THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CRUSADES
OUTLINE: I.--The rise and spread of Mohammedanism.
II.--Positive and negative causes of the Crusades.
III.--Character and description of the Crusades. IV.--Results
and influences of the Crusades. V.--Sources.
Mohammedanism,[476:1] like Judaism and Christianity, had its origin in
the Semitic race. Its birthplace was in Arabia, a desert region. The
time of its appearance was the seventh century, and its founder was
Mohammed.
The condition of Arabia at Mohammed's birth (_c._ 570) must be
understood in order to have an intelligent comprehension of this new
religion. Politically the Arabs were united in a very loose sort of
confederacy. The real government was in the hands of tribal chiefs.
Although a prey to Greek and Persian influences, yet the hardy Arabians
had never been conquered. They were divided into wandering tribes with
practices and customs characteristic of tribal relations. Few cities
were found among them and many of the conveniences of civilisation known
to peoples of fixed habitations were lacking. Through trading, begging,
and robbing these Arabs had developed a cosmopolitan spirit and
liberality. They monopolised the overland trading routes; carried on an
extensive industry in raising sheep, horses, and camels; cultivated
fruit-growing to some extent; and were very fond of holding great fairs
at which their possessions were exhibited and bartering carried on.
Educationally the Arabs were a very superior people. Arabia was the home
of the alphabet and of numbers, and had developed a perfect language.
The people had an intense love for poetry and the eloquence of their
leaders was of high order. From the Greeks they had received a knowledge
of the natural and abstract sciences. Of all the peoples therefore in
western Asia the Arabs were perhaps the most highly civilised and the
most progressive.
Complete religious liberty and toleration were permitted among the
Arabs, hence Jews, Christians, Fire-worshippers, and Star-worshippers
were found among them. The Jews were very numerous especially in Medina.
The Christians found in Arabia were either the descendants of those
heretical sects driven from the Roman Empire in the fierce controversies
of the fourth and fifth centuries,[477:1] or monks and hermits who were
still found there in large numbers.[477:2] But Christianity made little
impression upon the Arabs. It appears in fact never to have fully
satisfied any of the Eastern peoples--at least no branch of the Semitic
race has ever taken kindly to it.
The Arabic religion was something of a mixture between monotheism and
idolatrous polytheism. Every house had its own idol and every tribe had
its special deity, but above all these particular gods stood the
universal god, Allah, by whom the holiest oaths were sworn, in whose
name treaties were made, and yet who was worshipped least and last.
Mecca was the religious capital, having been selected by Hagar and
Ishmael, and was the home of the Kaaba, built by Abraham and his son
Ishmael, containing the famous Black Stone.[478:1] A well organised
priesthood, monopolised by the Koraish tribe, conducted worship and
performed the sacred rites, which were accompanied by a rather elaborate
ceremony. Great religious feasts were numerous, particularly in the
"holy months." By the seventh century the Arabic religion was in a very
low condition. It resembled the decrepid and effete Roman and Greek
religions in the later days of their existence. There arose everywhere,
consequently, a cry for reformation, or for a substitution, and this
demand soon crystallised into a reform party, which rejected polytheism
and preached asceticism while holding fast to a belief in Allah. It is
quite possible that the members of this party received both their
inspiration and their ideas from the Christian hermits. They were called
the Hanifs or Puritans. This wide-spread desire for reformation
indicates that Arabia was ripe for a religious revolution and that the
times were ready for the great work of Mohammed.
In the holy city of Mecca in 570 Mohammed was born. He was connected by
blood with the Koraish tribe and from this source may have inherited
certain pronounced religious tendencies. Orphaned at six and reared by
an uncle, who was a trader, he made extensive travels of a business
character throughout western Asia. In this way he gained a cosmopolitan
education, had a wider outlook on the world than was customary, and may
have come into close touch with Judaism and Christianity. At the age of
twenty-five he entered the service of a rich widow, Chadijah, and later
married her though she was fifteen years his senior. Her wealth brought
him into prominence and gave him a commanding social and industrial
position. In his own behalf, now, he made several extensive commercial
trips. One of Chadijah's cousins was a Hanif and, like the Hanifs and
hermits in general, he was a zealous missionary. Mohammed soon fell
under the influence of him and other Puritans and soon joined these
ascetic reformers. He often retired to the mountains for prayer and
ascetic practices and the religious fermentation in his soul in a short
time produced an explosion. He early became subject to fits,--whether
epileptic, cataleptic, or hysterical is unknown,--and in these swoons
professed to have had religious visions. In one of these the angel
Gabriel appeared to him and communicated the new faith, the sum of which
was: "There is but one God and Mohammed is his prophet."
Thus fired with a mighty mission, he began to denounce the old religion
and to propagate the new (610). His first convert was his faithful wife;
then his bosom friend, Abubekr, received the faith and next his adopted
son, Ali. With this trio of stanch believers back of him, he continued
his public preaching of the message which had come to him in Mecca, the
very heart of Arabian idolatry. When his uncle and benefactor, Abu
Taleb, tried to persuade him to desist the brave fanatic answered:
"Spare your remonstrances; if they should place the sun on my right
hand and the moon on my left they should not divert me from my course."
His converts increased among his own family and friends and also among
the poor of Mecca. His activity and radical statements aroused the
enmity of the Koraish priests who sought to either expel him or to slay
him. They soon forced him to depart from Mecca and to carry on his
propagandism among the neighbouring villages. At length, realising that
a price was set on his head, he escaped in 622 to Medina. This is called
the Hegira, or Flight, and marks the beginning of the Mohammedan
chronology.
Medina at this time was in need of a strong ruler, so Mohammed was given
an enthusiastic reception and was soon recognised as the head of both
church and state. With this new power came a change in the method of
propagating the new religion, namely, from persuasion to the sword. Just
what the reasons for this change were it is not easy to say; perhaps the
leading motive was that of revenge. At first he began to lead marauding
expeditions against the merchant caravans of Mecca. Soon he became the
prophet warrior of the Arabs and professed to have orders from Allah to
make war upon all idolators.[480:1] With this taste of blood and power
Mohammed's character and religion both were changed. His military
enterprises were almost invariably successful. By 630 he had captured
Mecca and through the great battle of Taif he made himself master of all
Arabia. He consolidated his religion and instituted laws to govern his
people, and finally died at Mecca in 632.
