind the throne;

and Pobyedonostsev, whom Turgenief called the "Russian Torquemada,"

obtained supremacy over Melikoff, and was appointed procurator of the

Holy Synod. With such as these at the head of the Russian bureaucracy,

there may have been some foundations for the rumor that an imperial

ukase decreed the pillage and slaughter of the Jews, and the muzhiks,

obedient to the behests of the "little father," and smarting under the

pain of disappointment, vented their venom on their Jewish compatriots.

Before the new czar had been on his throne three months, Russia was

drenched with Jewish blood. There began saturnalia of rape, plunder, and

murder, the like of which had been witnessed nowhere in Europe. For half

a year the pogroms which began in Yelisavetgrad (April 27, 28) swept

like a tornado over southern Russia, visiting more than one hundred and

sixty communities with fire and sword, resulting in outrages on women,

in the murder of old and young, in the ruin of millions of dollars of

property. The Black Hundreds of the nineteenth century put to shame the

Haidamacks of the eighteenth and the Cossacks of the seventeenth. In the

words of the Bishop of Canterbury to Sir Moses Montefiore, it looked "as

if the enemy of mankind was let loose to destroy the souls of so many

Christians and the bodies of so many Jewish people."

But it would be a vain attempt, and out of keeping with the object of

this work, to describe in detail the "bloody assizes" and the infernal

tragedies that ensued upon the accession of Alexander III; the moral

degeneracy and the economic ruin that spread over the mighty empire; the

shudder that passed over the civilized world, and was expressed in

indignation meetings held everywhere, especially in Great Britain and in

the United States (February, 1882), to protest, "in the name of

civilization, against the spirit of medieval persecution thus revived in

Russia." Suffice it to say that even when the mob, tired of carnage,

ceased its work of extermination, the bloodthirstiness of those in

authority was not assuaged. Such a policy was inaugurated against the

Jews as would, according to Pobyedonostsev, "force one-third of them to

emigrate, another third to embrace Christianity, and the remainder to

die of starvation." With this in view, his Majesty the Emperor,

"prompted by a desire to protect the Jews against the Christians," was

graciously pleased to give his assent to the Resolutions of the

Committee of Ministers, on the third of May, 1882, i.e. to the notorious

"temporary measures," or "May laws," framed by Ignatiev, against the

will of the Council of the Empire.

These "temporary measures" have remained in force to this day. With them

was resuscitated all the inimical legislation of the past, beginning

with the time of Elizabeta Petrovna. What was favorable was suppressed;

the unfavorable was most rigorously enforced. Jews living outside the

Pale were driven back into it on the slightest pretext and in the most

inhuman manner. To increase the already unendurable congestion, the Pale

was made smaller than before. In accordance with the first clause of the

"May laws," Jews were expelled from the villages within the Pale itself.

In 1888 the districts of Rostov and Taganrog, which till then had

belonged to the Pale, and had been developed largely through Jewish

enterprise, were torn away and amalgamated with the Don district, in

which Jews were not permitted to reside. This was followed by expulsions

from St. Petersburg (1890), Moscow, (1891), Novgorod, Riga, and Yalta

(1893), and the abrogation of the time-honored privileges of the Jews of

Bokhara (1896). Even those who, as skilled artisans or discharged

soldiers, had been privileged to reside wherever they chose, were

expelled with their wives and the children born in their adopted city.

Their only salvation lay in conversion. Converts were especially

favored, and were offered liberal inducements. By becoming a convert to

the Orthodox Russian Church, a Jew is immediately freed from all the

degrading restrictions on his freedom of movement and his choice of a

profession. Converts, without distinction of sex, are helped financially

by an immediate payment of sums from thirteen to thirty rubles, and

until recently were granted freedom from taxation for five years. If a

candidate for Greek Christianity is married, his conversion procures him

a divorce, and, unless she likewise is converted, his wife may not marry

again. By conversion, a Jew may escape the consequence of any misdeed

against a fellow-Jew, for, to quote the Russian code, "in actions

concerning Jews who have embraced Christianity Jews may not be admitted

as witnesses, if any objection is raised against them as such." The

penal code provides that Jews shall pay twice and treble the amount of

the fine to which non-Jews are liable under similar circumstances. Jews

were excluded from the professions to which they had turned in the

"sixties" and "seventies," and in which they had been eminently

successful; they were not allowed to hold any civil or municipal office;

they were forbidden even to be nurses in the hospitals or to give

private instruction to children in the homes.

And still persecution did not cease. Not satisfied with starving the

bodies of five millions of Jews, Russian legislators were determined to

crush them intellectually. The Slavophils could not brook seeing

"non-Russians" surpass their own people in the higher walks of life. The

Jews, finally successful in emancipating themselves from the trammels of

rabbinism, had transferred their extraordinary devotion from the Talmud

to secular studies. They filled the schools and the universities of the

empire with zealous and intelligent pupils, who carried off most of the

honors. They contributed forty-eight pupils to the gymnasia out of every

ten thousand, while the Christians contributed only twenty-two. This was

regarded an unpardonable sin. "These Jews have the audacity to excel us

pure Russians," Pobyedonostsev is reported to have exclaimed, and

measures were taken to suppress their dangerous tendency. As early as

1875 a law was passed withholding from Jewish students the stipends they

had hitherto received from a fund set aside for that purpose. In 1882

the number of Jewish students in the Military Academy of Medicine was

limited to five per cent, and later it was reduced to zero. Thereafter

one professional school after another adopted a percentage provision,

and some excluded Jews altogether. Finally, "seeing that many Jewish

young men, eager to benefit by a higher classical, technical, or

professional education," presented themselves every year for admission

to the universities, that they passed their examination and continued

their studies at the various schools of the empire, the Government

deemed it "desirable to put a stop to a state of affairs which is so

unsatisfactory." Consequently the ministry limited the attendance of

Jews residing in places within the Pale to ten per cent in all schools

and universities (December 5, 1886; June 26, 1887), in places without

the Pale to five per cent, and in Moscow and St. Petersburg to three per

cent, of the total number of pupils in each school and university. Of

the four hundred young Jews who had successfully passed their

matriculation examination at the beginning of the scholastic year

1887-1888, and had thus acquired the right of entering the university,

three hundred and twenty-six were refused admission, and in many schools

and universities they were denied even the small per cent the law

permitted.

When, nevertheless, in spite of the many restrictions, the Jew at last

obtained the coveted degree, the Government rendered it nugatory by

depriving him of the right of enjoying the fruit of his labor and

self-sacrifice. He could not practice as an army physician or jurist,

nor obtain a position as an engineer or a Government or municipal clerk.

In the army, he was not allowed to hold any office, and, though he might

be an expert chemist, he could never fill the post of a dispenser (March

1, 1888). He was excluded from the schools for the training of officers,

and if he passed the examination on the subjects taught there, his

certificate could not contain the usual statement that there "was no

objection to admitting him to the military schools."[1]

These restrictive measures were not relaxed when Alexander III was

succeeded by his son Nicholas II (1894). If anything, they were more

rigorously executed, and the mob was encouraged to multiply its outrages

upon the defenceless Jews. The closing years of the nineteenth century

wiped out the promises of its opening years. Blood accusations followed

by riots became of frequent occurrence. Irkutsk (1896), Shpola, and Kiev

(1897), Kantakuzov (Kherson), Vladimir, and Nikolayev (1899) gave the

Jews a foretaste of what they had to expect when the Black Hundreds,

encouraged by the Government and incited by Kruzhevan and Pronin, would

be let loose to enact the scenes that took place in Kishinev and Homel

before the Russo-Japanese war, and in hundreds of towns after it. The

difficulties in the way of securing an education were increased. Russia

did not believe in an "irreducible minimum" where the rights of her Jews

were concerned. Under Nicholas II the number of Jewish women admitted to

medical schools was put at three per cent of the total number of

students; the newly-established School for Engineers in Moscow was

closed to Jewish young men altogether; and the students of both sexes in

the schools were constantly harassed by the police because of the harsh

laws concerning the rights of residence. Some splendidly equipped

institutions of learning were allowed to remain almost empty rather than

admit Jewish students.[2]

This was the worst punishment of all, the most relentless vengeance

wreaked on a helpless victim. "Of all the laws which swept down upon

them from St. Petersburg and Moscow," says Leroy-Beaulieu with

characteristic insight into the soul of Israel, "those which they [the

Jews] find hardest to bear are the regulations that block their entrance

to the Russian universities." The bloodless weighed heavier than the

bloody pogroms. Consumed with a desire for education, wealthy Russian

Jews made an attempt to establish higher schools of their own, without

even drawing upon the surplus money of the kosher-meat fund, which had

originally been created for such purposes. Baron de Hirsch, too, offered

two million dollars for the higher and technical education of the Jews.

But every attempt proved fruitless. Baron de Hirsch's munificence was

flatly refused. In the school which Mr. Weinstein opened at Vinitza,

Podolia, no more than eight Jews were allowed to attend among eighty

Christians, and in the one at Gorlovka, founded by another Jew

(Polyakov), only five per cent were admitted.[3]

Writers are wont to speak of this as a reactionary period. The

description applies to the Russians; among the Jews it was a period of

reawakening.[4] They were disillusioned. They saw that Russification

without emancipation, as their unsophisticated fathers had told

Lilienthal, meant extermination. The first and worst pogroms were

perpetrated in those places where the Jews were like their Russian

neighbors in every respect, except in the eyes of the law, and with the

approval of some who were devotees of the Narodnaya Volya. The Jewish

consciousness reasserted itself. If Pobyedonostsev accomplished his

fiendish design as regards emigration, more than a million Jews having

left Russia within the last twenty years; if he has almost succeeded in

causing them to die of starvation; yet his hope of forcing a third of

them to conversion was a disappointment and a delusion. The Jews showed

that the traditional description applied to them, "stiff-necked," was

not undeserved. While the Roman Catholics, Lutherans, and Armenians have

undergone conversion in multitudes, they whose suffering by far exceeded

that of any other "non-Russian" nationality remained, with insignificant

exceptions, loyal to the religion of their fathers.[5]

The Russian Jews--says Zunser--sobered down from the orgies of

assimilation, and its worshippers abandoned their idol. Those

who had almost forgotten that they were of the camp of Israel

began to return to its tents. The Jewish physicians, jurists,

technologists, and the entire so-called Jewish "intelligentia,"

who heretofore had never cared to speak a word of Yiddish to a

Jew, resumed their native tongue; they began to send their

children to the Jewish hadarim, and adopted once more Jewish

ways and customs. Several hundred Jewish university students,

proverbially irreligious, sent to Vilna for tefillin

[phylacteries]!

In many cities fasts were observed and prayers for forgiveness offered,

and the prodigal sons of Israel repaired to the synagogue, participated

in the services, and wept with their more steadfast though equally

unfortunate coreligionists. Many converts, too, began to feel qualms of

conscience, and endeavored to make up for their youthful indiscretions.

Some of them fled to places of safety, and returned to Judaism. The

gifted young poet Simon Yakovlevich Nadsohn died of a broken heart.

