CHAPTER VII

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE ENGLISH ALLIANCE

1500-1542

When, in 1501, negotiations were in progress for the marriage of James

IV to Margaret Tudor, Polydore Virgil tells us that the English Council

raised the objection that Margaret or her descendants might succeed to

the throne of England. "If it should fall out so," said Henry, "the

realm of England will suffer no evil, since it will not be the addition

of England to Scotland, but of Scotland to England." It is obvious that

the English had every reason for desiring to stop the irritating

opposition of the Scots, which, while it never seriously endangered the

realm, was frequently a cause of annoyance, and which hampered the

efforts of English diplomacy. The Scots, on the other hand, were

separated from the English by the memories of two centuries of constant

warfare, and they were bound by many ties to the enemies of England. The

only King of Scots, since Alexander III, who had been on friendly terms

with England, was James III, and his enemies had used the fact as a

weapon against him. His successor had already twice refused the

proffered English alliance, and when he at length accepted Henry's

persistent proposal and the thrice-offered English princess, it was only

after much hesitation and upon certain strict conditions. No Englishmen

were to enter Scotland "without letters commendatory of their own

sovereign lord or safe conduct of his Warden of the Marches". The

marriage, though not especially flattering to the dignity of a monarch

who had been encouraged to hope for the hand of a daughter of Spain, was

notable as involving a recognition (the first since the Treaty of

Northampton) of the King of Scots as an independent sovereign. On the

8th of August, 1503, Margaret was married to James in the chapel of

Holyrood. She was received with great rejoicing; the poet Dunbar, whom a

recent visit to London had convinced that the English capital, with its

"beryl streamis pleasant ... where many a swan doth swim with wingis

fair", was "the flower of cities all", wrote the well-known poem on the

Union of the Thistle and the Rose to welcome this second English

Margaret to Scotland. But the time was not yet ripe for any real union

of the Thistle and the Rose. Peace continued till the death of Henry

VII; but during these years England was never at war with France. James

threatened war with England in April, 1505, in the interests of the Duke

of Gueldres; in 1508, he declined to give an understanding that he would

not renew the old league with France, and he refused to be drawn, by

Pope Julius II, into an attitude of opposition to that country. Even

before the death of Henry VII, in 1509, there were troubles with regard

to the borders, and it was evident that the "perpetual peace" arranged

by the treaty of marriage was a sheer impossibility.

Henry VIII succeeded to the throne of England in April, 1509; three

years and five months later, in September, 1513, was fought the battle

of Flodden. The causes may soon be told. They fall under three heads.

James and Henry were alike headstrong and impetuous, and they were alike

ambitious of playing a considerable part in European affairs. They were,

moreover, brothers-in-law, and, in the division of the inheritance of

Henry VII, the King of England had, with characteristic Tudor avarice,

retained jewels and other property which had been left to his sister,

the Queen of Scots. In the second place, the ancient jealousies were

again roused by disputes on the borders, and by naval warfare. James had

long been engaged in "the building of a fleet for the protection of our

shores"; in 1511, he had built the _Great Michael_, for which, it was

said, the woods of Fife had been wasted. The Scottish fleet was

frequently involved in quarrels with Henry's ships, and in August, 1511,

the English took two Scottish vessels, which they alleged to be pirates,

and Andrew Barton was slain in the fighting. James demanded redress,

but, says Hall, "the King of England wrote with brotherly salutations

to the King of Scots of the robberies and evil doings of Andrew Barton;