Mohammed was one of the unique characters of earth. Agreeable, true to
his friends, very simple in his domestic relations, he was deeply
religious and certainly at first a sincere reformer. His soul was full
of poetry and his intellect at times was frenzied and insane. When he
changed his method of spreading the new faith after the Hegira, it was
not due to hypocrisy, nor to the charge made that he became an impostor,
but can be explained as the outcome of a new situation and new
influences which changed both his views and his methods. Certain it is
that neither he nor any of his devoted followers for a moment questioned
the reality of the revelation which came to him, nor of the leadership
to which he was called. Although influenced by many of the evils of his
age such as deceit, revenge, and sensuality, still he must be viewed as
an honest revolutionist whose influence has changed the history of the
whole world.[481:1]
There are certainly many striking resemblances between Christianity and
Mohammedanism. Both believe in the one eternal God; both accept the Old
Testament; both believe in a revealed religion; both accept the
historical person of Jesus; both believe in the doctrine of immortality;
and both hold in common many of the highest moral virtues. Because of
these resemblances to Judaism and Christianity it has been claimed that
Islam is chiefly a transfusion of these two older religions into Arabian
forms.[481:2] Just how far Mohammed was consciously and unconsciously
influenced by these two faiths, with the chief tenets of which he was
certainly acquainted, cannot be positively stated. From a Christian
standpoint, however, Mohammedanism has a darker side. Polygamy is
permitted, though regulated, and the marriage ties are exceedingly
loose; consequently, woman occupies a very degraded position. Slavery is
practised and encouraged. Islam commands war on all unbelievers and the
intolerant spirit which this engenders is perhaps the darkest blot on
that faith. When a comparison between the resemblances and differences
is made, however, the former seem to far outnumber the latter.
The spread of Mohammedanism is one of the most remarkable things in
history. The means used for this propagation was the sword and the
justification is found in these words: "The sword is the key of heaven
and hell; a drop of blood shed in the cause of Allah, a night spent in
arms, is of more avail than two months of fasting or prayer; whosoever
falls in battle, his sins are forgiven and at the day of judgment his
limbs shall be supplied by the wings of angels and cherubim." Idolators
were to be slain unmercifully, but Jews and Christians were given a
limited toleration under tribute upon submission. Before his death (632)
Mohammed had subdued all of Arabia. Under his successors a conquest was
made of Palestine (637), Syria (638), and Persia (710) in Asia. To the
westward in Africa Egypt was taken (647) and by 707 all northern Africa
was captured; and from there the movement spread inland. Europe was
invaded through Spain as early as 711 and the new faith was carried up
to northern France where the Mohammedans were repulsed in 732 in the
decisive battle of Tours. Meanwhile, as early as 672, an attack was made
upon Constantinople, but it proved unsuccessful. Islands in the
Mediterranean were taken and Italy was harassed for two centuries (9th
to 11th). Sicily was seized (827), Rome invaded (846), a colony planted
at Bari (871), Salerno besieged (873), Beneventum and Capua attacked
(874), and the Eternal City sacked by Saracens under a Norman leader as
late as 1085. In the eleventh century the Saracens still held southern
Spain and all northern Africa while the Seljukian Turks had defeated the
Saracens and had taken possession of the Holy Land. Thus "Mohammed, with
a sword in one hand and the Koran in the other, erected his throne on
the ruins of Christianity and of Rome."[483:1] The Bible and the Koran
divided the world into two parts, separated by the Mediterranean but
touching at the extremities. A conflict between these two great world
forces, each one imbued with a fanatical desire to spread its teaching,
was inevitable.
The Crusade movement was in a certain sense the high-water mark of the
conflict. The causes of the Crusades were both positive and
negative:--the latter will be taken up first and enumerated.
1. The spread of Islam and the consequent terror and hatred aroused in
the Christians, as shown in Spain, France, Italy, and the Eastern
Empire, produced a feeling in Europe that this great foe could be
checked and thrust back only by the union of all European nations in a
great holy war against their oppressors. This feeling was intensified by
the fact that many Christians had been captured and sold into slavery.
2. The fall of the Holy Land, with all its sacred places, into the hands
of the "infidels," first the Saracens and then the Turks, called forth a
cry of horror and a vow of revenge from all Christendom. Roman paganism
had followed the Roman conquest to Palestine early in the Christian era.
By the fourth century, however, the cross had triumphed over polytheism
and Christian Emperors and pious persons erected splendid churches on
the holy places. Constantine and his mother Helena built churches over
the cave where Jesus was born, over the tomb where he was buried, and in
other sacred spots. It was not long until the location of every place in
the life of Jesus from his birth to his death was marked by a little
shrine, or a chapel, or a costly church. At the same time many valuable
relics were discovered such as the true cross and those of the two
thieves, the lance, the sponge, the cup, the crown of thorns, the basin
in which the disciples' feet were washed, the stone on which Jesus stood
before Pilate, the manger in which Jesus was born, and many others. It
was not long until there was a comparatively large Christian population
in Palestine made up of the native Christians, the hermits and their
followers, and the devout pilgrims who fairly swarmed to the Holy Land
from all parts of Europe. The Persian King Chosroes II. in 611 captured
Jerusalem, destroyed many churches, put ninety thousand Christians to
death, and carried off the true cross. But Heraclius in 628 defeated the
Persians, recovered the true cross and restored it to the Holy City
(629).
The Saracens in 637 made a conquest of Palestine. These Mohammedans
manifested a peculiar reverence for Jerusalem and gave the Christians
perfect freedom on condition that the church bells should merely toll
not ring, that converts to Islamism should be unmolested, and that the
Christians should pay tribute, have a distinct name and language,
acknowledge the political sovereignty of the Caliph, use no saddles and
bear no arms, build no new churches, and remove the cross from the
outside of the church buildings. Under these restrictions the Christians
lived in comparative security until Hakam, the mad Sultan of Egypt, in
1010 attempted to destroy Christianity in Jerusalem by razing the
churches, killing many of the followers of Christ, levying a tax on all
pilgrims, and through these acts inciting persecutions of the Jew in
Europe where it was believed that he was responsible for this change.
Jerusalem was captured in 1076 by the Seljukian Turks who destroyed the
churches; robbed, insulted, and killed the Christians; replaced the
lawful toll by extortion; brutally interrupted the sacred services; and
dragged the holy patriarch through the streets by the hair and put him
in a dungeon with the expectation of securing a ransom.
3. The enthusiasm for pilgrimages rapidly increased from the fourth to
the twelfth century. This manifestation of religious reverence appears
to have characterised all peoples at some stage of their religious
history. Jerome says that Christians began to make pilgrimages to
Jerusalem directly after the ascension. The desire to visit the scenes
of the Saviour's life spread like a contagion--it became the mania of
the Middle Ages--so that by the eleventh century a constant stream of
pilgrims was going to and from the Holy Land. The journey was made by
individuals[485:1] called "Palmers" who carried a staff, wallet, and
scallop shell and for whom there was a special ceremony conducted by the
local priest or the bishop both at departure and home-coming; by groups
of monks, or of pupils under a teacher; and by whole multitudes such as
the band of three thousand in 1054 and seven thousand in 1064. Among the
pilgrims were found all classes--kings and beggars, male and female,
priests and laity. They went either by routes overland or by sea. They
were protected by laws and were cared for in institutions along the way.