Sorkin, the classmate and friend of Levanda, committed suicide, while

Levanda, the great novelist of assimilation, was so affected by the

massacres and their consequences, that he became melancholy, and died in

an asylum for the insane.[6]

If this was the fate of the assimilated and estranged, one may guess the

effect of the reaction on the religious. If the students of the

universities sacrificed their careers, their daily bread, for the

austere satisfaction of discharging their moral obligation to the best

of their knowledge, the students of the Law, always loyal to the

heritage of their people, became more zealous than ever. Lilienblum who,

in 1877, believed that life without a university education was not worth

living, became a repentant sinner. Russian Jewry seethed with religious

enthusiasm. Moses Isaac Darshan, "the Khelmer Maggid," preached for six

hours at a time to crowded synagogues. Asher Israelit, less trenchant,

but equally effective, exhorted crowds to repentance. Zebi Hirsh

Masliansky, a finished orator, went from town to town, and aroused a

love for whatever was connected with the history and religion of the

Jewish people. In Kovno those who were preparing themselves for the

rabbinate formed something like a new sect, the Mussarnikes (Moralists),

which practiced asceticism and self-abnegation to an extraordinary

degree.[7]

[Illustration: MOSES LÖB LILIENBLUM, 1843-1910]

Those, however, were most affected who had been misled by dreams of

assimilation. They suffered most, for they lost most. Their hopes were

blighted, their hearts broken. The leading-strings proved to be a

halter. They saw they had little to expect at the hands of those they

had believed to have become fully civilized, and they were embittered

toward civilization, which had showed them flowers, but had given them

no fruit. In a work, _Sinat 'Olam le-'Am 'Olam_ (_Eternal Hatred for the

Eternal People_, Warsaw, 1882), Nahum Sokolov proved, like Smolenskin

before him, that anti-Semitism was ineradicable, that the fight against

the Jews was a fight to the death, that even emancipation helps little

to remove the animosity innate in one people against another, and until

the "end of days" foretold by the prophets of yore there will never

cease the eternal hatred to the eternal people. This became the dominant

opinion. It dawned upon many that the only salvation for the Jews lay in

becoming a nation once more. A yearning for a new fatherland and a new

country seized young and old. The times were auspicious. Cosmopolitanism

was everywhere giving place to nationalism. The little Balkan States had

broken the yoke of Ottoman rule, and become self-governing nations since

1878. In Poland, Hungary, and Ireland, home rule was advocated with

fervor that threatened a revolution. Italy and Germany became united

under their own king or emperor. And the Russian Jews, tired of the

constant conflicts with the surrounding peoples, experienced the desire

which had prompted their ancestors to be like all the other nations.

Sokolov's sentiments were reinforced in an anonymous pamphlet written by

Doctor Leo Pinsker (1821-1891), one of the foremost physicians of

Odessa. His _Auto-Emancipation_ (Berlin, 1882) is now recognized as the

forerunner of Herzl's _Judenstaat_, which appeared fifteen years later.

Pinsker accepts as an axiom what Sokolov had tried to demonstrate as a

proposition. Jew-hatred, he claims, like Lombroso in his work on

anti-Semitism, is a "platonic hatred," a hereditary mental disease,

which two thousand years' duration has so aggravated as to render it

incurable. As the Jewish problem is international, it can be solved only

by nationalism. He admits some of the charges brought against the Jews

by anti-Semites, but Jewish failings result from Christian intolerance.

In a land of their own they will develop into a Muster-nation, a model

people.

The wretches--cries he--they mock the eagle that once soared

sky-high, and saw divinity itself, because he can no longer fly

after his wings are broken! Give us but our independence, allow

us to take care of ourselves, grant us but a little strip of

land like that of the Servians and Rumanians, give us a chance

to lead a national existence, and then prate about our lacking

manly virtues. What we lack is not genius (Genialität) but

self-consciousness (Selbstgefühl) and appreciation of our value

as men (Bewusstsein der Menschenwürde), of which we were

deprived by you!

Of course, it requires many years and a great expenditure of money to

establish a nation on a firm basis. But in Pinsker's dictionary the word

"impossible" does not exist. "Far, very far," says he, "is the haven of

rest towards which our souls are turning. We know not even whether it be

East or West. But be the road never so long, it cannot seem too long to

the wanderers of two thousand years."

Pinsker's impassioned appeal made a deep impression. It was obvious that

colonization would be the shortest road to renationalization. But as to

the place in which the colonies should be established, no agreement

could be reached. Pinsker, like Herzl after him, left the problem

unsolved. Some preferred America or even Spain. In southern Russia a

society, 'Am 'Olam (The Eternal Nation), was organized on communistic

principles. It sent an advance guard to the United States, where, as the

Sons of the Free, they established several settlements, the best-known

of which was New Odessa, in Oregon.[8] The majority, however, preferred

Palestine, the land which, in weal or woe, in pain or pleasure, remains

ever dear to the Jewish heart; the land to which the ancient exiles by

the waters of Babylon had vowed that sooner than forget her would their

right hands forget their cunning and their tongues cleave to the roofs

of their mouths; the possession whereof had been held out as the most

alluring promise, and to be deprived of which the prophets had regarded

as the severest punishment.

Zionism, even Territorialism, among the Russian Jews is by no means

solely the result of modern anti-Semitism. At the same time that

Mordecai Manuel Noah was planning his Jewish state Ararat in western New

York (1825), Gregori Peretz, who, as a child, had been converted, with

his father, to the dominant religion, and had been advanced to the rank

of an officer in his Majesty's army, was dreaming of the

renationalization of his alienated brethren. As a leading figure in the

councils of the Dekabrists, he never ceased his efforts until his

comrades accepted the restoration of Israel to his pristine place among

the nations of the earth as part of their revolutionary programme. But

with the suppression of the Dekabrists by Nicholas I the scheme died

"a-borning," and sank into oblivion. Later, David Gordon revived the

yearnings of Judah Halevi by his articles in the weekly Ha-Maggid

(1863), which he edited in Lyck, Prussia. Smolenskin's writings resound

with a love for Zion from the very beginning of his literary career. And

a rising young Hebraist, Eliezer ben Yehudah, while still a student of

medicine, wrote, in 1878, and again in 1880, stirring letters to the

editor of Ha-Shahar, in which he advocated the return to the Holy Land

and the revival of the holy tongue as a _conditio sine qua non_ for the

realization of the Jewish mission. These views, at first advocated by

the Hebrew-writing and Hebrew-reading Maskilim, gradually filtered into

the various strata of Russo-Jewish society, and when the clouds began to

gather fast in Russia's sky, and the change in the monarch's policy

augured the approach of evil times, Zionism rapidly made enthusiastic

converts even among the most Russified of the Jewish youth. On November

6, 1884, for the first time in history, a Jewish international assembly

was held at Kattowitz, near the Russian frontier, where representatives

from all classes and different countries met and decided to colonize

Palestine with Jewish farmers.

Since then Haskalah in Russia has become nationalistic and Palestinian.

Even those who were at first opposed to it gradually grew friendly, and

finally became "lovers of Zion" (Hobebe Zion). Among the Russo-Jewish

students in Vienna, Smolenskin, the militant Zionist, organized an

academic society, Kadimah, a name which, meaning Eastward and Forward,

contains the philosophy of Zionism in a nutshell. Seeing that the

Alliance Israélite Universelle encouraged emigration to America, both he

and Ben Yehudah published violent attacks on the French society, and

endeavored to thwart its plans as far as possible.[9] The Hebrew weekly

Ha-Meliz, published in St. Petersburg, was a staunch supporter of the

movement, and a little later Ha-Zefirah, published in Warsaw, which was

at first indifferent, if not antagonistic, joined the ranks. In Russian,

too, the Razsvyet and especially the Buduchnost spread Zionism among

their readers, while books, pamphlets, and poems were published in

Yiddish for circulation among the masses. In addition to the Hobebe Zion

societies formed in many cities, secret societies were organized, such

as the famous Bene Mosheh (Sons of Moses), which had for its object the

moral and intellectual improvement of the future citizens of the Jewish

Republic; the Bilu (initials of Bet Ya'akob leku we-nelekah, "O House of

Jacob, come and let us go"), formed by Israel Belkind, who went to

Palestine with his fellow-students of the University of Kharkov, and

founded the colony of Gederah; and the Hillul (Hereb la-Adonaï

u-le-Arzenu, "A sword for God and our land"), the members of which

pledged themselves to remove any obstacle to the cause of nationalism,

even at the cost of their lives. The Bone Zion (Builders of Zion), a

sort of Masonic fraternity, was a very potent secret society, which

undertook to constitute itself a provisional Jewish Government, and

assiduously watched the Zionistic societies and their leaders in every

portion of the globe.[10]

These dreamy youths, however, heartbroken and disgusted with a

civilization which had failed to redeem its promises, proved but poor

material for laying the foundations for a future nation. It was as with

the Darien Company organized by William Paterson when Scotland was

sorely distressed, and the Champ d'Asile, by the remnant of Napoleon's

grand army--a fine idea, but the men and the means were wanting to

execute it. The colonies in Palestine fared no better than those in

America. They were opposed by the Government from without and by many of

the orthodox Jews from within. The former, though claiming to be glad to

see the Jews emigrate, though declaring to the Jewish delegation that

pleaded for mercy, _Zapadnaya graniza dlya vas otkrita_ ("the Western

frontier is open to you"), was still, Pharaoh-like, reluctant to see so

many "undesirable citizens" leave, and prohibited the formation of

organizations to accomplish the end. The orthodox were against the

movement on religious grounds, because it was "forcing the end" of

Israel's trouble before the destined day of God arrived.[11] But with

the "nineties" the movement received a strong impetus. Alexander

Zederbaum, the publisher of Ha-Meliz, succeeded in obtaining a charter

(February 9, 1890) for the Association for the Aid of Colonization in

Palestine and Syria. Such eminent rabbis as Mordecai Eliasberg, his son

Jonathan, Samuel Mohilever, N.Z.Y. Berlin, and Mordecai Joffe espoused

the cause, and set the example for their less prominent colleagues. When

the question arose whether Jewish agriculturists in Palestine are

obliged to observe the Biblical injunction not to till the ground in the

seventh year (shemittah), Rabbi Isaac Elhanan Spector of Kovno, the

leading rabbi and Talmudist of his time, decided, in opposition to the

Jerusalem rabbinate, that the law had ceased to be effective with the

destruction of the Temple. Baron Edmond de Rothschild of Paris also came

to the rescue of the colonists, and, more important still, there began

an immigration of Russo-Jewish farmers into Palestine, of the class,

numbering about ninety-five thousand souls, whom Arnold White described

as "an active, well set-up, sun-burnt, muscular, agricultural people,

marked by all the characteristics of a peasantry of the highest

character." With them the colonies began to flourish, the debts were

paid off, and a better regime set in. "There was no crime or

drunkenness," says Bentwich, "in those settlements, and the only usurer

was a Russian peasant, who charged the Jewish borrowers thirty-six per

cent for loans. If ever I saw practical religion carried into daily

life, it was among those brave and sober Hebrew ploughmen."[12]

Whatever may be one's views on Zionism, there can be no doubt that it

has proved a power for good in Russia. It introduced new ideals and

revived old expectations. It has accomplished, in a measure, the fond

hope of the Maskilim and awakened within the Russian Jew a feeling of

self-respect and a "consciousness of human worth." Different and

contending elements it has coalesced into one. It has, above all,

brought back to the fold the doubting Thomases and careless Gallios,

even the avowed scoffers, among the Jewish youth, and imbued them with

courage and pride,[13] and given them a new shibboleth, _Meine Kunst der

Welt, mein Leben meinem Volke_ ("My art for the world, my life for my

people").

"We have seen our youths return to us," writes Lilienblum,[14] "and our

hearts were filled with joy. In their restoration we found balm for our

wounds, and with rapturous wonderment we asked 'who has borne us

these?'" The poets welcomed them with songs. Gordon, whose sorrow had

silenced his muse, was inspired once more and called:

Behold our sons, of whom we despaired,

Return to us, the great and the small;

God's grace is not ended, our power's unimpaired,

Again we shall live, and rise after the fall!

Frug sang in Russian:

My own Nation,

Thou art not alone; thy sons behold

Coming back in crowds as in days of old!

And Zunser represented Rachel as soliloquizing in Yiddish:

Through the windows what am I seeing,

Like turtle-doves hitherward fleeing?

Are my Joseph and Benjamin knocking at my door?

O Heavens, O mighty wonder!

Those are my children yonder!

Yes, my dearest and my truest coming home once more!

But Zionism is not exclusively either a political or a religious

movement. It is both plus something else; it is eminently educational.