and that it became not one prince to lay a breach of a league to another

prince, in doing justice upon a pirate or thief".[60] These personal

irritations and petty troubles might have proved harmless, and, had no

European complications intervened, it is possible that there might have

"from Fate's dark book a leaf been torn", the leaf which tells of

Flodden Field. But, in 1511, Julius II formed the Holy League against

France, and by the end of the year it included Spain, Austria, and

England. The formation of a united Europe against the ancient ally of

Scotland thoroughly alarmed James. It was true that, at the moment,

England was willing to be friendly; but, should France be subdued,

whither might Scotland look for help in the future? James used every

effort to prevent the League from carrying out their project; he

attempted to form a coalition of Denmark, France, and Scotland, and

wrote to his uncle, the King of Denmark, urging him to declare for the

Most Christian King. He wrote Henry offering to "pardon all the damage

done to us and our kingdom, the capture of our merchant ships, the

slaughter and imprisonment of our subjects", if only Henry would

"maintain the universal concord of the Church". He made a vigorous

appeal to the pope himself, beseeching him to keep the peace. His

efforts were, of course, futile, nor was France in such extreme danger

as he supposed. But the chance of proving himself the saviour of France

appealed strongly to him, and, when there came to him, in the spring of

1513, a message from the Queen of France, couched in the bygone language

of chivalry, and urging him, as her knight, to break a lance for her on

English soil, James could no longer hesitate. Henry persevered in his

warlike measures against France, and James, after one more despairing

effort to act as mediator, began his preparations for an invasion of

England. His wisest counsellors were strongly opposed to war: most

prominent among them was his father's faithful servant, Bishop

Elphinstone, the founder of the University of Aberdeen. Elphinstone was

a saint, a scholar, and a statesman, and he was probably the only man in

Scotland who could influence the king. During the discussion of the

French alliance he urged delay, but was overborne by the impetuous

patriotism of the younger nobles, whose voice was, as ever, for war. So,

war it was. Bitter letters of defiance passed between the two kings,

and, in August, 1513, James led his army over the border. Lowlanders,

Highlanders, and Islesmen had alike rallied round his banner; once again

we find the "true Scots leagued", not "with", but against "the Saxons

farther off". The Scots took Norham Castle and some neighbouring

strongholds to prevent their affording protection to the English, and

then occupied a strong position on Flodden Edge. The Earl of Surrey, who

was in command of the English army, challenged James to a pitched

battle, and James accepted the challenge. Meanwhile, Surrey completely

outmanoeuvred the King of Scots, crossing the Till and marching

northwards so as to get between James and Scotland. James seems to have

been quite unsuspicious of this movement, which was protected by some

rising ground. The Scots had failed to learn the necessity of scouting.

Surrey, when he had gained his end, recrossed the Till, and made a march

directly southwards upon Flodden. James cannot have been afraid of

losing his communications, for his force was well-provisioned, and

Surrey was bound by the terms of his own challenge to fight immediately;

but he decided to abandon Flodden Edge for the lower ridge of Brankston,

and in a cloud of smoke, which not only rendered the Scots invisible to

the enemy but likewise concealed the enemy from the Scots, King James

and his army rushed upon the English. The battle began with artillery,

the superiority of the English in which forced the Scots to come to

close quarters. Then

"Far on the left, unseen the while,

Stanley broke Lennox and Argyle";

on the English right, Sir Edmund Howard fell back before the charge of

the Scottish borderers, who, forthwith, devoted themselves to plunder.

The centre was fiercely contested; the Lord High Admiral of England, a

son of Surrey, defeated Crawford and Montrose, and attacked the division

with which James himself was encountering Surrey, while the archers on

the left of the English centre rendered unavailing the brave charge of

the Highlanders. With artillery and with archery the English had drawn

the Scottish attack, and the battle of Flodden was but a variation on

every fight since Dupplin Moor. Finally the Scots formed themselves into

a ring of spearmen, and the English, with their arrows and their long

bills, kept up a continuous attack. The story has been told once for

all:

"But yet, though thick the shafts as snow,

Though charging knights as whirlwinds go,

Though bill-men ply the ghastly blow,

Unbroken was the ring;

The stubborn spearmen still made good

Their dark impenetrable wood,

Each stepping where their comrade stood

The instant that he fell.

No thought was there of dastard flight;

Link'd in the serried phalanx tight

Groom fought like noble, squire like knight,

As fearlessly and well;

Till utter darkness closed her wing

O'er their thin host and wounded king."

No defeat had ever less in it of disgrace. The victory of the English

was hard won, and the valour displayed on the stricken field saved

Scotland from any further results of Surrey's triumph. The results were

severe enough. Although the Scots could boast of their dead king that

"No one failed him; he is keeping

Royal state and semblance still",

they had lost the best and bravest of the land. Scarcely a family record

but tells of an ancestor slain at Flodden, and many laments have come

down to us for "The Flowers of the Forest". But, although the disaster

was overwhelming, and the loss seemed irreparable at the time, though

the defeat at Flodden was not less decisive than the victory of

Bannockburn, the name of Flodden, notwithstanding all this, recalls but

an incident in our annals. Bannockburn is an incident in English

history, but it is the great turning-point in the story of Scotland; the

historian cannot regard Flodden as more than incidental to both.