Through the endowment by pious individuals hospitals were built along
the more popular routes. Monasteries served as hotels. The pilgrims were
free from tolls and were granted many other privileges.[486:1] Charles
the Great had them protected within his Empire and had a large hotel
built for their accommodation at Jerusalem. It was believed by the
faithful that such a pilgrimage had the efficacy of expiating all sin as
a penance. A bath in the river Jordan was called a second baptism. The
pilgrim who had braved all the hardships of a trip to the land of the
Lord was upon his return a privileged character in the community. His
shirt was sacredly preserved to be used for his shroud.
4. In addition to the hardships and difficulties of travel the pilgrim
from the seventh to the eleventh century was subjected by the Mohammedan
authorities to taxation and many indignities. Under the Turks after the
eleventh century, robbery, cruelties of all sorts, and even murder with
torture were common experiences. The report of these persecutions
produced a marked effect on western Europe,--on the clergy, the ignorant
and credulous laity, and the nobles and kings.[486:2]
5. The mercenary hope of reward offered by a Crusade against the
Mohammedans was another powerful cause.[486:3] Merchants hoped to open
up new fields for commerce and trade.[487:1] Kings and princes expected
to win rich provinces from the Turks. The Eastern Emperor desired to
drive off a dangerous foe and to regain his lost domains in Asia Minor.
The Pope and the bishops hoped to subject the Eastern Church in
Palestine to the See of St. Peter. Merchants wished to recover the very
lucrative trade with the East which had been lost through the Turkish
conquests. Debtors and criminals desired to receive relief and pardon or
to obtain wealth in plundering the "infidels." Sinners thought of
obtaining complete pardon for past sins[487:2] and privileges for the
future.
6. The militant spirit of the age and the love of war were aroused to
fever heat by an unquenchable thirst for the blood of the enemies of
Christianity.[487:3] Charles Martel and Charles the Great had set an
example in the relentless warfare waged by them against the Mohammedans.
After their time the Spanish nobles and kings kept up the good fight in
heroic military expeditions. Otto the Great followed the example of
Charles the Great in subduing the heathen of his frontiers by the sword.
This spirit was aroused to almost ungovernable control by the many
reports of cruelty reported on all sides by the returning pilgrims.
7. The credulity and superstition of western Europe were an important
factor in producing the Crusades. The wildest legends were circulated
concerning the barbarities and inhumanities of the Mohammedans, the
miracles and deeds of valour, as well as the shameless abuses, in the
Holy Land. The "signs" of God's approbation of the Crusades, it was
believed were to be seen on every hand. Out of this same atmosphere grew
up the shameless traffic in relics which was rampant in Europe and
approved by the Church.[488:1] Relics from the Holy Land, associated in
one way or another with the career of Jesus, were very numerous and of
very great value. The Turkish conquest had had the effect of reducing
the quantity of relics, but of increasing the price demanded.
Among the positive causes operating to produce the Crusades were:
1. The sincere zeal manifested by the Popes to extend the true
faith.[488:2] Sylvester II. in 999 sounded the first trumpet calling
upon the warriors of all Christendom to recover the Holy City of
Jerusalem, but Pisa alone made some predatory incursions on the Syrian
coast.[488:3] Gregory VII. wrote a circular letter to "all Christians"
in 1074 urging them to drive the Turks out of Palestine.[488:4] He
planned to rule the Eastern Church, pledged fifty thousand troops
himself, and offered to lead the army in person, but the Norman Robert's
eastern excursion (1081-1085) was the only fruit.[488:5] Victor III.
preached a crusade in 1087 and promised a remission of sins to all who
should take part, but he apparently had not yet struck the true
crusading chord, for Pisa, Genoa, and Venice alone conducted a piratical
expedition against the African coast. It was left to Urban II. to
successfully launch the Crusade movement in 1095. He took advantage of
the crusading spirit already abroad in Europe and called the Council of
Piacenza (Italy), which was attended by four thousand clergy, thirty
thousand laity, and envoys from the Eastern Emperor. In an eloquent
address the Pope favoured a Crusade, but although many vows were taken,
the enthusiasm did not seem sufficient to warrant the beginning of the
undertaking.[489:1] Consequently another council was called to meet at
Clermont in France about six months later. Urban himself was a Frenchman
and believed that an appeal to his own people would meet with more
success. There was a mighty throng at Clermont. After devoting seven
days to Church affairs, the Pope closed the council by preaching his
famous sermon in the open air to the impatient multitude. In its results
this speech surpassed all others in the history of the world.[489:2]
Swayed by its influence the whole multitude shouted, "God wills it! God
wills it!" Then they rushed away to seize all the red cloth they could
lay their hands on from which crosses were made to be sewed upon the
bosoms of those who took the vow to wrest away from "The wicked race"
the Holy Sepulchre. Knights and foot soldiers of all ranks now turned
their attention to aid their fellow-Christians in the East and to punish
the insolent Turks. August 15, 1096, was the day set for the Crusade.
The Bishop of Pui, was made the Pope's legate and Raymond, Count of
Toulouse, was appointed to lead the laity.[490:1] The general absolution
of all sins was promised; the "Truce of God" was proclaimed and general
immunity and indulgence was given to debtors, criminals, and
serfs.[490:2] Urban II. continued his travels and everywhere addressed
the people urging them to join in the pious movement. His work must be
regarded as the immediate cause of the Crusade.
2. The intense religious enthusiasm which had possessed Europe for two
centuries, touching all classes and degenerating into fanaticism, was
the fundamental cause. Chivalry made the Crusade a holy duty to the
Church and furnished the noblest examples of devotion. The powerful
reform spirit in the Church, growing out of Clugniac asceticism and the
Hildebrandine reformation, was an important factor in the movement. The
personal labours of some individuals supplemented the work so well
started by Pope Urban II. Conspicuous among these was Peter the Hermit,
who was formerly credited with having originated the whole Crusade
movement, but who was never in Palestine before the Crusades, did not
incite Urban, did not speak at Clermont, and did not stir up all Europe.
His work was limited to a few months and to a small part of southern
France, where he rode through the country on an ass carrying before him
a great crucifix and dramatically appealing to the feelings of the
people. His influence upon other parts of France, however, must have
been considerable and he deserves much credit for having helped to call
together the first army. Another enthusiast who laboured to spread the
movement was Robert d'Arbrissel.[491:1] In the Second Crusade this work
was performed largely by Bernard of Clairvaux.
3. Thousands in Europe, actuated by honest motives such as the hope of
securing spiritual benefits, the wish to expiate sins, the desire to
extend Christianity, the yearning to convert the Mohammedans, and the
determination to overthrow a grave enemy to western civilisation and
progress, gave their means and their lives to this sacred undertaking.