It has produced novelists and poets, whose writings are full of the

virility and beauty of a rejuvenated nation. In Jaffa it established a

high school (Bet ha-Sefer), it inspired Doctor Chazanowicz to establish

a national library, and ways and means are being considered to establish

a national university in Palestine.

Even among the devotees of the arts it has given rise to a new romantic

school, young painters and sculptors who are depicting their

Judenschmerz.

Their cunning hands--says Mr. Leo Mielziner--have mastered the

technique of their art, be it in Moscow or Munich, or Berlin, or

Paris, but the heart which inspires their brush or mallet

pulsates in Palestine. The wandering Jew in them pauses, not to

portray the impression of the foreign lands and stranger

customs, but to depict his own suffering, his own Heimweh, his

own aspirations.

Struck, Ashkenasi, Maimon, Hirszenberg, Gottlieb, Epstein, Löbschütz,

and Schatz are the leaders of this new movement. The last-named,

together with Ephraim Moses Lilien of Galicia, perhaps the greatest

Jewish illustrator of our time, has founded a national school, Bezalel,

to propagate Jewish art in Palestine, on the same principles on which

the great national art schools of other countries are based. The

language of instruction is Hebrew.

Meanwhile the Society for the Promotion of Haskalah continued its work

of Russification and general civilization. After 1880 its activity was

greatly enhanced, and its members worked with renewed zeal. It opened

elementary schools, and expended large sums on stipends for students,

and the publication of useful and scholarly books. The branch in Odessa

secured two hundred and thirty-one new members in one year (1900),

making the total in that city alone nine hundred and sixty-eight. It

organized a bureau of information on pedagogic subjects, and through the

liberality of Kalonymos Wissotzky instituted prizes for original works

in Hebrew or Russian. Individual philanthropists did their utmost to

counterbalance the restrictions on education.[15]

Trade schools were opened by the Committee for the Promotion of a

Knowledge of Trade and Agriculture among the Jews of Russia, in Minsk,

Vilna, and Vitebsk, besides fifteen manual training schools for boys and

twenty for girls, in which the indigent pupils are provided with food,

clothes, and books. In 1900 thirteen new schools were opened in Kherson

and Yekaterinoslav, to supply the educational demand of the thirty-eight

colonies existing in those Governments. In the vicinity of Minsk a

Junior Republic was organized, and in many cities art and choral

societies were formed.[16]

The desire for self-help and the tendency towards organization, to which

Zionism gave an impetus, was rapidly reflected in every sphere of

Russo-Jewish activity. In a series of works and articles, Jacob Wolf

Mendlin, who studied under Lassalle, pointed out the importance of the

co-operative system. Accordingly, a union was organized by the Jewish

salesmen in Warsaw. In 1897 a conference of Jewish workingmen was held

in that city and Der allgemeine jüdische Arbeiterbund in Littauen,

Polen, und Russland (Federation of Jewish Labor Unions in Lithuania,

Poland, and Russia) was perfected. It published three papers as its

organs, Die Arbeiterstimme, Der jüdischer Arbeiter, and, in Switzerland,

Letzte Nachrichten. Soon workmen's associations and artisans' clubs

appeared wherever there was a sufficient number of Jewish tailors,

hatters, bookbinders, etc., for the purpose of increasing and improving

the value of their production, and to do away with middlemen and

money-lenders. They organized a tailors', dyers', and shoemakers' union

in Kharkov, and a carpenters' union in Minsk, for mutual support in the

struggle for existence, and for the construction of sanitary

workingmen's houses. The cultural desire of the handicraftsmen,

constituting twelve per cent of the Russo-Jewish population and

occasionally fifty-two per cent (Odessa), seventy-three per cent

(Kovno), and even ninety per cent (Byelostok), is phenomenal. Their

object is not only physical improvement. Their highest aim is that their

members be enabled, by means of efficient night schools and private

instruction, to acquire elementary and higher education; in the words of

the constitution of the carpenters' union of Minsk, "to protect their

material interests, raise their moral and intellectual status, and

foster efforts of self-help."[17]

The Hebrew teachers, a class which, though more respected, underwent as

hard a struggle as the workingmen, banded themselves together in 1899 in

the Society for Aiding Hebrew Teachers of the Province of Vilna. Their

president was Michael Wolper, the inspector of the Hebrew Institute and

successor to Wohl as censor of Hebrew publications. Similar attempts

were made in Bessarabia. Rabbi Shachor, chairman of the Hebrew Teachers'

Association of Yekaterinoslav, was instrumental in opening a normal

school conducted on Chautauqua principles, and so advanced the cause of

education considerably.[18]

With the establishment of the rabbinical seminaries and the ukase (May

3, 1855) that only such may officiate as rabbis as have completed a

prescribed course of study, Russian Jewry was placed in a sore

predicament. It was a very difficult task to find men who united secular

knowledge with that thorough mastery of Talmudic literature which the

Jews of Russia exact from their rabbis. Every community was compelled to

appoint two rabbis: an orthodox rabbi (dukhovny rabbin) and a "crown,"

or Government, rabbi (kazyony rabbin). The people recognized only the

authority of the former, the Government that of the latter. The

consequence was that a man with a mere high-school education would apply

for, and would often receive, the position of crown-rabbi. His duties

consisted in merely keeping a register of marriages, births, and deaths,

administering the oath, and the like. The many lawyers and physicians

who were debarred from practicing their professions sought to become

candidates for the rabbinate. To avoid the unpleasant results which

followed, Rabbi Chernovich of Odessa and Rabbi I.J. Reines of Lyda

established seminaries in Odessa and Lyda, to take the place and to

continue the teaching of the Vilna and the Volozhin yeshibot, which had

been closed, and to furnish proper rabbis for the various

congregations.[19]

The century-long struggle for enlightenment had a telling effect. What

the early Maskilim had only dreamed of finally came to be. The

metamorphosis was so great and so general as to be hardly credible. It

was shown by Mr. Landman, in a paper read before the Russo-Jewish

Historical Society of Odessa, that while among the Gentiles of that city

the reading public constituted seven per cent of the population, among

Jews it was no less than thirty-three per cent, and twenty-five per cent

of all readers were Jewish women.[20] By 1905 there were two Yiddish and

three Hebrew dailies, besides several weekly, monthly, and quarterly

periodicals and annuals in Yiddish, Hebrew, and Russian, notwithstanding

the fact that a numerous class depended on the general Russian literary

output for their mental pabulum.

As the number of those who read Hebrew was still considerable, Abraham

Löb Shalkovich (Ben Avigdor) began, with the assistance of a number of

Maskilim, the publication of "penny literature" (Sifre Agorah, Warsaw,

1893). Shortly afterwards the Ahiasaf Society and, a little later, the

Tushiyah Society were founded. The object was to edit and publish "good

and useful books in the Hebrew language for the spread of knowledge and

the teaching of morality and culture among the Hebrew youth, also

scientific books in all departments of learning." Both these

associations have done admirable work. They have published many good

text-books for teaching Hebrew and Jewish history, an illustrated

periodical for children, Olam Katan (The Little World), and numerous

works of interest to the adult. Among their publications were, besides

the original writings of Peretz, Taviov, Frischman, Berdichevsky,

Chernikhovsky, and others, also translations from Bogrov, Byron, Frug,

Hugo, Nordau, Shakespeare, Spencer, Zangwill, Zola, critical biographies

of Aristotle, Copernicus, George Eliot, Heine, Lassalle, Nietzsche,

Rousseau, and a great many equally famous men of letters, which followed

each other in promiscuous but uninterrupted succession, all handsomely

printed and prettily bound, and sold at a moderate price.

One evil, however, remained, in the face of which both the Maskilim and

the financiers found themselves utterly helpless, the evil of the

exclusion of Jews from the universities. They could found elementary and

high schools for the young, night schools and Sabbath Schools for the

adult working-men, but to establish a university was an absolute

impossibility. Jewish youths were again compelled, as in the days of

Tobias Cohn and Solomon Maimon, to seek in foreign lands the education

denied them in their own. Austria, Switzerland, France, and chiefly

Germany, became once more the Meccas whither Russo-Jewish graduates

repaired to finish their studies, and where they formed a sort of Latin

Quarters of their own, and led almost a communal life. Their numbers in

the German universities grew to such proportions, and their material

condition became so wretched, that a society was organized in Berlin for

the express purpose of helping them. On the other hand, the authorities

protested (1906) against expending the funds granted each year for

German educational institutions on the education of non-Germans, and the

Akademischer Club of Berlin passed resolutions demanding a regulation

against their admission. In Leipsic alone, of the six hundred and

sixty-two foreign students who attended the university, three hundred

and forty, or over one-half, are Russian Jews (1906). Of the five

hundred and eighty-six students enrolled in the Commercial University,

three hundred and twenty-two are foreigners, among whom Russians

predominate, and of the eight hundred students who attend the Royal

Conservatory of Music, three hundred are foreigners, also mostly

Russians. Russians constitute two hundred and two of the three hundred

and forty-seven pupils in the Dresden Polytechnicum, and sixty out of

one hundred and thirty-seven in the Dresden Veterinary College, while in

the Freiberg School of Mines and in the Tharand Forestry Academy they

are in a majority, though they pay twice, and in some places three

times, the amount of tuition fee required from the native students. The

proportion is still greater in the Swiss universities of Basle, Berne,

Geneva, Lausanne, and Zurich, where they sometimes constitute

three-fourths of the entire student body in the medical schools (Geneva,

1907).

And as for the progress made by the Russo-Jewish woman, it is wonderful,

indeed. It is hardly a quarter of a century since attention began to be

given to her mental development, and yet she has seldom lagged behind

her sisters in more enlightened lands, and has lately attained to a

proud height. Vilna, with her "many well-educated wives," attracted the

attention of Montefiore in the early "forties"; Tarnopol speaks in terms

of high praise of the Jewish women of Odessa in the "sixties"; they

"charm by their culture, by the ease and precision with which they speak

several European languages, by the correctness of their judgment, and

the beauty of their conversation."[21] The memoirs of Madame Pauline

Wengeroff throw a sidelight also on the accomplishments of her sisters

in the less enlightened districts of Russian Jewry. But in the last

quarter of the nineteenth and the early part of the twentieth century,

their advance was prodigious.[22] When decent Jewish women were

prohibited to reside in St. Petersburg, some of the Jewish female

students, at the risk of their reputation, secured the yellow ticket of

the prostitute rather than sacrifice their education. But the majority

went to other countries. The press has lately been interested in what

these seekers for light in foreign lands have accomplished, and reported

the successes of Fanny Berlin, who graduated from the University of

Berne as doctor of law _summa cum laude_, and of Miss Kanyevsky of

Zinkoff (Poltava), who was the first woman to take her degree as

engineer at the Ecole des Pontes et Chaussees, in Paris.

It is a curious fact--remarks a correspondent in the Pall Mall

Gazette--the majority [of lady doctors practicing in Paris] are

Russian Jewesses, just as are the greatest number of young women

medical students. At a rough calculation there are three hundred

ladies pursuing medical studies at the various schools, and

working side by side with the male students. The reason of the

invasion of the Jewess is, of course, the disabilities that

exist in Russia for those of the faith of Israel ...

disabilities that are hardly lessened in Germany. Moreover,

there exists only one university in Russia, and that is in St.

Petersburg. Some of the women who graduate in medicine do

extremely well afterwards in practice, and are greatly in vogue

in the highest society in Paris.... The lady doctor who is also

a Russian subject has likewise found a field for her energies in

China, where Russian influence is so dominant at the present

moment.

