Royal Catholic Majesty:
I sailed from the port of Acapulco, Nueva España, on the sixth of
April of the year seventy-five, as I had previously informed your
Majesty from that port. On account of setting sail during the calms,
we were delayed, so that it took us seventy-two days to reach the
Ladrones. There we filled our water-butts, and I took on board a large
anchor that I found there that had belonged formerly to the flagship
lost there by Ffelipe de Sauzedo; in the other ship we placed four
small boat-loads of ballast. All this detained us only a day and a
half. On nearing the cape of Spiritu Santo in Tandaya, one of the
Philipinas, our progress was impeded by the vendaval, and our pilots
also gave us considerable trouble, so that I arrived at Manilla on
the twenty-fifth of August of the year seventy-five. On that day I
took possession of the office of governor and captain-general.
2. Although your Majesty may know better than I the matters I am
about to relate, still, like a country-man, I wish to speak, and
to tell what I myself have experienced. I am informed here that
throughout the entire sea in these latitudes there are two general
seasons. During one, the dry season, the _brisas_, as they are called,
blow from the southeast to the north, finally blowing directly from
the north; while in the other, or wet season, the _vendavales_ blow
from northwest to south-southeast. Thus, during these two seasons, the
winds blow from every point of the compass. For this reason it will be
seen that coming from Nueva España, from the east toward this western
region, the brisas would help; while the vendavales, especially the
usual one, which is a south-westerly wind in the channels of these
islands, would impede the progress of the ship. These two general
seasons begin in some years somewhat earlier than in others, and in
some places before they do in others. However, it is quite clear and
evident that by the end of May and the middle of June, the vendaval
begins here from the west (and I believe that this is true of all the
southern sea), and blows strongly night and day. Now if for any reason
it should cease for a moment it would only be to burst forth again with
renewed vigor. Such a period of quietness is called here _calladas_
["silence"]. The brisa begins in November, and lasts until the end
of May. Between these two general seasons two others exist, called
_bonanças_ ["gentle winds"] which last from the middle of March to the
end of May, and comprise also part of September and October. During
that time the bonança of April and May is the most prevalent wind,
although other winds are blowing constantly. Should the usually mild
winds prove severe, then the opposite season would develop, so that
in April a vendaval often presents itself, and in September a violent
brisa may blow. These seasons, I think, correspond to those of the
northern sea, as you may be already aware--although I do not know
whether they are at all regular, for the fleets of merchant ships
leave Nueva Spaña the middle of April and somewhat later, taking
thirty, forty, and sixty days to reach Havana, a distance of three
hundred leagues. Although the pilots tell us that this is a good time
to sail in a southeast direction, they cannot deny that they endure
very great hardships from the calms caused by the bonanzas. During
this journey from Nueva España to Havana, many people have met their
death. Leaving in February in a few days one reaches Havana. But I,
sailing the sixth of April (that is, in the middle of the bonança
season), did not encounter bad weather, being detained twenty days in
the calms thirty leagues from Nueva España. Neither did we encounter
so feeble winds that our progress might have been retarded; nor did
the vendaval of July burst forth before it was due.
3. I learned in these islands that this city had been burned by a
pirate and that there had been a war. There they asked me for lead, and
I readily complied with their requests, until I was weary of granting
petitions. I thought that we had some lead; but on summoning my men,
and searching for it, only five or six arrobas were found; and that was
in sheets, such as are used to stop leaks in ships. Arriving at Manila,
I could get no lead; and, not being able to obtain it elsewhere, we
took from the sides of the ships somewhat less than seventy arrobas,
some of which was used. With what is left we remain, hoping for the
grace of God; for should not the ship sheathed with lead arrive, I do
not know what would become of this camp of your Majesty. Your Majesty
will understand, then, the condition of affairs here; and will please
have pity and consideration for the men who are serving your Majesty
here, so far away, and with so much hardship and so much danger.