The cries for help which came from the Christians in Jerusalem and from
the Eastern Emperor fell on sympathetic ears. All of these forces and
causes, operating in various ways, produced the most remarkable
manifestation of military power coupled with religious fervour which
Europe had yet witnessed. It seemed as if Mohammedanism itself had
spread the contagion of its own fanaticism to the followers of the
Prince of Peace.[491:2]
In time the Crusades covered approximately two centuries from 1096 to
1291. They directly affected all Europe, northern Africa, and western
Asia. They occurred in an age when Europe was decentralised politically
by feudalism; imbued religiously with the ardour and ideals of
Hildebrand; industrially almost wholly undeveloped; educationally
ignorant and credulous; and socially controlled by monasticism and
chivalry. In the Crusades there was an arrayal of pan-Christianity
against pan-Mohammedanism, or European civilisation _versus_ Asiatic
civilisation. The Crusades were, broadly speaking, one great movement,
with a series of waves, which held the world's destiny in its results
and which was a natural manifestation of the civilisation of the day
both from the Christian and the Mohammedan sides. The purpose of the
movement was primarily to wrest the Holy Land from the Mohammedans and
to restore it to Christianity. But a great variety of secondary purposes
and motives, both good and bad, induced people to co-operate in the
enterprise. The devout, the romantic, the adventurous, the discontented,
the mercenary, the criminal, and the sinner, all took part but for
different reasons. From the standpoint of the primary purpose, the
Crusades were a failure; but viewed from their effects on civilisation
they were a success. It is difficult to reduce them to any specific
number, though for the sake of clearness they may be divided into four
major Crusades[492:1] and four minor Crusades,[492:2] with an
unclassified children's Crusade. The idea of a Crusade had been
developed by the conflict with the Moors in Spain, the heathen Saxons,
the pagan Slavs, and various heretical sects; and it was employed, after
the Crusades ended, in European history for some centuries to come.
The Council of Clermont met in November, 1095, and immediately
thereafter enthusiastic preparations were begun for the First
Crusade.[492:3] From March to June of the following year, the rabble
vanguard was collecting in France and along the Rhine--a motley crowd of
peasants, artisans, vagabonds, and even women and children, all
fanatically intent upon rescuing the Holy Sepulchre two thousand miles
away and confident that God would protect them on the way and grant them
victory.[493:1] This miscellaneous throng was entirely lacking in
leadership and organisation. It broke up into a number of divisions
united only by their common zeal and similar purpose. Walter the
Penniless at the head of fifteen thousand, among whom were only eight
horsemen, appears to have led the band. After encountering many
difficulties in Hungary and overcoming grave dangers in Bulgaria, they
at length arrived at Constantinople. Peter the Hermit with forty
thousand Crusaders separated from Walter at Cologne, and followed the
course of the Danube. The Hungarians almost annihilated these pious
robbers so that Peter with difficulty escaped with but one fifth of his
followers and reached Constantinople only through the protection
afforded them by the Eastern Emperor. Emico, Count of Leiningen,
conducted twenty thousand Germans, and Gotschalk, the monk, had about
fifteen thousand.[493:2] On the heels of these various advanced
divisions followed a rabble of two hundred thousand among whom were
three thousand mounted knights. This unorganised vanguard was apparently
well received in Constantinople by Emperor Alexius, who hurried them
across the Bosphorus only to meet their destruction at the hand of
Sultan David in front of Nicæa. Peter the Hermit and with him a band of
three thousand were fortunate enough to escape.
Meanwhile the main body of the Crusaders was collecting, mostly in
France, because the other nations of Europe were either preoccupied or
had little enthusiasm for the movement. The leaders were nobles and not
kings.[494:1] From the north went forth Godfrey of Bouillon, a wise and
brave man who with his brothers Eustace and Baldwin led thirty thousand
foot and ten thousand horse from France and Germany; Hugh the Long,
brother of Philip I.; Robert of Normandy, son of William the Conqueror;
Robert of Flanders, "the sword and the lance" of the Crusades; Stephen
of Chartres, the richest prince of France; and a large number of minor
nobles. From the south came Bohemond, the son of Robert Guiscard,
already experienced in eastern warfare; Tancred, a cousin of Bohemond,
the model knight and hero of the movement; Raymond of Toulouse, old in
war, brave, greedy, and proud, who led one hundred and sixty thousand
foot and horse; Adhemar, Bishop of Pui, the first bishop to take the
cross and the official representative of the Pope; and many subordinate
noblemen. This vast multitude, estimated at one million Crusaders,
chiefly French, represented the flower of western Europe. Whole
families, especially of the nobles, arranged to join the undertaking.
This immense throng was organised on feudal lines. The dukes, counts,
and barons were the overlords and rulers and divided the army into
parts. Under them served the knights on horseback and clothed in their
long coats of mail. They supplied the military spirit and imbued the
common people with a holy zeal. Each knight was accompanied by his
squire and a squad of warriors. Four different routes were taken by the
Crusaders: (1) Hugh, the Roberts, and Stephen went from the Alps to
Apulia, where they were met and blessed by the Pope, then separated, and
made a scramble by land and sea for Constantinople. Hugh was held as
prisoner by Emperor Alexius until he recognised the feudal sovereignty
of the Eastern Emperor. (2) Godfrey traversed Germany, Hungary, and
Bulgaria and reached Constantinople at Christmas time, 1096, where he
made a compact with Alexius. (3) Bohemond took the sea route to the
eastern capital. He was incensed at the compromise made by his
colleagues with the Eastern Emperor, but was finally won over by
bribery. (4) Raymond, the last to set out, went _via_ Lombardy,
Dalmatia, and Slavonia, but was greatly hindered by the hostility of the
natives incited by Alexius, to whom Raymond, upon learning of his
treachery, refused homage.