Another writer, in Harper's Bazaar, speaking of girl-students in Paris,

has this to say:

The Russian students are an interesting class in Paris. There

are some one hundred and thirty of them in all, nearly all

Hebrews, as the Russian universities admit only about four Jews

to every hundred students. Their monthly allowance from their

families is often no more than twenty dollars, and out of that

they must pay board, room-rent, and all outside expenses. These

Russian "new women" are extraordinary students. Mlle. Lepinska,

one of the first to graduate in medicine, presented a thesis six

hundred and sixty pages long to her astonished professors.

With pitying admiration the world looks on the struggle for

enlightenment of these brave sons and daughters of Judah. Their trials

and tribulations, their heart-burnings and disappointments, have

inspired poets and painters, novelists and playwrights. From Chamisso's

_Abba Glusk Leczeka_ to Korolenko's _Skazanye o Florye Rimlyaninye_,

czars have died or have been assassinated, statesmen have risen and

fallen, but the Russian Jew, like the heroes of the poem or novel, did

not wait to conquer by submitting. Thanks to his indomitable spirit he

has made unexampled progress. Within the last twenty-five years he has

not only emancipated himself, but he is now the most potent factor in

the struggle for the emancipation of his countrymen. Within these years

he has become the recognized torch-bearer of liberty and enlightenment

in darkest Russia. Uvarov justified his inhuman treatment of the Jews by

the plea that they are "orthodox and believers in the Talmud." The

latest excuse (1904) of von Plehve was that "if we admitted Jews to our

universities without restriction, they would surpass our Russian

students and dominate our intellectual life." But neither the former

prevails, nor the latter, nor their henchmen who fill the columns of the

Grazhdanin, Kievlyanin, Novoye Vremya, and the like. The words and

writings of such noble and world-famous Russians as Popoff, Demidov,

Strogonoff, Bershadsky, Shchedrin, Tolstoi, and the cream of the Russian

"intelligentia," as well as such foreigners as Mommsen, Gladstone,

Leroy-Beaulieu, and Michael Davitt, will have their salutary effect. The

consciousness of the Russian people will awaken. The attitude lately

manifested both in St. Petersburg and the provinces against the

_Kontrabandisti_, a libellous play written by an apostate Jew, Levin,

will become more and more general. Then the heroic effort and the

unexampled progress of the Russian Jews will be more fully appreciated,

and a patriotic nation will gratefully acknowledge its indebtedness to

that smallest but most energetic and self-sacrificing portion of its

heterogeneous population, the Jews, who have done so much, not only for

Jewish Russians, but for Christian Russians as well, to hasten the time

when "many shall run to and fro, and knowledge shall be increased."

(Notes, pp. 327-330.)

NOTES

ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE NOTES

AZJ = Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums, Leipsic, 1837--

FKI = Fünn, Keneset Yisraël, Warsaw, 1860.

FKN = Fünn, Kiryah Ne'emanah, Vilna, 1860.

FSL = Fünn, Safah le-Ne'emanim, Vilna, 1881.

GMC = Ginzberg and Marek, Yevreyskiya Narodniya Pyesni, St. Petersburg,

1901.

HUH = Harkavy, Ha-Yehudim u-Sefat ha-Selavim, Vilna, 1867.

JE = Jewish Encyclopedia, 12 vols., New York, 1901-1906.

LBJ = Levinsohn, Bet Yehudah, Warsaw, 1901.

LTI = Levinsohn, Te'udah be-Yisraël, Warsaw, 1901.

WMG = Wengeroff, Memoiren einer Grossrautter, i., Berlin, 1908.

CHAPTER I

THE PRE-HASKALAH PERIOD

?-1648

(pp. 17-52)

[Footnote 1: Mention might, indeed, be made of Dr. Zunz's pioneer work

in his Aelteste Nachrichten über Juden und jüdische Gelehrte in Polen,

Slavonien, Russland (Gesammelte Schriften, Berlin, 1875, iii. 82-87),

and Firkovich, who, in his Abne Zikkaron (Vilna, 1872), threw much light

on the history of the Crimean Jews. The best contributions to the

subject, however, are those of Harkavy, Russ i Russkiye v Sred. Yevr.

Lit. (Voskhod, 1881), and Malishevsky, Yevreyi v Yuzhnoy Rossii i Kieve,

v. x-xii. Vyekakh, St. Petersburg, 1878.]

[Footnote 2: LTI, p. 33, n. 2; LBJ, ii. 94, n. 2.]

[Footnote 3: See JE, s.v. Azov, and Kertch. See also Fishberg, The Jews:

A Study of Race and Environment, New York, 1911, pp. 150, 192-194.]

[Footnote 4: See Judah Halevi's Kuzari, Introduction.]

[Footnote 5: Minor, Rukovodstvo, Moscow, 1881, iv; Ha-Pardes, St.

Petersburg, 1902, p. 155.]

[Footnote 6: HUH, pp. 31-32, 69-76.]

[Footnote 7: Yevrey Minister, Voskhod, 1885, v. 105 f.]

[Footnote 8: JE, i. 112, 119, 223; viii. 652.]

[Footnote 9: The synagogue in Brest-Litovsk, which Saul Wahl built in

memory of his wife Deborah, was demolished in 1836. WMG, p. 84.]

[Footnote 10: HUH, pp. 77-134.]

[Footnote 11: JE, x. 569.]

[Footnote 12: The story of Zacharias de Guizolfi deserves to be given at

greater length. He was a prince and ruler of the Taman peninsula near

the Black Sea (1419). After he had been unsuccessful in a war against

the Turks, Czar Ivan III sent him a message sealed with the gold seal

(March 14, 1484) as follows:

"By the grace of God, the great ruler of the Russian land, the Grand

Duke Ivan Vassilyevich, czar of all the Russias, to Skariya the Hebrew.

"You have written to us through Gabriel Patrov, our guest, that you

desire to come to us. It is our wish that you do so. When you are with

us, we shall give you evidence of our favorable disposition toward you.

Should you wish to serve us, we will confer honors upon you. But should

you not wish to remain with us, and prefer to return to your country,

you shall be free to go."

For some reason or other, Zacharias never accomplished his contemplated

trip, notwithstanding the many inducements repeatedly offered by the

czar during a period of eighteen years. Perhaps it was because of the

disturbances which rendered transportation dangerous; possibly because

he preferred to serve the khan rather than the czar, for we find him, in

1500, a resident of Circassia. See JE, vi. 107-108; vi. 12.]

[Footnote 13: E.g. Barakha, the hero (1601), Ilyash Karaimovich, the

starosta (1637), and Motve Borokhovich, the colonel (1647). See JE, ii.

128; iv. 283; ix. 40.]

[Footnote 14: See Czacki, Rosprava o Zhydakh, Vilna, 1807, p. 93;

Buchholtz, Geschichte der Juden in Riga, Riga, 1899, p. 3; Mann, Sheerit

Yisraël, Vilna, 1818, ch. 30; Virga, Shebet Yehudah, Hanover, 1856, pp.

147 f., and Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, ix. 480.]

[Footnote 15: The Subbotniki, Dukhobortzi, and the other dissenting, but

non-Jewish, sects are not referred to here, though they may have

received their inspiration from Jews or through Judaism.]

[Footnote 16: Voskhod, 1881, i. 73-75; JE, vii. 487-488; ix. 570;

Bramson, K Istorii Pervonachalnaho Obrazovaniya Russkikh Yevreyev, St.

Petersburg, 1896, pp. 4-6.]

[Footnote 17: Sternberg, Die Proselyten im xvi. und xvii. Jahrhundert,

AZJ, 1863, pp. 67-68 (ibid, in L'univers Israelite, 1863, pp. 272 f.);

Mandelkern, Dibre Yeme Russyah, Warsaw, 1875, pp. 231 f.; Yevreyskaya

Enziklopedya, s.v. Zhidostvuyushchikh; Bedrzhidsky in Zhurnal

Ministerstva Narodnaho Prosvyeshchanya, St. Petersburg, 1912, pp.

106-122; Jewish Ledger, Jan., 1902, p. 3; Emden, Megillat Sefer, ed.

Cohan, p. 207, Warsaw, 1896. On Count Pototzki, see Ger Zedek, in

Yevreyskaya Biblyotyeka, St. Petersburg, 1892; Gershuni, Sketches of

Jewish Life and History, New York, 1873, pp. 158-224 (also

Introduction), and S.L. Gordon's ballad in Ha-Shiloah (Ger Zedek), i.

431. On Pototzki and Zaremba, see Gere Zedek (Anon.), Johannisberg,

1862. On modern Russian Gerim, see Die Welt, July 5, 1907, pp. 16-17

(Palestine), B'nai B'rith News, May 13, 1913 (United States), and

Leroy-Beaulieu, Israel among the Nations, Engl. transl., New York, 1900,

p. 110, n. 1; Yiddishes Tageblatt, July 16 and 23, 1913, Gerim in

Russland, and Vieder vegen Gerim; JE, i. 336; vii. 369-370, 489.]

[Footnote 18: HUH, pp. 3, 21 f.; Minor, op. cit., p. 4; Yevreyskiya

Nadpisi, St. Petersburg, 1884, p. 217; Sefer ha-Yashar, no. 522; Eben

ha-'Ezer, no. 118. On [Hebrew: Bn'n Hrogi] see Monatsschrift, xxii.

514.]

[Footnote 19: Catalogue de Rossi, in. 200; Ha-Maggid, 1860, pp. 299-302;

HUH, pp. 33, 40.]

[Footnote 20: Autobiography, p. 39.]

[Footnote 21: LBJ, ii. 95, n.; Ha-'Ibri, New York, viii., no. 33; Lehem

ha-Panim, Hil. Nedarim, no. 228.]

[Footnote 22: Nishmat Hayyim, Lemberg, 1858, p. 83a; Azulaï, Shem

ha-Gedolim, s.v. Horowitz; FKN, p. 74, and Ha-Maggid, in. 159. Cf.

Sheerit Yisraël, ch. 32, and Edelman, Gedulat Shaül, London, 1854.

Reifman, in Ha-Maggid, claims that to Luria belongs the honor of being

the first-known Jewish author.]

[Footnote 23: See Zikronot, ed. Cohan, pp. 62-66, 90, 313, 336, 380,

passim; Schechter, Studies in Judaism, Philadelphia, 1908, ii. 132.]

[Footnote 24: Margoliuth, Hibbure Likkutim, Venice, 1715, Introduction.]

[Footnote 25: Horowitz, Frankfurter Rabbinen, Frankfort-on-the-Main,

1883, pp. 30-35; FKN, pp. 73-91; Emden, op. cit, p. 125; and

biographies.]

[Footnote 26: LTI, ii. 81, n.; Hannover, Yeven Mezulah, Warsaw, 1872, p.

7b.]

[Footnote 27: Zunz, Literaturgeschichte, pp. 433-435, 442; Buber, Anshe

Shem, Cracow, 1895, pp. 307-309; Benjacob, Ozar ha-Sefarim, p. 396; JE,

xi. 217; Bikkure ha-'Ittim, 1830, p. 43. Jacob of Gnesen, I suspect,

must have lived in Russia.]

[Footnote 28: Steinschneider, Jewish Literature, pp. 235, 240; Benjacob,

op. cit, p. 396.]

[Footnote 29: JE, xii. 265-266: "Enfin les incrédules les plus

déterminés n'out presque rien allégué qui ne soit dans le Rampart de la

Foi du Rabbin Isaac."]

[Footnote 30: Nusbaum, Historya Zhidóv, i. p. 180; Edelman, op. cit,

attributes the coming of Saul Wahl to this cause.]

[Footnote 31: The Elim (Amsterdam, 1629), if not, as the Karaites

maintain, actually the work of Zerah Troki, was surely the result of the

problems submitted by him to Delmedigo.]

[Footnote 32: JE, iv. 504; vii. 264; xii. 266; Ha-Eshkol, iii. and iv.

(R.M. Jarre); LTI, ii. 80; Benjacob, op. cit, no. 1428.]