When James V succeeded his father he was but one year old, and his

guardian, in accordance with the desire of James IV, was the

queen-mother, Margaret Tudor. Her subsequent career is one long tale of

intrigue, too elaborate and intricate to require a full recapitulation

here. The war lingered on, in a desultory fashion, till May, 1515. Lord

Dacre ravaged the borders, and the Scots replied by a raid into England;

but there is nothing of any interest to relate. From the accession of

Francis I, in 1515, the condition of politics in Scotland, as of all

Europe, was influenced and at times dominated by his rivalry with the

Emperor. The unwonted desire of France for peace and alliance with

England placed the Scots in a position of considerable difficulty, and

the difficulty was accentuated by the more than usually distracted state

of the country during the minority of the king. In August, 1514,

Margaret (who had in the preceding April given birth to a posthumous

child to James IV) was married to the Earl of Angus, the grandson of

Archibald Bell-the-Cat. It was felt that the sister of Henry VIII and

the wife of a Douglas could scarcely prove a suitable guardian of a

Stewart throne, and the Scots invited the Duke of Albany, son of the

traitor duke, and cousin of the late king, to come over to Scotland and

undertake the government. Despite some efforts of Henry to prevent him,

Albany came to Scotland in May, 1515. He was a French nobleman,

possessed large estates in France, and, although he was, ere long,

heir-presumptive to the Scottish throne, could speak no language but

French. When he arrived in Scotland he found against him the party of

Margaret and Angus, while the Earls of Lennox and Arran were his ardent

supporters. The latter nobleman was the grandson of James II, being the

son of the Princess Mary and James, Lord Hamilton, and he was,

therefore, the next heir to the throne after Albany. The interests of

both might be endangered should Margaret and Angus become all-powerful,

and so we find them acting together for some time. Albany was

immediately made regent of Scotland, and the care of the young king and

his brother, the baby Duke of Ross, was entrusted to him. It required

force to obtain possession of the children, but the regent succeeded in

doing so in August, in time to defeat a scheme of Henry VIII for

kidnapping the princes. The queen-mother fled to England, where, in

October, she bore to Angus a daughter, Margaret, afterwards Countess of

Lennox and mother of the unfortunate Darnley. She then proceeded to pay

a visit to Henry VIII. Meanwhile, in Scotland, Albany was finding many

difficulties. Arran was now in rebellion against him, and now in

alliance with him. In May, 1516, Angus himself, leaving his imperious

wife in England, made terms with the regent. The infant Duke of Ross had

died in the end of 1515, and only the boy king stood between Albany and

the throne. In 1517 Albany returned to France to cement more closely the

old alliance, and remained in France till 1521. Margaret immediately

returned to Scotland, and, had she behaved with any degree of wisdom,

might have greatly strengthened her brother's tortuous Scottish policy.

But a Tudor and a Douglas could not be other than an ill-matched pair,

and Margaret was already tired of her husband. In 1518, she informed

her brother that she desired to divorce Angus. Henry, whose own

matrimonial adventures were still in the future, and to whom Angus was

useful, scolded his sister in true Tudor fashion, and told her that,

alike by the laws of God and man, she must stick to her husband. A

formal reconciliation took place, but, henceforth, Margaret's one desire

was to be free, and to this she subordinated all other considerations.

In 1519, she came to an understanding with Arran, her husband's

bitterest foe, and in the summer of the same year we find Henry

marvelling much at the "tender letters" she sent to France, in which she

urged the return of Albany, whose absence from Scotland had been the

main aim of English policy since Flodden. While Francis I and Henry VIII

were on good terms, Albany was detained in France; but when, in 1521,

their relations became strained, he returned to Scotland to find Angus

in power. Scotland rallied round him, and in February, 1522, Angus, in

turn, retired to France, while Henry VIII devoted his energies to the

prevention of a marriage between his amorous sister and the handsome

Albany. The regent led an army to the borders and began to organize an

invasion, for which the north of England was ill-prepared, but was

outwitted by Henry's agent, Lord Dacre, who arranged an armistice which

he had no authority to conclude. Albany then returned to France, and

the Scots, refusing Henry's offer of peace, had to suffer an invasion by

Surrey, which was encouraged by Margaret, who was again on the English

side. When Albany came back in September, 1523, he easily won over the

fickle queen; but, after an unsuccessful attack on Wark, he left

Scotland for ever in May, 1524.