The policy of the Eastern Emperor Alexius in dealing with the Crusaders
appears to have been a double one. He had called on the West for aid
against the Turks and was answered by an armed horde that threatened to
sweep away his very throne. He had easily rid himself of the rabble
vanguard by sending them to their doom in Asia Minor. He was determined
now, if possible, to impede the march of these new forces toward
Constantinople. Not succeeding in that he attempted to compel them to
swear fealty to him and then to use them to drive back the Turks and to
restore his lands. He was a master diplomat and politician and soon
hurried the Crusaders across the Bosphorus. They laid siege to Nicæa and
in June, 1097, it fell. After the battle of Dorylæum (July 4, 1097),
Antioch was captured in June, 1098. In July of the following year (1099)
came the storming of Jerusalem and its capture with the accompanying
massacre of the Mohammedans and Jews. The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem was
created and Godfrey was elected Defender of the Holy Sepulchre. With him
was left a guard of defence consisting of two hundred knights and two
thousand archers. A comparatively small number of Crusaders, who had
survived the hardships of the three years' campaign, then returned
home.[496:1]
The occasion and cause of the Second Crusade was the fall of Edessa in
1145 into Mohammedan hands. Jerusalem was next threatened by the Moslems
and was in grave danger of meeting a similar fate. The western
Christians, inspired by thrilling accounts of the survivors of the First
Crusade, and actuated by the usual variety of motives, were eager to
imitate the earlier heroes. Great enthusiasm was aroused through the
preaching of St. Bernard[496:2] (b. 1091-d. 1153), the son of a
Burgundian knight slain in the First Crusade, and a fanatic in ascetic
severities, who, when Edessa fell, had been commissioned by the Pope to
preach a Crusade. His fiery addresses, kindling a crusading mania in
France and Germany, were supplemented by a letter from Pope Eugenius
III. to western Christendom.[496:3] The leaders of the Second Crusade
were Louis VII. of France and Conrad III. of Germany, who rallied their
forces at Mainz and Ratisbon. Conrad III. took the old route through
Hungary and crossed to Asia without entering Constantinople, because he
suspected the duplicity of the Eastern Emperor. After him came the
French over the same ground. Nothing was accomplished, however, and
after a miserable failure the monarchs with their few survivors returned
home.
The occasion for the Third Crusade was the capture of Jerusalem in 1187
by Saladin, the bravest and most honoured of all the Saracen rulers.
Once more Europe was aroused to a pitch of pious frenzy.[497:1] The
leadership of the enterprise was assumed by Richard I. of England,
Philip Augustus of France, and Frederick Barbarossa of Germany. In
England Richard I. prepared for the undertaking by selling tithes, royal
dignities, and lands; by robbing the Jews; by taxing all classes[497:2];
and by even threatening to sell the city of London. Equal zeal was shown
in France and Germany. Richard and Philip with one hundred thousand men
took the sea route from Marseilles and Genoa, while Frederick took the
usual overland route. Frederick Barbarossa met his death in this pious
undertaking and this led to the failure of the German effort. The
estrangement of Richard and Philip resulted, after the fall of Acre,
July 12, 1191, in the return of Philip to France. Richard alone remained
and succeeded in 1192 in concluding a truce with Saladin by which
Christian pilgrims were permitted to visit the holy places with safety
and comfort.[497:3]
The Fourth Crusade was due largely to the personal influence of
Innocent III.[498:1] Additional causes were the abortive effort of
Emperor Henry VI. (1196-1197) and the preaching of the priest Fulk, of
Neuilly. The leaders of the movement at the outset were French nobles,
who lacked money with which to finance the enterprise and therefore made
a contract with the Venetians who agreed to supply ships and food for a
stipulated sum.[498:2] But when the Crusaders reached Venice, being
unable to raise the amount agreed upon, the Venetians proposed that in
lieu of the payment the Crusaders assist in reducing to submission the
rebellious city of Zara. That was accomplished in November, 1202, in the
face of papal opposition, and then the expedition moved on to the
capture and sack of Constantinople in April, 1204. The Latin Empire of
Constantinople was then created and a Venetian elected as patriarch, but
the Holy Land was not even reached. Of all the Crusades this appears to
have been the most mercenary and the least fruitful of results.[498:3]
Of the minor Crusades the fifth was inspired by the zeal of Pope
Innocent III.; the sixth was due to the ambition of Emperor Frederick
II.; the seventh was occasioned by the fall of Jerusalem and the pious
enthusiasm of Louis IX.[498:4]; and the eighth resulted from the vow of
Louis IX. and a dream of Prince Edward. The leaders of these later
Crusades were all kings. The fifth and seventh resulted in defeat and
failure in Egypt; the sixth captured Jerusalem and a few other cities;
the eighth recovered Nazareth and secured a treaty favourable to
Christians. The end of the Crusade period practically came when in 1291
Acre, the last city held by the Christians, was captured by the
Mohammedans. The later Popes of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and
fifteenth centuries repeatedly called upon Christendom to arm against
the Moslems. Several of the kings of France even took the cross and
proclaimed Crusades, but it was done usually only to squeeze a tax out
of the people. The Crusades had failed after millions in life and money
had been lost. The people at length lost faith in the movement. Crusades
in Europe, not so dangerous as those against the Holy Land, were
declared to be as efficacious as those of a more hazardous character.
The rise of national states kept kings and subjects occupied at home.
International relations made it dangerous for countries to send huge
armies abroad. There had come about a gradual decline of fanatical
crusading zeal--"The flame of fanaticism had slowly burned out." The
religious needs were now satisfied by the relics, Gethsemanes, Via
Dolorosas, and Calvaries found in Europe. The sale of indulgences made
it unnecessary to go to Jerusalem to win religious peace for sinful
souls. The marvellous development of Europe in every direction caused
her to forget all about the Holy War and left no surplus energy for such
far-away undertakings. The warrior became the trader.
The failure of the Crusade movement was due to many influences. There
was an utter lack of organisation and the various movements seemed
lawless and mob-like, due perhaps to the feudalistic basis. The able
leaders were too few and the frequent petty quarrels among those in
command demoralised the forces. The common good was sacrificed in too
many cases to personal, political, and commercial greed. The struggle
between the German Emperor and the Pope prevented concerted action on
the part of Europe. The treachery and inactivity of the Eastern Emperor
had much to do with the final outcome. The difficulty of colonising so
large an area and of absorbing the Mohammedan population, or of even
controlling it, was an important factor in the result. Then, too, the
strength and activity of the Mohammedan forces, an element usually
overlooked, played no small part. As time passed the gradual
indifference and the loss of interest in the enterprise account for the
unfortunate ending.
The Crusades are not so important because of the character of the
movement, but because of the significance of their results and
influences.[500:1] Perhaps the most important results were along
religious lines. Temporarily the Latin Church was extended to the Holy
Land and Constantinople, while the Pope was made the head of united
Christendom, although ultimately the breach between the Greek and Latin
churches was widened and never again effectually healed. The Crusade
movement enabled Innocent III. to largely attain the ideal of Hildebrand
as absolute master of Christendom. The longest, bloodiest, and most
destructive religious war in all history was originated by the head of
the Church. Through the power thus gained the Pope was able to make
himself the dictator of Emperors, kings, and nobles. As never before he
regulated the life of all Europe for two centuries and created a
religious enthusiasm which sanctioned all his acts and pretensions. The
wealth of the Church was multiplied through the foreclosing of countless
mortgages; through large gifts from the living and the dying; and
through conquests of lands and cities. Many innovations were introduced
into the Church. The legatine power of the Pope was developed; bishops
_in partibus in fidelium_ were appointed in the East and after the
failure of the Crusades fled to Rome where they were made
vicar-generals; the sale of indulgences became a regular traffic;
heretics in Europe were dealt with by crusades and the Inquisition; and
the Mohammedan idea of salvation was introduced. The Crusades brutalised
the Church and developed the spirit of intolerance, bigotry, and
persecution. For two hundred years the deeds of the Crusaders were
sanctioned by the Pope as pleasing to God. The persecution of Jews in
Europe was somewhat common and apparently approved of by the
Church.[501:1] Certain it is that the Pope ordered crusades in Europe
against heretics, like the Albigenses, and instituted the Inquisition to
suppress them; against pagans in the north-east; and against one
refractory prince by another.