[Footnote 33: Zunz, Ritus, Berlin, 1859, p. 73, and Gottesdienstliche

Vorträge, Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1892, p. 452, n.a.; Wessely, Dibre

Shalom we-Emet, ii. 7; Benjacob, op. cit., no. 1187.]

[Footnote 34: Voskhod, 1893, i. 79; New Era Illustrated Magazine, v.;

FNI, p. 28 f.; JE, i. 113; ii. 22, 622; xii. 265.]

[Footnote 35: JE, vii. 454.]

[Footnote 36: JE, i. 372; iv. 140; Ha-Yekeb, 1894, p. 68.]

[Footnote 37: Bersohn, Tobiasz Cohn, Warsaw, 1872.]

[Footnote 38: Cf. FKN, pp. 38-42 (Vilna constitution); Hannover, op.

cit., p. 23a; Ha-Modia' la-Hadashim, II. i. II, and JE, s.v. Council,

Kahal, Lithuania, etc.]

[Footnote 39: See GMC, pp. 59 f., and compare with this Lermontoff's

Cossack Cradle-Song, which may be taken as a type:

Sleep, my child, my little darling, sleep, I sing to thee;

Silently the soft white moonbeams fall on thee and me.

I will tell thee fairy stories in my lullaby;

Sleep, my child, my pretty darling, sleep, I sing to thee.

Lo, I see the day approaching when the warriors meet;

Then wilt thou grasp thy rifle and mount thy charger fleet.

I will broider in thy saddle colors fair to see,

Sleep, my child, my little darling, sleep, I sing to thee.

Then my Cossack boy, my hero brave and proud and gay,

Waves one farewell to his mother and rides far away.

Oh, what sorrow, pain and anguish then my soul shall fill,

As I pray by day and night that God will keep thee still!

Thou shalt take a saint's pure image to the battlefield,

Look upon it when thou prayest, may it be thy shield.

And when battles fierce are raging, give one thought to me;

Sleep, my darling, calmly, sweetly, sleep, I sing to thee.

--Westminster Gazette.

See Güdemann, Quellen zur Geschichte des Unterrichts, Berlin, 1891, pp.

285-286; Ha-Boker Or, i. 315 (on Dubno); Ha-Meliz, 1894, no. 254 (on

Mohilev); Zunz, Gottesdienstliche Vorträge, pp. 122g and 470a; cf.

Weiss, Zikronotaï, Warsaw, 1895, pp. 53-83.]

[Footnote 40: Cf. Güdemann, Geschichte des Erziehungswesens, iii. 94,

n., and see Dembitzer, Kelilat Yofi, Introduction, and Meassef, St.

Petersburg, 1902, p. 205, n.]

CHAPTER II

DAYS OF TRANSITION

1648-1794

(pp. 53-109)

[Footnote 1: JE, s.v. Bratzlav.]

[Footnote 2: In the diary of a Polish squire we find the following item:

"Jan. 5. As the lessee Herszka had not yet paid me the rental of 91

gulden, I went to his house to get my debt. According to the contract, I

can arrest him and his wife for as long as I wish, until he settles the

bill, and so I ordered him locked up in the pig-sty and left his wife

and his sons in the inn. The youngest son, however, I took with me to

the palace to be instructed in the rudiments of our religion. The boy is

unusually bright and shall be baptized. I already wrote to our priest

concerning it, and he promised to come to prepare him. Leisza at first

stubbornly refused to make the sign of the cross and repeat our prayers,

but Strelicki administered a sound whipping, and to-day he even ate ham.

Our venerable priest Bonapari ... is inventing all manner of means to

break his stiff-neckedness." Meassef, St. Petersburg, 1902, pp.

192-193.]

[Footnote 3: See Wolkonsky, Pictures of Russian History and Literature,

Boston, 1897, p. 136.]

[Footnote 4: Orshansky, in Yevreyskaya Biblyotyeka, ii. 207.]

[Footnote 5: Meassef, St. Petersburg, 1902, p. 195; Beck and Brann,

Yevreyskaya Istoriya, p. 326; JE, iv. 155; xi. 113.]

[Footnote 6: Meassef, p. 200. On Russia at the time of Peter the Great,

see Macaulay, History of England, ch. xxiii., where he describes the

"savage ignorance and the squalid poverty of the barbarous country." In

that country "there was neither literature nor science, neither school

nor college. It was not till more than a hundred years after the

invention of printing that a single printing-press had been introduced

into the Russian empire, and that printing-press speedily perished in a

fire, which was supposed to have been kindled by priests." When Pyoter

Vyeliki (Peter the Great), while in London, saw the archiepiscopal

library, he declared that "he had never imagined that there were so many

printed volumes in the world." See also Carlyle, History of Frederick

the Great, iv. 7.]

[Footnote 7: FKN, pp. 126-132; Voskhod, 1893; on the Hasidim and

Mitnaggedim see below.]

[Footnote 8: Ma'aseh Tobiah, p. 18; Meassef, pp. 206-209; Geiger (Melo

Hofnayim, Berlin, 1840, pp. 1-29) published Delmedigo's corroboration of

this statement.]

[Footnote 9: Rapoport, Etan ha-'Ezrahi, Ostrog, 1776, Introduction.]

[Footnote 10: Cf. Zederbaum, Keter Kehunnah, pp. 72-74, 84, 121, etc.,

and Ha-Shiloah, xxi. 165; Schechter, Studies in Judaism, i.,

Philadelphia, 1896, i. 17 f., and Greenstone, The Messiah Idea in Jewish

History, pp. 237 f. According to some, Judah he-Hasid and his followers

went to Palestine in the expectation, not of the Messiah, but of

Shabbataï Zebi, who was believed to have been in hiding for forty years,

in imitation of the retirement of Moses in Midian for a similar period

of years. "The ruins of Rabbi Judah he-Hasid's synagogue" and Yeshibah

in Jerusalem still keep the memory of the event fresh in the minds of

Palestinian Jews.]

[Footnote 11: Among the many wonderful episodes in the life of the

master, his biographer mentions also that he could swallow down the

largest gobletful in a single gulp (Shibhe ha-Besht, Berdichev, 1815,

pp. 7-8). The best, though not an impartial work on Hasidism is

Zweifel's Shalom 'al Yisraël, 4 vols., Zhitomir, 1868-1872.]

[Footnote 12: Ha-Boker Or, iv. 103-105: [Hebrew: H'fkormot Mn Nshmot

M'lh Hngon.]]

[Footnote 13: Cf. Emden, op. cit., p. 185, and Shimush, Amsterdam, 1785,

pp. 78-80, with Pardes, ii. 204-214.]

[Footnote 14: See Schechter, op. cit., pp. 73-93; Silber, Elijah Gaon,

1906; Levin, 'Aliyat Eliyahu, Vilna, 1856, and FKN, pp. 133-155.]

[Footnote 15: Levin, op. cit., pp. 28-30.]

[Footnote 16: See Ha-Bikkurim, i. 1-26; ii. 1-20; Ha-Zeman (monthly),

1903, ii. 6; Plungian, Ben Porat, Vilna, 1858, p. 33; Keneset Yisraël,

iii. 152 seq.]

[Footnote 17: Sirkes (Bayit Hadash, Cracow, 1631, p. 40) decides that

Jews may employ in their synagogue melodies used in the church, since

"music is neither Jewish nor Christian, but is governed by universal

laws." See also Hayyim ben Bezalel's Wikkuah Mayim Hayyim, Introduction,

and passim.]

[Footnote 18: See J.S. Raisin, Sect, Creed and Custom in Judaism,

Philadelphia, 1907, p. 9, and ch. viii.; Ha-Meliz, x. 186, 192-194.]

[Footnote 19: See Ha-Zeman (monthly), 1903, ii. 7.; Shklov, Euclidus,

Introduction; Keneset Yisraël, 1887, and Hagra on Orah Hayyim, Shklov,

1803, Introduction.]

[Footnote 20: See Graetz, op. cit, xi. 590, 604, 606. The Gaon, who as a

rule was very mild, lost patience with the Hasidim and wielded the

weapons of the kuni (or stocks and exposures) and excommunication

without mercy. The Hasidim were also accused of being not only religious

dissenters but revolutionaries. Zeitlin, quoted in Yiddishes Tageblatt,

from the Moment, March, 1913.]

[Footnote 21: See Karpeles, Time of Mendelssohn, p. 297; Kayserling,

Mendelssohn, p. 12; Ha-Meliz, 1900, nos. 194-196.]

[Footnote 22: Epstein, Geburat ha-Ari, Vilna, 1870, p. 29; Rabinovich,

Zunz, Warsaw, 1896; Wessely, op. cit., ii.; Linda, Reshit Limmudim,

Berlin, 1789, and Ha-Zeman (monthly), ii. 28.]

[Footnote 23: Delitzsch, Zur Geschichte der jüdischen Poesie, Leipsic,

1836, p. 118; Bernfeld, Dor Tahapukot, Warsaw, 1897, pp. 88 f. Dubno

also edited Luzzatto's La-Yesharim Tehillah, which, according to

Slouschz, marks the beginning of the renaissance in Hebrew

belles-lettres.]

[Footnote 24: Published in Berlin in 1793. It was translated into

English by Murray (Solomon Maimon, Boston, 1888) and into Hebrew by

Taviov (Warsaw, 1899).]

[Footnote 25: Bernfeld, op. cit., ii. 66 f. JE, s.v. Maimon; and

Autobiography (Engl. transl.), p. 217. For Maimon's system of philosophy

and also for a complete bibliography of his writings, see Kunz, Die

Philosophic Salomon Maimons, Heidelberg, 1912, pp. xxv, 531.]

[Footnote 26: Wolff, Maimoniana, Berlin, 1813, p. 177.]

[Footnote 27: How touching and suggestive is the word [Hebrew: Shbi]] in

an acrostic at the end of his Introduction to his Gibe'at ha-Moreh, a

commentary on the Moreh Nebukim:

'hobi ykr kor'

'bi vshm shmi hd'

Shbi bmlt bhtboknn]

[Footnote 28: See Murray's Introduction to the Autobiography; Auerbach,

Dichter und Kaufmann; Zangwill, Nathan the Wise and Solomon the Fool.]

[Footnote 29: FKI, p. 196.]

[Footnote 30: Maggid, Toledot Mishpehot Ginzberg, pp. 52-53; Emden,

Sheëlat Ya'abez, Altona, 1739, p. 65 a.]

[Footnote 31: FKN, pp. 109-114, 269; FKI, p. 300.]

[Footnote 32: FKI, p. 394; Delitzsch, op. cit, p. 84.]

[Footnote 33: L'univers Israélite, liii. 831-841: "C'est, vous le voyez,

un juif polonais qui contribua puissamment à l'émancipation des juifs de

France. Et je me demande si le Judaisme du monde entier ne doit pas

rendre hommage à notre coreligionnaire polonais autant peut-être qu' à

Menasse ben Israël." FKI, p. 333; Ha-Meliz, ii. no. 50; Shulammit, iii.

425; Graetz, op. cit. (Engl. transl.), v. 443.]

[Footnote 34: See Berliner, Festschrift, 1903, pp. 1-4.]

[Footnote 35: See Ha-Meliz, viii. nos. 11, 22, 23; FSL, p. 139;

Monatsschrift, xxiv, 348-357.]

[Footnote 36: Delitzsch, op. cit., pp. 115-118; Ha-Zeman (monthly), ii.

23 f.]

[Footnote 37: See Meassef, 1788, p. 32, and Levin's ed. of Moreh

Nebukim, Zolkiev, 1829, Introduction.]

[Footnote 38: Ha-Meassef, 1809, pp. 68-75, 136-171.]

[Footnote 39: See Sefer ha-Berit, Introduction, and Weissberg,

Aufklärungsliteratur, Vienna, 1898, p. 83.]

[Footnote 40: FKI, p. 428.]