No sooner had Albany disappeared from the scene than Margaret entered

into a new intrigue with the Earl of Arran; it had one important result,

the "erection" of the young king, who now, at the age of twelve years,

became the nominal ruler of the country. This manoeuvre was executed

with the connivance of the English, to whose side Margaret had again

deserted. For some time Arran and Margaret remained at the head of

affairs, but the return of the Earl of Angus at once drove the

queen-mother into the opposite camp, and she became reconciled to the

leader of the French party, Archbishop Beaton, whom she had imprisoned

shortly before. Angus, who had been the paid servant of England

throughout all changes since 1517, assumed the government. The alliance

between England and France, which followed the disaster to Francis I at

Pavia, seriously weakened the supporters of French influence in

Scotland, and Angus made a three years' truce in 1525. In the next year,

Arran transferred his support to Angus, who held the reins of power till

the summer of 1528. The chief event of this period is the divorce of

Queen Margaret, who immediately married a youth, Henry Stewart, son of

Lord Evandale, and afterwards known as Lord Methven.

The fall of Angus was brought about by the conduct of the young king

himself, who, tired of the tyranny in which he was held, and escaping

from Edinburgh to Stirling, regained his freedom. Angus had to flee to

England, and James passed under the influence of his mother and her

youthful husband. In 1528 he made a truce with England for five years.

During these years James showed leanings towards the French alliance,

while Henry was engaged in treasonable intrigues with Scottish nobles,

and in fomenting border troubles. But the truce was renewed in 1533, and

a more definite peace was made in 1534. Henry now attempted to enlist

James as an ally against Rome, and, by the irony of fate, offered him,

as a temptation to become a Protestant, the hand of the Princess Mary.

James refused to break with the pope, and negotiations for a meeting

between the two kings fell through--fortunately, for Henry was prepared

to kidnap James. The King of Scots arranged in 1536 to marry a daughter

of the Duc de Vendome, but, on seeing her, behaved much as Henry VIII

was to do in the case of Anne of Cleves, except that he definitely

declined to wed her at all. Being in France, he made a proposal for the

Princess Madeleine, daughter of Francis I, and was married to her in

January, 1536-37. This step naturally annoyed Henry, who refused James a

passport through England, on the ground that "no Scottish king had ever

entered England peacefully except as a vassal". So James returned by sea

with his dying bride, and reached Scotland to find numerous troubles in

store for him--among them, intrigues brought about by his mother's wish

to obtain a divorce from her third husband. Madeleine died in July,

1537, and the relations between James and Henry VIII (now a widower by

the death of Jane Seymour) were further strained by the fact that nephew

and uncle alike desired the hand of Mary of Guise, widow of the Duke de

Longueville, who preferred her younger suitor and married him in the

following summer. These two French marriages are important as marking

James's final rejection of the path marked out for him by Henry VIII.

The husband of a Guise could scarcely remain on good terms with the

heretic King of England; but Henry, with true Tudor persistency, did not

give up hope of bending his nephew to his will, and spent the next few

years in negotiating with James, in trying to alienate him from Cardinal

Beaton--the great supporter of the French alliance,--and in urging the

King of Scots to enrich himself at the expense of the Church. As late as

1541, a meeting was arranged at York, whither Henry went, to find that

his nephew did not appear. James was probably wise, for we know that

Henry would not have scrupled to seize his person. Border troubles

arose; Henry reasserted the old claim of homage and devised a scheme to

kidnap James. Finally he sent the Earl of Angus, who had been living in

England, with a force to invade Scotland, and this without the formality

of declaring war. Henry, in fact, was acting as a suzerain punishing a

vassal who had refused to appear when he was summoned. The English

ravaged the county of Roxburgh in 1542; the Scottish nobles declined to

cross the border in what they asserted to be a French quarrel; and in

November a small Scottish force was enclosed between Solway Moss and the

river Esk, and completely routed. The ignominy of this fresh disaster

broke the king's heart. On December 8th was born the hapless princess

who is known as _the_ Queen of Scots. The news brought small comfort to

the dying king, who was still mourning the sons he had lost in the

preceding year. "'Adieu,' he said, 'farewell; it came with a lass and it

will pass with a lass.' And so", adds Pitscottie, "he recommended

himself to the mercy of Almighty God, and spake little from that time

forth, but turned his back unto his lords, and his face unto the wall."

Six days later the end came. With "a little smile of laughter", and

kissing his hand to the nobles who stood round, he breathed his last.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 60: Gregory Smith, p. 123.]

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