Superstition and credulity were increased and the traffic in relics was
something enormous. "The Western world was deluged by corporeal
fragments of departed saints." "Every city had a warehouse of the dead."
A belief in the miraculous and in the number of miracles was greatly
increased. The worship of saints and of images became so wide-spread and
general that there was a veritable craze for the shrines of saints and
pilgrimages in Europe were greatly multiplied. Through the Crusades
monasticism and chivalry were combined to form new religious orders like
the Hospitalers, Templars, and Teutonic Knights. A marked effect was
left upon the theology of the Middle Ages. The "Suffering Christ"
developed, as is seen in the pictures and crucifixes, because hundreds
of thousands had seen where Christ was born and crucified and hence had
excited the imagination of western Europe. The Crusades led likewise to
a reformation within the Church by producing a general intellectual
awakening, by sanctioning many abuses which soon produced a reaction,
and by leading to a denunciation of all the corruption of the Church
developed through its wealth and power. This reformation was carried on
largely by the Franciscans and Dominicans. Mohammedanism was prevented
from making further aggressions on Europe for nearly four centuries and
many Christians came to regard that faith more sympathetically, if not
with some degree of respect, for the Koran was translated into Latin in
the middle of the twelfth century.[502:1]
Politically the Crusades settled the question whether Europe or Asia
should rule the world. They failed to free the Holy Land, but did free
Europe from Islam. They established the western rule in the East at
least temporarily, first in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (1099-1291)
and secondly in the Latin Kingdom of Constantinople. They prolonged the
life of the Eastern Empire three hundred and fifty years and taught the
Greeks to use the Latin methods of warfare. For a time at least they
subjected the political powers of Europe to the Papacy under Innocent
III., but a reaction soon followed. They helped the rise of national
states on a monarchial basis. Kings were able to emphasise national
unity and to increase their power and popularity by leading Crusades in
person. Many powerful feudal lords, who divided sovereign power with the
king, were killed or returned impoverished and were unable to recover
their power. Patriotism was developed and national hatreds accentuated.
The abolition of private wars through the "Truce of God" promoted the
growth of nationality. By the close of the period Spain, France, and
England were well on their way toward the rise of a national state,
while even Germany and Italy felt the yearnings of nationality. The
Crusades tended to overthrow feudalism by the death of so many feudal
lords; by detaining some of the most powerful as rulers in the East; by
causing the loss of property through unredeemed mortgages; by the
increasing power of kings; by the rise of free cities; by the
emancipation of serfs and vassals; by the formation of standing armies;
and by the new civilisation which resulted. Since the Crusades were
European movements against a common foe, a new meaning was given to
international relations. For two hundred years after the close of the
holy wars Europe was blessed with international peace. The respect and
hatred of each nation for the others were strengthened by the
associations and quarrels of kings and peoples. The estrangement between
the Eastern Empire and the West became more pronounced. Many important
changes were made in the art and practice of war.[503:1] There was a
marked revival of the study of law as a result of the creation of law
colleges and court lawyers soon became numerous and powerful. The
freedom of the common people was promoted by the overthrow of the
feudal system; by the growth of free towns and cities which usually
formed an alliance with the crown against the nobles; and by the
emancipation from serfdom which resulted from assuming the cross. The
kings, as a matter of self-interest, championed the cause of the common
people. Louis VII. of France (1131-1180) declared that all men had "A
certain natural liberty, only to be forfeited through crime." Bologna in
1256 gave liberty to all within her walls because "None but the free
should dwell in a free city." Florence in 1280 followed the example of
Bologna. Louis X. in 1315 enfranchised all since "By the law of nature
all ought to be free." And Philip VI. (1293-1350) made the same
declaration "In the name of equality and natural liberty." A similar
wave was felt in England.[504:1] The House of Commons, created in
England in 1295, marks the beginning of representative government and in
1302 the third estate was given a voice in France.
Intellectually western Europe was far behind the Greeks and Arabs in
education, culture, literature, science, and art, hence intercourse for
two hundred years with these peoples made a marked difference in
European civilisation. The minds of the Crusaders were liberalised by
seeing different peoples, lands, customs, and civilisations often
superior to their own. The fanatical hate and bigotry of the early
Crusades were modified by coming to know the Mohammedan religion and the
eastern ideas.[504:2]
The knowledge of the West was increased in geography and led indirectly
to travels eastward by Marco Polo and westward by Columbus, Magellan, De
Gama, and others; in sociology, trade, agriculture, and manufacturing;
in political science; in mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry,
zoölogy, medicine and drugs; in literature by bringing back traditions
about great events like the fall of Troy, tales of heroes like Solomon
and Alexander the Great, reports about crusading deeds of valour, an
infinite number and variety of miracles, saintly tales, and pious acts,
and Greek books like Aristotle and Arabic poetry translated into Latin;
in art and architecture by carrying Eastern styles and types to western
Europe. The Crusaders preserved the monuments of Greek learning from
destruction at the hands of the Turks until western Europe was advanced
enough to receive and appreciate them, though, as a rule, the Crusaders
disdained the language and literature of both Arabs and Greeks. The
Latin language was again diffused over Greece and Palestine. Indirectly
the Crusades produced the Renaissance.