[Footnote 41: See Emden, Torat ha-Kenaot, pp. 123-127, and Hitabkut

(Pinczov's letters); Voskhod, 1882, nos. viii-ix; FSL, pp. 136-137;

Friedrichsfeld, Zeker Zaddik, p. 12.]

[Footnote 42: Maimon, Autobiography, pp. 106-107; FSL, p. 135.]

[Footnote 43: See LTI, ii. 96, n. 1, and Yellin and Abrahams,

Maimonides, p. 160, and reference on p. 330, n. 72; Ha-Zeman (monthly),

i. 102-103; Margolioth, Bet Middot, p. 20. Heine's admiration for these

idealists or those who succeeded them is well worth quoting. In his

essay on Poland, he says: "In spite of the barbaric fur cap which covers

his head and the even more barbaric ideas which fill it, I value the

Polish Jew much more than many a German Jew with his Bolivar on his head

and his Jean Paul inside of it.... The Polish Jew in his unclean furred

coat, with his populous beard and his smell of garlic and his Jewish

jargon, is nevertheless dearer to me than many a Westerner in all the

glory of his stocks and bonds."]

[Footnote 44: Op. cit. Letter ii.]

[Footnote 45: Likkute Kadmoniot, Vilna, 1860, Introduction.]

CHAPTER III

THE DAWN OF HASKALAH

1794-1840

(pp. 110-161)

[Footnote 1: See Orshansky, in Yevreyskaya Biblyotyeka, ii. 240;

Drabkin, in Monatsschrift, xix-xx.]

[Footnote 2: FKN, pp. 27, 303.]

[Footnote 3: JE, iv. 301; Plungian, op. cit, p. 59.]

[Footnote 4: FKN, p. 193.]

[Footnote 5: JE, iv. 407.]

[Footnote 6: FKN, p. 193; Jellinek, Kuntres ha-Rambam, pp. 39f.]

[Footnote 7: Occident, v. 360.]

[Footnote 8: Jost, Culturgeschichte, Berlin, 1847, p. 302.]

[Footnote 9: Steinschneider, 'Ir Vilna, 1900, p. 146.]

[Footnote 10: Voskhod, 1881, ii. 29-30; 1900, p. 55.]

[Footnote 11: FKN, pp. 277-279.]

[Footnote 12: See Rabinovitz, Ma'amar 'al ha-Defosat ha-Talmud, Munich,

1876, p. 112. Cf. Zweifel, op. cit., iv. 7.]

[Footnote 13: FKN, pp. 277-279.]

[Footnote 14: Toledot Adam, pp. 14 b, 16 b, 24 b, 75 b, 84 a.]

[Footnote 15: See Plungian, op cit., pp. 46-47, 91; Voskhod, 1900, ix.

77; Ha-Zeman (monthly), 1903, iii. 22-30; see also Die Zukunft, New

York, July, 1913, pp. 713 f.]

[Footnote 16: Voskhod, Dec., 1890, pp. 142 f.; Ha-Boker Or, Jan., 1881.]

[Footnote 17: Voskhod, 1888, iii. 37 f; Rodkinson, Toledot 'Ammude

HaBaD.]

[Footnote 18: Cohan, Rabbi Yisraël Ba'al Shem Tob, 1900, p. 67.]

[Footnote 19: 'Ammude Bet Yehudah, xxvii., and see Ha-Zeman (monthly),

ii. 8-15.]

[Footnote 20: Buchholtz, op. cit., Beilage 14, pp. 137-138.]

[Footnote 21: See Weissberg, op. cit., p. 53; Talmud Leshon Russiah,

Vilna, 1825; Moda' li-Bene Binah, ibid., 1826; cf. Baër Heteb,

Introduction.]

[Footnote 22: Helel ben Shahar, Warsaw, 1804, Introduction, and p. 81.

See Peri ha-Arez Yashan, Letter 2, quoted by Dubnow, Pardes, ii.

210-211.]

[Footnote 23: Keneset Yisraël, i. 138; Morgulis, Voprosi Yevreyskoy

Zhizni, pp. 7-10.]

[Footnote 24: Enziklopedichesky Slovar, St. Petersburg, 1895, xvii.

642.]

[Footnote 25: Ha-Shahar, x. 44-52; FKN, p. 33; Ha-Boker Or, i. 145-146.]

[Footnote 26: FSL, p. 164.]

[Footnote 27: See Günzburg, Ha-Debir, Warsaw, 1883, ii. 55;

Israelitische Annalen, 1840, p. 263.]

[Footnote 28: Ha-Zeman (monthly), iii. 10.]

[Footnote 29: Minor, op. cit, p. 46; Lerner, Yevreyi v Novorossiskom

Kraye, Odessa, 1901, p. 234; Monatsschrift, xviii. 234 f., 477 f., 551

f.]

[Footnote 30: Voskhod, 1881, i-iii; Ha-Zeman (monthly), iii. 11-14.]

[Footnote 31: Op. cit, pp. 208-209.]

[Footnote 32: Cf. Graetz, xi. 50; Kayserling, op. cit, p. 288; Fünn,

Sofre Yisraël, Vilna, 1891, pp. 138-143; WMG, p. 135.]

[Footnote 33: Graetz, xi. 590, 604, 606; Annalen, xx. 467; Kayserling,

op. cit., p. 307; Landshut, Toledot Anshe Shem, p. 85.]

[Footnote 34: [Hebrew: Yd Tshlhu 'l Rm''d Bsfri]. Weiss, Zikronotaï, p.

58, n.; Ha-Zeman (monthly), i. and iii. 18-19.]

[Footnote 35: Zweifel, op. cit., pp. 35-40, and Ha-Hasidut we-ha-Musar

in Ha-Meliz, 1897; Toledot Mishpehot Shneersohn, in Ha-Asif, v. 35-40,

and Nefesh Hayyim, iii. 3.]

[Footnote 36: Mandelkern, Dibre Yeme Russyah, iii. 98; American

Israelite, nos. 15, 18, etc. (My Travels in Russia); Gordon, Ha-Azamot

ha-Yebashot, Odessa, 1899; AZJ, 1854, p. 22; Zunser, Biography, New

York, 1905, pp. 15-19 (Engl. transl., pp. 14-18); Shenot Ra'inu Ra'ah,

in Ha-Meliz, 1860; Sefer ha-Shanah, iii. 82-101, and GMC, nos. 43-50.

One of these songs runs as follows:

On the streets in tears we're wading,

In our bairns' blood we might be bathing;

What a misfortune, ah, wellaway--

Will never dawn the better day?

Little infants from heder are torn,

And forced to wear the soldier's uniform;

What a misfortune, etc.

Our leaders, rabbis, and honored elders,

E'en help to impress them for the czar's soldiers;

What a misfortune, etc.

Seven sons has Zushe Rakover,

Yet not a one for the army is over;

What a misfortune, etc.

Leah, the widow, has an only son,

And for the kahal's sins he's gone;

What a misfortune, etc.]

[Footnote 37: GMC, no. 42. On similar enthusiasm among the Galician

Maskilim, see Erter, Kol Kore, in Ha-Zofeh le-Bet Yisrael, Warsaw, 1890,

pp. 131-133.]

[Footnote 38: Elk, Die jüdischen Kolonien in Russland,

Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1886, pp. 28-53, 60-80, 119-140, 153-160,

205-208; Jastrow, Beleuchtungen, etc., Hamburg, 1859, pp. 109-113.]

[Footnote 39: See Zunz, Gesammelte Schriften, Berlin, 1875, pp, 279-290;

Jost, Freimüthige Beleuchtung, Berlin, 1830; and Culturgeschichte, pp.

302-303.]

[Footnote 40: Rabinovitz, op. cit., pp. 11-18.]

[Footnote 41: On Volozhin, see Ha-Kerem, 1887, pp. 67-77; Bikkurim,

1865, pp. 6-45; Ozar ha-Sifrut, iii.; Ha-Asif, iii.; Ha-Meliz, 1900,

nos. 16-18; Schechter, op. cit., i. 93-98; Horowitz, Derek 'Ez

ha-Hayyim, Cracow, 1895. The yeshibah was reopened under the deanship of

Rabbi Raphael Shapira of Bobruisk, and still exists, though in a rather

precarious condition.]

[Footnote 42: Read the vivid description in WMG, p. 147.]

[Footnote 43: Occident, ii. 563-564.]

[Footnote 44: Uvarov's opinion of the Talmud was "razvrashchal i

raz-vrashchayet" ("it has been degrading and is degrading"). Nicholas

granted special privileges to the Karaites, and claimed they were the

genuine Israelites, chiefly because they did not follow the precepts of

the Talmud.]

[Footnote 45: Occident, ii. 562-563.]

[Footnote 46: See Loewe, Diaries of Sir Moses and Lady Montefiore,

London, 1890, i. 100, 231, 311-312, passim; Günzburg, Debir, ii. 99-108;

(Dick), Ha-Oreah, Königsberg, 1860.]

[Footnote 47: Günzburg, op. cit., pp. 115-117, 122-125; Leket Amarim

(suppl. to Ha-Meliz), St. Petersburg, 1887, pp. 81-86; AZJ, ix. nos.

46-50; x. nos. 5, 49, etc.; Jastrow, op. cit., p. 12, Lubliner, De la

condition politique .... dans le royaume de Pologne, Brussels, 1860

(especially pp. 44-45).]

[Footnote 48: GMC, no. 255.]

CHAPTER IV

CONFLICTS AND CONQUESTS

1840-1855

(pp. 162-221)

[Footnote 1: Diakov states that "when the population degenerated in West

Russia, business and industry declined, and the number of the rich

greatly diminished, while the nobles, embittered against the Government,

did absolutely nothing for their country, the Jews formed an

exception.... There is no doubt that they are doing their utmost for the

regeneration of our land, despite the restrictions heaped upon them

without any cause" (Elk, op. cit., p. 41 seq.). Surovyetsky likewise

maintains that "after the devastation of Poland because of the numerous

wars, the ruining of so many cities, and the almost total extermination

of their inhabitants ... the Jews alone effected the regeneration of our

trade. They alone upheld our tottering industries .... We may safely

affirm that without them, without their characteristic mobility, we

should never have recovered our commerce and wealth" (Jastrow, op. cit.,

p. 12).]

[Footnote 2: See AZJ, April 29, 1844, and Orient, 1844, P-224, in which

the correspondent adds: "It is a touching sight to see these laborers

(as longshoremen), for the most part aged, perform their fatiguing

duties in the streets during the hottest seasons, endeavoring to lighten

their heavy burdens by the repetition of Biblical and Talmudic

passages."]

[Footnote 3: Ozar ha-Sifrut, 1877; Annalen, 1839, pp. 345-346, and 1841,

no. 31. Bikkure ha-'Ittim, 1821, pp. 168-172; FSL, p. 150; Paperna,

Ha-Derammah (Eichenbaum's letter); Ha-Boker Or, 1879, pp. 691-698;

Occident, v. 255; Pirhe Zafon, ii. 216-217; Ha-Maggid, 1863, p. 348;

Orient, 1841, p. 266; Lapin, Keset ha-Sofer, Berlin, 1857, p. 8, and

Morgulis, op. cit., p. 48.]

[Footnote 4: Jost, Culturgeschichte, pp. 308-309; Morgulis, op. cit., p.

27; Atlas, Mah Lefanim u-mah Leaher, Warsaw, 1898, pp. 44 f.]

[Footnote 5: Sbornik of the Minister of Education, iii. 140; Ha-Shahar,

iv. 569.]

[Footnote 6: See An die Verehrer, Freunde und Schüler, etc., Leipsic,

1823, pp. 122-125.]

[Footnote 7: Ueber die Verbesserung der Israeliten im Königreich Polen,

Berlin, 1819.]

[Footnote 8: Zunz, Gesammelte Schriften, pp. 296-297; Jost, op. cit, p.

304; Jastrow, op. cit, pp. 41 f.; and Zederbaum, Kohelet, St.

Petersburg, 1881, p. 6.]

[Footnote 9: Occident, v. 493.]

[Footnote 10: Maggid Yeshu'ah, Vilna, September, 1842. It is reproduced,

together with many Haskalah reminiscences, by Gottlober in Ha-Boker Or,

iv. (Ha-Gizrah we-ha-Binyah). According to Gottlober the Hebrew is

Fünn's translation from the original German. Yet Hebrew letters (Leket

Amarim, St. Petersburg, 1888) were published in Lilienthal's name.]

[Footnote 11: See AZJ, 1842, no. 41; Mandelstamm, Hazon la-Moëd, Vienna,

1877, pp. 19, 21, 25-27; Leket Amarim, pp. 86-89; Kohelet, p. 12;

Morgulis, op. cit, p. 55; Ha-Pardes, pp. 186-199; Nathanson, Sefer

ha-Zikronot, Warsaw, 1878, p. 70; Lilienthal, in American Israelite,

1854 (My Travels in Russia), and Jüdisches Volksblatt, 1856 (Meine

Reisen in Russland), and Der Zeitgeist, 1882, p. 149.]

[Footnote 12: Occident, v. 252, 296.]

[Footnote 13: WMG, pp. 185-200; AZJ, 1844, pp. 75, 247; 1845, pp.

304-305; 1846, p. 18; American Israelite, i. 156.]

[Footnote 14: Rede, etc., Riga, 1840, p. 5.]

[Footnote 15: Ha-Pardes, i. 202-203. See Bramson, op. cit., pp. 26-27;

WMG, p. 118.]

[Footnote 16: Ha-Kokabim, 1868, pp. 61-78; Ha-Kerem, 1887, pp. 41-62;

Zweifel, op. cit, pp. 55-56.]

[Footnote 17: Ha-Mizpah, 1882, p. 17; Kohelet, p. 16; Sbornik of the

Minister of Education, 1840, pp. 340, 436-437, and Supplement, pp.

35-38; Prelooker, Under the Czar and Queen Victoria, London, pp. 4-5;

cf. AZJ, 1846, p. 86.]

[Footnote 18: Elk, op. cit, ch. iii.]

[Footnote 19: Occident, v. 493; Nathanson, Sefat Emet, p. 92;

Mandelstamm, op. cit., pp. 31-32, and Morgulis, op. cit, pp. 102-147.

On tax collectors, cf. the English ballad quoted by Macaulay (History of

England, ch. iii.):

Like plundering soldiers they'd enter the door,

And made a distress on the goods of the poor,

While frightened poor children distractedly cried;

This nothing abated their insolent pride.

And the Yiddish folk song (GMC, no. 55):

The excise young fellows,

They are tremendously wild:

They shave their beards,

And ride on horses,

Wear overshoes,

And eat with unwashed hands.

Their lack of confidence in the permanence of the schools is expressed

in the following song (GMC, no. 53):

May we soon be released from the Jewish Goless,

When we shall be expelled from the Gentile Scholess (schools).

On the struggle to retain the so-called Jewish mode of dress, see I.M.

D(ick), Die Yiddishe Kleider Umwechslung, Vilna, 1844.]

[Footnote 20: Op. cit., pp. 12-13; cf. Letteris, in Moreh Nebuke

ha-Zeman, Introduction, pp. xv-xvi; Bramson, op. cit., pp. 34-35, 43-44,

and Levanda, Ocherki Proshlaho, St. Petersburg, 1876.]

[Footnote 21: Cf. Buckle, History of Civilization, New York, 1880, ii.

529-538.]

[Footnote 22: "Fifty years ago," says Mr. Rubinow (Bulletin of the

Bureau of Labor, no. 72, Washington, Sept., 1907, p. 578), "the

educational standard of the [Russian] Jews was higher than that of the

Russian people at large is at present."]

[Footnote 23: Mandelkern, op. cit., iii. 33.]

[Footnote 24: Buckle, op. cit., pp. 140-142, notes 33-37.]

[Footnote 25: The same phenomenon was witnessed to a certain extent also

in Galicia, where for a while Haskalah flourished in great splendor.

There, too, the charm and fecundity of German literature, the similarity

of Yiddish to German, and the privileges the Austrian Government

accorded them, proved too strong a temptation for the Jews, and many of

those who became enlightened were rapidly assimilated with their Gentile

countrymen. While, therefore, in Galicia the Haskalah movement lasted

longer than in Germany, it had ceased long before it reached its fullest

development in Russia. Austrian civilization accelerated the

assimilation of the educated, Polish prejudice retarded the progress of

the masses. So that though Erter, Letteris, Krochmal, Goldenberg,

Mieses, Rapoport, Perl, and Schorr exerted a great influence in Russia,

their own country remained unaffected. Many of them, like A. Peretz,

Eichenbaum, Feder, Pinsker, Werbel, and Rosenfeld emigrated to Russia,

where they found a wider field for their activities, while others, like

Professor Ludwig Gumplowicz, the sociologist, Marmorek, the physician,

and Scheps, the litterateur, became alienated from their former

coreligionists.]

[Footnote 26: Keneset Yisraël, iii. 84; Gottlober, Za'ar Ba'ale Hayyim,

Zhitomir, 1868: [Hebrew: T'rng Nfshi 'lid Ki] (comp. Ps. xlii, and Shir

ha-Kabod, last verse).]

[Footnote 27: Occident, v. 243. Cf. Buchholtz, op. cit., pp. 82-116.]

[Footnote 28: Occident, v. 255; Yevreyskaya Biblyotyeka, ii. 207-210.]

[Footnote 29: 1840, no. 9.]

[Footnote 30: Emden, Megillat Sefer, p. 5; Günzburg, Debir, ii. 105-106;

Mandelstamm, op. cit, i. 3-4, 11; Annalen, 1841, no. 31.]

[Footnote 31: FKN, pp. 246-247; Günzburg, op. cit., i. 48. Moses Reines

also points out the fact that the prominent rabbis did not withhold

their approval of the most typical Haskalah works when their authors

were not suspected of heresy, as shown by Abele's haskamah on

Levinsohn's Te'udah be-Yisraël, Tiktin's on Günzburg's Toledot ha-Arez,

and Malbim's on Zweifel's Sanegor (Ozar ha-Sifrut, 1888, p. 61).]

[Footnote 32: Ha-Boker Or, 1879, no. 4; FKI, pp. 537-538, 1132;

Ha-Lebanon, 1872, no. 35; Ha-Zefirah, 1879, no. 9; Jewish Chronicle, May

4, 1877; Keneset Yisraël, 1887, pp. 157-162; Ha-Meliz, ix. (1889), nos.

198-199, 201, 232; Jost, op. cit., p. 305. Da'at Kedoshim, St.

Petersburg, 1897, pp. 19, 22, 27.]

[Footnote 33: These biographical sketches, first published respectively

in the New Era Illustrated Magazine (1905, pp. 387-396) and the American

Israelite (April 25, 1907), are drawn from the following sources;

Houzner, I.B. Levinsohn (Russian), Odessa, 1862; Nathanson, Sefer

ha-Zikronot (Heb.), Warsaw, 1878; Yiddishe Bibliotek (Yid.), Kiev, 1888;

also Annalen, 1839, no. 17; Ha-Maggid, 1863, p. 381; Ha-Zefirah, 1900,

p. 197; Maggid, op. cit., pp. 86-115; Günzburg, Debir, i. and ii.,

Warsaw, 1883; Kiryat Sefer, Vilna, 1835 (esp. Letters 85-93, 101-102);

Abi'ezer, Vilna, 1863; Lebensohn, Kiryat Soferim, Vilna, 1847; Pardes,

i. 192; Recke und Napyersky, Allgemeines Schriftsteller und Gelehrten

Lexicon der Provinzen Livland, Esthland und Kurland, Mitau, 1829, pp.

147-148; and the works referred to in the text.]

CHAPTER V

RUSSIFICATION, REFORMATION, AND ASSIMILATION

1856-1881

(pp. 222-267)

[Footnote 1: San Donato, The Jewish Question, St. Petersburg, 1883, p.

36.]

[Footnote 2: Ha-Meliz, 1888, nos. 95, 163; Gordon, Iggerot, Warsaw,

1894, ii., and Russky Vyestnik, 1858, i. 126.]

[Footnote 3: Scholz, Die Juden in Russland, Berlin, 1900, pp. 102-107;

Hessen, Galeriya, p. 23; Voskhod, 1881, v. 1893; viii; Russky Yevrey,

1882, i.]

[Footnote 4: Second Complete Russian Code, xxv, nos. 24, 768; xxvii.

nos. 26, 508.]

[Footnote 5: Voskhod, October, 1881; Chwolson, Die Blutanklage,

Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1901, p. 117.]

[Footnote 6: Zunser, Biography, p. 28.]

[Footnote 7: Kol Shire Mahallalel, i. 79-91.]

[Footnote 8: Kol Shire YeLeG, i. 43.]

[Footnote 9: Bramson, op. cit, pp. 52-54; Russky Yevrey, 1879, nos.

16-17.]

[Footnote 10: Rosenthal, Toledot Hebrat Marbe Haskalah, i. 3, 19, 103,

158-159; ii. Introduction.]

[Footnote 11: How happy the Maskilim of that time were to save their

fellows from the darkness of ignorance can be seen from the following

anecdote told by a Maskil in a retrospective mood (Ha-Shiloah, xvii.,

257-258): "Among the first of our young men to enter the gymnasium of my

native town of Mohilev were Ackselrod and the Leventhal brothers. The

former began to give instruction while he was still in the third grade

.... One morning he suddenly disappeared. After several days of anxious

search it was discovered that he had left on foot for Shklov, a distance

of about thirty vyersts, and while there he succeeded in persuading

fifteen boys to leave the yeshibah and come with him to Mohilev, where,

like a puissant warrior returning in triumph, he went with his little

army to the different homes to secure board and lodging for them while

they were being prepared for admission into the gymnasium."]

[Footnote 12: Op. cit., p. 35 (Engl. transl., p. 26).]

[Footnote 13: Op. cit., p. 9.]

[Footnote 14: Max Raisin, The Reform Movement, etc. (reprint from the

Year Book of the Central Conference of American Rabbis, xvi.),

Introduction.]

[Footnote 15: Odessky Yevrey, 1847 (Novaya Yevreyskaya Synagoga v

Odessa).]

[Footnote 16: Hessen, op. cit., p. 68; Voskhod, 1881, p. 132.]

[Footnote 17: Rosenthal, op. cit., p. 70; Gordon, Iggerot, nos. 60-62;

Ha-Meliz, xx, nos. 8, 11, 13.]

[Footnote 18: Voskhod, 1900, v.; Sefer ha-Shanah, ii. 288-290.]

[Footnote 19: Ha-Meliz, 1899, no. 39.]

[Footnote 20: Ben Sion, Yevrey Reformatory, St. Petersburg, 1882. In his

manifesto (Ha-Meliz, April 21, 1881) Gordon declared: "We have discarded

the dusty Talmud. We cannot rest satisfied, in questions of religion,

with the worm-eaten carcass, with the observances of rabbinical

Judaism." See Ha-Shiloah, ii. 53. See also Kahan, Meahore ha-Pargud

(reprint from Ha-Meliz, 1885), St. Petersburg, 1886.]

[Footnote 21: Prelooker, op. cit., pp. 24 f.; Voskhod, Feb. 3, 1886;

Razsvyet, 1881, no. 25.]

[Footnote 22: Duprey, Great Masters of Russian Literature (Engl. transl.

Dole, New York, 1886), p. 151.]