The social results, while not so immediate and pronounced, were
nevertheless very important. The destruction of feudalism tended to
break down social barriers and draw social extremes more closely
together; to abolish many social abuses; and to improve the social
condition of the masses. The rise of free cities tended to associate
social equality with municipal liberty. Through the Crusades serfs were
emancipated by assuming the cross; by being made day labourers in the
absence of free men; and by passing into the hands of free cities, the
Church, or the king. At the same time social distinctions and barriers
were weakened by making all Crusaders members of a common army under the
Pope and by the common enthusiasm, experiences, dangers, and long
continued association of all classes. Chivalry, too, was developed in
its best form and through it originated many of our noblest social
virtues and sentiments. The wealth, the luxuries, and the ornamental and
useful arts brought from the East added greatly to the comfort and
happiness of the West. Through this movement many valuable charitable
institutions were likewise created. It must not be forgotten, however,
that the death of hundreds of thousands in these holy wars left sorrow
and poverty in many homes and filled western Europe with widows and
orphans. The debtor and criminal classes were given a chance to gain
wealth and salvation in a popular cause and eagerly embraced the
opportunity. The Crusades also gave rise to such great socialistic
movements as the begging orders, the Pastoraux led by the Hungarians in
1251, the Flagellants (1259), and the Albigenses.[506:1]
Industrially the material welfare of stagnant western Europe was
increased by the great impulse given to trade and by the widening of
commercial relations. Through trading with the East, acting as the
mediums of distribution for northern and western Europe, and supplying
the needs of the Crusaders, cities like Venice, Pisa, and Genoa became
immensely rich. The cities of Germany, France, and England in turn
became secondary centres of trade. The Hanseatic League was formed in
the thirteenth century. Manufacturing received a strong impetus;
shipbuilding flourished, and factories for armour and arms and leather
and cloth goods sprang up. These new branches of industry were found
chiefly in the free cities where they were controlled by the guilds.
Agriculture and horticulture were much improved by new plants, grains,
and fruits from the East and by the importation of such useful aids as
the windmill and the mule. Fortunes were lost by the nobles and amassed
by the Church, the Jews, the free cities, and the kings. The coinage
system was improved and banking appears to have been for the first time
introduced. The militant spirit of the nation was aroused and for two
centuries war was made the chief occupation of Europe.[507:1]
SOURCES
A.--PRIMARY:
1.--_Chronicles of the Crusades._ Bohn, _Antiq. Lib._, Lond.,
1848.
2.--_Early Travels in Palestine._ _Ib._
3.--_Marco Polo's Travels._ _Ib._
4.--Roger of Hovenden, _Annals of English History_ (to 1201).
_Ib._
5.--Roger of Wendover, _Flowers of History_ (to 1235). _Ib._
6.--Matthew Paris, _English History_ (1235-1273). _Ib._
7.--Matthew of Westminster, _Flowers of History_ (to 1307).
_Ib._
8.--William of Malmesbury, _Chronicles of the Kings of
England_ (to Stephen). _Ib._
9.--Henderson, E. F., _Select Historical Documents of the
Middle Ages_. N. Y., 1892.
10.--Univ. of Penn., _Translations and Reprints_, i., No. 2
and 4; iii., No. 1.
11.--_Palestine Pilgrim Text Society._ Lond., 1897 _ff._ 14
vols.
12.--Pinkerton, J., _A General Collection . . . of Travels_.
Lond., 1808-14, 17 vols.
13.--William of Tyre, _Godeffray of Boloyne or the Siege and
Conquest of Jerusalem_. Tr. by W. Caxton, 1481. Ed. by M.
N. Colvin. Lond., 1893.
14.--Purchas, S., _A Supplement of the Holy Land Story_ (from
Wm. of Tyre). Lond., 1625.
15.--Archer, T. A., _The Crusade of Richard I._ (1189-92). N.
Y., 1888.
16.--Robinson, _Readings in European History_, i., ch. 15.
17.--Thatcher and McNeal, _Source Book of Mediæval History_,
510.
18.--Ogg, _Source Book of Mediæval History_, N. Y., 1908.
B.--SECONDARY:
I.--SPECIAL:
1.--Archer, T. A., and Kingsford, C. L., _The Crusades_. N.
Y., 1894.
2.--Balzani, U., _The Popes and the Hohenstauffen_. Lond.,
1889.
3.--Conder, C. R., _The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem_
(1099-1291). Lond., 1897.
4.--Cox, G. W., _The Crusades_. N. Y., 1879.
5.--Douglas, A. M., _The Heroes of the Crusades_. Bost., 1889.
6.--Dutton, W. E., _History of the Crusades_. Lond., 1877.
7.--Frith, H., _Story of the Crusades_. N. Y., 1885.
8.--Gibbon, E., _History of the Crusades_ (1095-1216). Lond.,
1880.
9.--Gray, G. E., _The Crusade of the Children in the
Thirteenth Century_. N. Y., 1870.
10.--Heeren, A. H. L., _Essay on the Influence of the
Crusades_.
11.--Keeling, A. E., _The Nine Famous Crusades of the Middle
Ages_. Lond., 1889.
12.--Keightley, T., _The Crusades_. 2 vols. Lond., 1847.
13.--Lane-Poole, _Saladin and the Fall of the Kingdom of
Jerusalem_. N. Y., 1898.
14.--Ludlow, J. M., _The Age of the Crusades_. N. Y., 1897.
15.--Merrill, G. E., _Crusades and Captives_. Bost., 1890.
16.--Michaud, J. P., _History of the Crusades_. 3 vols. N. Y.,
1881.
17.--Mills, C., _History of the Crusades_. Lond., 1828.
18.--Mombert, J. I., _A Short History of the Crusades_. N. Y.,
1894.
19.--Neal, J. M., _Stories of the Crusades_. Lond., 1848.
20.--Oman, C. W. C., _The Art of War in the Middle Ages_.
Lond., 1885.
21.--Pears, E., _The Fall of Constantinople_. N. Y., 1886.
22.--Perry, G. G., _History of the Crusades_. Lond., 1872.
23.--Porter, W., _A History of the Knights of Malta_. Lond.,
1883.
24.--Proctor, G., _History of the Crusades_. Phil., 1854.
25.--Storrs, R. S., _Bernard of Clairvaux_. N. Y., 1892.
26.--Sybel, H. von, _History and Literature of the Crusades_.
Lond., 1861.
27.--Winslow, M. E., _The Fate of the Innocents: a Romance of
the Crusades_. Phil., 1889.
II.--GENERAL:
Adams, _Civ. dur. M. A._, ch. 11. _Med. Civ._, ch. 9. Allen,
ii., ch. 4. Alzog, ii., 371-376. Ameer Ali, _Short Hist. of
Saracens_, 320, 359. Bryce, 164, 191, 205, 301, 326, 341.
Chantrel, per. 4, ch. 1, 2. Coxe, lect. 5, sec. 12-14.
Creighton, ch. 1. Darras, iii., 137, 162, 243, 299, 330, 346,
357, 370, 394, 397. Döllinger, iii., per. 4, ch. 2; iv., per.
4, ch. 3. Emerton, ch. 11. Fisher, 186, 188, 191, 193, 194,
196, 201, 225, 230, 231. Foulkes, ch. 11. Gibbon, v., ch. 58;
vi., ch. 59-61. Gieseler, iii. Gilmartin, ii., ch. 8, 9.
Greenwood, bk. xi., ch. 4, 5; bk. xiii., ch. 5. Gregorovius.
Guizot, _Hist. of Fr._, ch. 16, 17. _Hist. of Civ._ Hase, sec.