[Footnote 23: Rosenthal, op. cit, i. 66, 103, 158-159; Ha-Maggid, 1868,

p. 18. Cf. McClintock and Strong, Biblical, Theological and

Ecclesiastical Cyclopedia, New York, 1891, ii. 805. The beautiful

synagogue which the Jews began to erect in Moscow at the cost of half a

million rubles was declared by Pobyednostsev to be "too high and

imposing," and they were compelled to destroy the cupola and deform the

interior. Nevertheless it had to remain a "dead" synagogue, until

Nicholas II was pleased to give permission to open it.]

[Footnote 24: Shereshevsky, O Knigie Kahala, St. Petersburg, 1872;

Seiberling, Gegen Brafmann's Buch des Kahals, Vienna, 1881; Ha-Shahar,

iv. 621; xi. 242.]

[Footnote 25: Prelooker, Heroes and Heroines of Russia, London, p. 120;

Ha-Shiloah, xvii. 257-263.]

[Footnote 26: Zederbaum, 'Ayin Zofiyah, Warsaw, 1877, pp. 7-8;

Prelooker, Under the Czar, etc., pp. 8-21.]

[Footnote 27: It may not be superfluous to quote here the vivid picture

given of the period I am now describing by Eliakum Zunser in his

interesting autobiography; the more, as it is depicted very much in the

style of the Maskilim of to-day:

"It is an accepted law in hygiene that the digestive system must not be

overburdened at any one time by too much food, that eating must not be

done hastily, and, above all, great care must be taken to choose

wholesome and digestible food. These principles are still more important

to one who is hungry, who has abstained from food for any length of

time. He should select the healthy and light foods, and partake of

little at first until the powers of digestion are fully restored. Should

he neglect to observe these simple rules, he will ruin his digestive

system, the food will turn into poison, and he may contract a stubborn

disease which no physician will be able to cure.

"This is exactly what happened to our Russian Jews from 1860 to 1880.

For many long centuries they had endured an intellectual fast. The

Government had debarred them from the world's culture. They were closely

packed together in the narrow and dark ghettos. They knew of their

synagogues, yeshibot, and prayer-houses (Kloisen) on the one hand, and

of their little stores on the other. That there was a great world beyond

and without, a world of culture, education, and civilization, of this

they had only heard. A great many of them strove to break through the

bounds that confined them and step into the world of light and life; but

the Cossack, lead-laden whip in hand, stood there ready to drive them

back.

"The thirst for education and civilization became daily more intense,

and reached the utmost limits of endurance. Five million Russian Jews

raised their hands to the Government and pleaded for mercy: 'Release us

from this ghetto! We, too, are human beings! Give us breathing space!

Give us light! We are faint and starving!' And the Cossack promptly

answered 'Nazad ('Back!') Here you are and here you remain--not a step

further!'

"And all at once, lo! there came a light! Alexander II, as soon as he

ascended the throne, opened wide the doors of the ghetto, and the

Russian Jews, young and old, men and women, rushed to the new culture.

All crowded to the dainty dish, and no time was lost in making up for

the intellectual fast.

"But here happened what usually occurs after a long fast. The wiser

partook of food with discretion. They selected the ingredients which

were wholesome, and which their system could digest. All unripe,

objectionable food they rejected; their main object was to select the

food which the Jewish system could assimilate. The governing principle

was to unite Jewish learning with the new culture. They knew that among

the new delicacies there were many that were injurious and unhealthy,

though the defects were disguised by alluring spices; but those who had

not lost the innate, unerring Jewish scent found no difficulty in

distinguishing that which was sound from the injurious, and they remain

strong and faithful Jews to this day.

"Others, and they formed the greater part of the Russian Jews, seized

things as they came. Nay, the more dangerous the delicacy, the more the

relish with which it was devoured. And these delicacies were gorged at

such a rate as to cause constitutional disorder. They who were a little

wiser somehow shook off the objectionable matter, and became 'whole'

again; and a great number 'died,' and a still greater number are

dangerously 'sick' to this very day.

"The sick among our Russian brethren, those who partook in dangerous

quantities of the unwholesome delicacies, believed that they would solve

all difficulties by 'Russification,' that is, by abandoning the old

Jewish culture and adopting Russian mannerisms and customs--by ceasing

to lead Jewish lives and by leading the lives of Russians. A great

number of Jewish literary men of those times believed that if the

Russian Jews would become 'Russified,' and would adopt modern

civilization, they would receive full and equal rights, on the same

terms as the other nationalities. These literary men were dazzled by the

little liberty Alexander II granted the Russian Jews, and they did not

understand that he pursued the same object as his father, Nicholas I. In

the days of Alexander II, many more Jews were converted to Christianity

than in the bitter days of Nicholas I; and many who were not converted

remained but caricatures of real Jews.

"The so-called 'Jewish Aristocracy' in Russia, and especially the

wealthy Jews of North Russia, of St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Kharkov,

Russified at top speed. They removed from their homes and their

home-life anything that was in the least degree Jewish. They shattered

all that for thousands of years had been holy and dear to the Jew. Like

apes they imitated the manners and customs of the Christians. The

younger children did not even know that they were descended from Jews,

as was the case in the first 'pogroms,' when the children asked their

parents: 'Why do they beat us? Are we, too, Jews (Razve vy tozhe

Yevrey)?'"]

[Footnote 28: For a full biography see Brainin, Perez ben Mosheh

Smolenskin, Warsaw, 1896; Keneset Yisraël, i. 249-286; Ha-Shiloah, i.

82-92, and his works, especially Ha-Toëh be-Darke ha-Hayyim, Vienna,

1876.]

CHAPTER VI

THE AWAKENING

1881-1905

(pp. 268-303)

[Footnote 1: Most of this is based on Persecution of the Jews in Russia,

Philadelphia, 1891, pp. 8-18, 22, 35, 51-82, 184-185; Frederick, The New

Exodus, London, 1892, pp. 192-208; Errera, Les juifs russes, Brussels,

1893, pp. 29, 43 f., 89-90, 188-189. Between 1883 and 1885, the Mining

Institute and Engineering Institute for Public Roads adopted the five

per cent limit, the Kharkov Technical Institute a ten per cent limit,

and the Veterinary Institute, of the same city, the only one of the sort

in Russia, excluded Jews altogether.

"My zemlyakes" (countrymen), says a reminiscent writer, "soon after they

had finished their course in engineering, had taken each a different

road. One became a crown-rabbi, one a flour merchant, a third a

bookkeeper, but none of them could, on account of his religion, legally

pursue his chosen vocation" (Yiddishes Tageblatt, New York, May 13,

1908).]

[Footnote 2: Urussov, Memoirs of a Russian Governor (Engl. transl., New

York, 1908), pp. 70, 90-91. "Out of 266 students admitted to the Kharkov

University in 1901, only 8 were Jews, though at least 12 had 'finished

the gymnasium,' not only with the 'highest possible' marks, but with

gold medals. At the Technological Institute of the same city, 7 were

Jews in a total of 240, though 12 applying for admission had received

the 'highest possible' marks. At the Kiev University, of 580 new

students, 32, all of them medallists, were Jews. How many applied for

admission, the daily and weekly press, from which these figures are

taken, did not report."]

[Footnote 3: Ner ha-Ma'arabi, vii, 27.]

[Footnote 4: "He who claims that a spirit of reaction has affected our

people as a whole," says Moses Reines (Ozar ha-Sifrut, ii. 45), "is

greatly mistaken. That the children of the poor from whom learning

cometh forth still forsake their city and country and acquire knowledge,

... that societies for the spread of Haskalah are formed every day, ...

that strict and pious Jews send their sons and daughters to where they

can obtain enlightenment, that rabbis, dayyanim, and maggidim urge their

children to become proficient in the requirements of the times ... write

for the press ... and deplore the gezerot (restrictions) regarding

admission to schools--all this proves convincingly that they do not see

right who complain that our entire nation is going backward."]

[Footnote 5: See Ha-Maggid, 1899, no. 160. While in 1848 there were 2446

and in 1854, 4439 converts, in 1860-1880 there were from 350 to 450 per

annum, in 1881, 572, in 1882, 610, and in 1883, 461 converts. With the

spread of Zionism conversions continued to diminish, and, while there

were relapses during the renewed pogroms of 1891 and 1901, they

decreased materially, though the Jewish population is constantly on the

increase.]

[Footnote 6: Autobiography, pp. 42-51. See also Kahan, Meahore

ha-Pargud, pp. 15-17.]

[Footnote 7: Ha-Meliz, 1900, no. 123; Luah Ahiasaf, 5696, p. 312;

Zablotzky and Massel, Ha-Yizhari, Manchester, 1895, Introduction;

Ha-Meliz, xxxvii, no. 36; The Menorah, April, 1904.]

[Footnote 8: Yalkut Ma'arabi, 1904, pp. 46 f.]

[Footnote 9: Ha-Shahar, x. 511, 30; Habazelet, 1882, no. 2.]

[Footnote 10: Ha-Le'om, 1906, nos. 21-22; Belkind, in Ha-Zefirah, no.

46, 1913; Lubarsky and Lewin-Epstein, Derek Hayyim, New York, 1905.]

[Footnote 11: Greenstone, The Messiah Idea in Jewish History, ch. viii.]

[Footnote 12: The Progress of Zionism, pp. 3-4; cf. Voskhod, 1895, iv.]

[Footnote 13: Zamenhof's new universal language was primarily intended

to be the international language of his people, "who are speechless, and

therefore without hope, scattered over the world, and hence unable to

understand one another, obliged to take their culture from strange and

hostile sources."]

[Footnote 14: Ahiasaf, iv.; Gordon, op. cit., i. xxi; Razsvyet, 1882,

i.; Magil's Kobez (Collection), no. 3, p. 45.]

[Footnote 15: Ha-Meliz, 1899, no. 256; 1901, no. 2; weekly Voskhod,

1893, no. 40; monthly Voskhod, 1894, iv. Some Jewish financiers erected

gymnasia in Vilna and Warsaw, improved the condition of the hadarim, and

turned many Talmud Torahs into technical schools. Of the Lodz Talmud

Torah a writer says that "no Jewish community, even outside of Russia,

possesses such an institution, not excepting the Hirsch schools in

Galicia."]

[Footnote 16: London, Unter jüdischen Proletariern, 1898, pp. 81-83;

Bramson, K Istorii, etc., pp. 63-69, 71-74; Ha-Meliz, xli., no. 246

(1901, no, 35); Ha-Zefirah, xxix., no. 285; and the Jewish Gazette, July

16, 1909 (Kunst und Nationalismus). The Ha-Zamir (a choral society),

founded in Lodz by Nissan Schapira, counts its members by the

thousands.]

[Footnote 17: London, op. cit, pp. 64-74; Ha-Meliz, 1900, nos. 192-193;

Rubinow, op. cit., pp. 530-532, 548-553, 561-566.]

[Footnote 18: Ha-Meliz, 1901, nos. 20, 27, 36, 54, 95.]

[Footnote 19: Atlas, Mah Lefanim u-mah Leaher, pp. 53 f.; Ha-Meliz,

1900, no. 47; 1901, no. 27.]

[Footnote 20: Ha-Meliz, 1901, no. 87.]

[Footnote 21: Réflexions sur l'état des israélites russes, Odessa, 1871,

pp. 121-122.]

[Footnote 22: Kayserling, Die jüdischen Frauen, Leipsic, 1879, pp.

306-313; Rubinow, op. cit., p. 581. The Russian Jewess has already

produced several writers above the average (Einhorn, Mosessohn, Ben

Yehudah, Sarah and Eva Schapira) in Hebrew, has given Russian literature

at least one novelist of note (Rachel Khin), has furnished leaders in

the movement for the emancipation of women (Maria Saker), and especially

for the liberation of Russia (Finger, Helfman, Levinsohn, Novinsky,

Rabinovich). According to Mr. Rabinow, the Russo-Jewish "women and girls

use every available means" to obtain an education, and at least fifty

per cent of them possess a knowledge of Russian in addition to their

vernacular Yiddish.]

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