183, 187, 190. Hore, ch. 14. Hurst, i., ch. 43. Knight, ch.
13-16. Kurtz, ii., 14-20. Milman, bk. vii., ch. 6; bk. ix.,
ch. 7; bk. x., ch. 3. Moeller, ii., 245, 248. Mosheim, bk.
iii., pt. 1, ch. 2. (11th cent.); bk. iii., pt. 1, ch. 1 (12th
cent.); bk. iii., pt. 1, ch. 1 (13th cent.). Neander, iv., 51,
59, 103, 123-128, 152. Robertson, iv., 47, 194, 380, 385, 412;
v., 132, 211, 241; vi., 59, 81. Robinson, ch. 15. Tout, _Emp.
and Papacy_, ch. 7, 8, 13, 15, 19.
FOOTNOTES:
[476:1] Gilman, _The Saracens_; Ameer Ali, _Life and Teachings of
Mohammed_ and _A Short History of the Saracens_; Muir, _Life of
Mohammed_ and _Annals of the Early Caliphate_; Lane-Poole, _Speeches and
Table Talk of the Prophet Mohammed_; Gibbon, v., ch. 50, 51; various
eds. of the Koran.
[477:1] Among these sects were Arians, Sabellians, Ebionites,
Nestorians, Eutychians, Monophysites, Marianites, and Collyridians.
[477:2] The Bible had probably been translated into Arabic before the
Koran appeared. Gibbon, ch. 50.
[478:1] Muir, ii., 18, 35; Burckhardt, _Travels_, 136.
[480:1] Koran, _Sura_ ii., 189, 214; xvii., 4-7.
[481:1] Ockley, _Hist. of the Saracens_; Bahador, _Essays on the Life of
Mohammed_; Prideaux, _Life of Mahomet_; Bush, _Life of Mohammed_; Smith,
_Mohammed and Mohammedanism_; Bate, _Studies in Islam_; Stobart, _Islam
and its Founder_; Rodwell, _The Koran_; Palmer, _The Koran_; Sale, _The
Koran_; etc.
[481:2] _Quarterly Review_, Oct., 1869.
[483:1] Gibbon, ch. 50.
[485:1] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 336.
[486:1] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 337-340.
[486:2] Cutts, _Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages_; Milman, bk.
vii., 224.
[486:3] Indulgences for fighting heathen had been offered long before
this time. See Thatcher and McNeal, No. 276, 277.
[487:1] Cunningham, _Western Civilisation_, ii., 108.
[487:2] See Thatcher and McNeal, No. 274, 275.
[487:3] Lecky, _Hist. of European Morals_, ii., 248; Oman, _The Art of
War in the Middle Ages_.
[488:1] _Revue de l'orient Latin_, 1897, 6-21.
[488:2] Burr, _The Year One Thousand and the Antecedents of the
Crusades_, _Am. Hist. Rev._, vol. vi.
[488:3] Duchesne, iii., 28th letter; Bouquet, ex 426; Muratori, iii.,
400.
[488:4] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 278.
[488:5] Lib., i., 49; ii., 31-37; Jaffé, _Man. Greg._, i., 18, 46, 49;
ii., 3, 31, 37.
[489:1] Mansi, 801-815; Muratori, iii., 353; _Mon. Ger._, v., 161; xii.,
394; Jaffé, _Reg._, i., 677.
[489:2] Mansi, xx., 815-919; Jaffé, _Reg._, i., 681. Three versions of
the speech may be found in U. of P. _Transl. and Reprints_, ii., No. 2,
4-5; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 279, 280; Robinson, _Readings_, vol. i.,
312.
[490:1] _Hist. Occid._, iv., 16; Sybel, 228.
[490:2] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 281.
[491:1] Potthast, _Bib. Hist._, ii., 550.
[491:2] _Hist. Occid._, iv., 12, 13, 135; _Mon. Ger._, v., 161; xx.,
248; xxi., 56.
[492:1] Major Crusades:
(1) 1096-1099--led by knights of France and the Normans.
(2) 1147-1149--led by kings of France and Germany.
(3) 1189-1192--led by kings of France, England, and Germany.
(4) 1202-1204--led by French nobles and the Doge of Venice.
[492:2] Minor Crusades:
(1) 1216-1220.
(2) 1228-1229.
(3) 1248-1254.
(4) 1270-1272.
[492:3] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 282, 283; Robinson, _Readings_, i.,
316; Ogg, § 52.
[493:1] Ogg, § 52.
[493:2] Giesebrecht, iii., 656.
[494:1] Gibbon, ch. 58.
[496:1] Ders, _Med. Topog. of Palestine_; Condor, _The Latin Kingdom of
Jerusalem_. See letters of Crusaders in Robinson, _Readings_, i., 321;
_Transl. and Reprints_, i., No. iv.; Ogg, § 53.
[496:2] Robinson, _Readings_, i., 330; Mabillon, _Life and Letters of
St. Bernard_.
[496:3] Storrs, _Bernard of Clairvaux_; Morison, _The Life and Times of
St. Bernard_; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 284; Robinson, _Readings_, i.,
337.
[497:1] Thatcher and McNeal, No. 285.
[497:2] Henderson, _Hist. Docs. of the Mid. Ages_, 135.
[497:3] Richard had a very romantic adventure in returning to England.
For his prowess see Colby, _Source Book_, 68-70.
[498:1] Henderson, _Hist. Docs. of the Mid. Ages_, 337; _Transl. and
Rep._, iii., No. 1.
[498:2] _Transl. and Rep._, iii., No. 1, pp. 6-17.
[498:3] Pears, _The Fall of Constantinople_; Oman, _Byzantine Empire_;
Finlay, _Hist. of Greece_; Gibbon, ch. 60; Thatcher and McNeal, No. 286,
287, 288; Robinson, _Readings_, i., 338.
[498:4] Perry, _St. Louis_; Davis, _The Invasion of Egypt in A. D. 1241
by Louis IX._
[500:1] Guizot, _Hist. of Civ. in Europe_, Lect. 8; Kitchin, _Hist. of
France_.
[501:1] Neubauer and Stern, _Hebraische Berichts über die
Judenverfolgungen während des Kreuzzüge_.
[502:1] The results of the Crusades ought to be viewed also from the
Mohammedan side.
[503:1] Oman, _Art of War in the Middle Ages_.
[504:1] Stubbs, ii., 128.
[504:2] Prutz, _Kulturgesch. der Kreuzzüge_; Draper, _Intel. Develop. of
Europe_, ch. 11, 13, 16.
[506:1] Lea, _Hist. of the Inq._, i., 269, 272.
[507:1] The results of the Crusades may with profit be classified as (1)
positive and negative, (2) direct and indirect, (3) immediate and
remote, and (4) permanent and transitory.