4. On my arrival, I found Manila in great part burned and
destroyed. Let me relate what occurs here. They say that the kingdom
of China is often invaded by corsairs, and that one named Limahon (or,
as the Chinese call him, Dim Mhon) had committed great depredations
in China, whereby he had amassed great wealth. He was pursued
by his king to the region near the upper point of this island of
Luçon. Near an island about forty leagues from Luçon, he captured a
Chinese merchant-ship that was en route from this city of Manila for
purposes of trade. The merchants carried with them a quantity of gold
and many reals of four Mexicans each, and other things obtained in this
island, which were highly esteemed by them. Demanding with threats,
where they had obtained this gold and silver, he robbed them of their
goods, which they said had been obtained in Luçon, in trade with the
Castilians. A pilot assisted him greatly in his negotiations here,
for he said that the people were quite secure and careless, and were
scattered through many places; and that, if he would come to the
island in a short time, he would find only old people and invalids,
as a galley was about to leave in order to take a captain to Mindanao
and perhaps had already gone, so that there would be no one with whom
to fight. The above-mentioned Limahon believed him, and thereupon came
to the city. On the way, however, at dawn of day, without himself being
seen, he met one of your Majesty's galliots. On this vessel there were
twenty-two people, counting soldiers and sailors. This ship was sent
by Captain Juan de Saucedo, who was in Ylocos, to some villages of
Çinay [Sinay], near by, for provisions. This vessel had been taken
from this city by order of Guido de Lavezares, in order to explore
the province of Cagayan, to which I sent Don Luis de Sahajossa this
last winter. When the corsair saw the galliot, he lowered his small
boats and made an assault upon it; but, although the galliot was badly
equipped, the soldiers defended themselves bravely from the attack of
the small boats. The natives on the coast, say that a bronze falcon
weighing fourteen quintals was fired five times. This falcon was called
"Vigilantib" by the soldiers, on account of this word being used as an
inscription upon it. As the corsair saw what a brave defense they made
against the small boats, he bore down upon them with his whole fleet,
consisting of sixty-two large ships, and with their great fire-bombs
they burned the galley in a very short time. The poor fellows in it
not having confidence in their oars--as they had only four oars to a
bench, the galliot having fifteen benches--those still living threw
themselves into the water. Thus they all perished, either at the hands
of the Chinese or at those of the natives, who are wont to act in this
manner. The Chinese sacked the galley, and placed the "Vigilantib"
and other arms in their ships. This falcon was the greatest loss
sustained by the galley, which was lost because it had been poorly
equipped and had an insufficient number of men; they, as a result,
could not warn Manila and other places. Had they been supplied with
ammunition, it would have been easy to escape; and even, with the
"Vigilantib" alone, to have destroyed their fleet.
5. With this prize captured from the galliot, the corsair proceeded
toward Manila. At this time a soldier, Sayavedra, sergeant of Juan
de Saucedo, who was in one of the neighboring villages, saw what had
happened, and that the galley had been burned; and he wrote a letter
to this effect to Juan de Saucedo, sending it overland by an Indian
to Vigan, where Saucedo was located with one hundred men. In a short
time Juan de Saucedo saw the ships of the corsair and his armament;
so he sent a virey to advise the people of Manila of what was taking
place. The ships in advance, on discovering the virey, deceived its
occupants, and stood out to sea, to round a promontory, through the bay
of which was coming the deceived virey. The _virey_ is a kind of vessel
used by the natives of these islands; it has but little steadiness,
and always navigates near the shore. While this little boat was going
around the bay, all the ships came upon it at once. The occupants of
the little boat had to run aground, in order to escape with their
lives, and to hide in the hills. Then they took out their weapons,
and paused to see what was taking place. The Chinese broke up the
ship, but did not completely destroy it, and then continued their
journey. The soldiers again took to their vessel, and slowly wended
their way to Manila, arriving there one day after St. Andrew's Day,
at noon, and after the corsair had made the first assault. They spread
the news that Juan de Saucedo was coming from Ylocos with all haste,
for he had found out who Limahon was. These soldiers landed in a
hostile region, that of a certain people called Zambales; they are
very much like the Chichimecos of Nueva España, who have no ambition
higher than that of cutting off men's heads. They are accustomed to
the use of bows and arrows. Consequently three soldiers in a rough
country could not have escaped, unless God had kept their boat from
being entirely destroyed by the Sangleyes.
6. The corsair continued his journey, and, intending to make an attack
at dawn, anchored outside the bay, and sent all his small boats ashore
in charge of some captains, in the early part of St. Andrew's Eve. They
say that the corsair remained with the ships; but that in the boats
there were seven hundred men, among whom were a few arquebusiers, and
many pikemen, besides men armed with battle-axes. [1] They were clad in
corselets which are coats lined with exceedingly thick cotton. They had
durable bamboo hats, which served as helmets; they carried cutlasses,
and several daggers in their belts; and all were barefoot. Their
manner of warfare or of fighting, was to form a squadron composed of
men with battle-axes, among whom were placed some arquebusiers, a few
of the latter going ahead as skirmishers. One of every ten men carried
a banner, fastened to his shoulders and reaching two palms above his
head. There were other and larger banners also, so that it appeared as
if some important personage was coming who served in the capacity of
master-of-camp. These, then, were the people who made the first attack.
7. The entrance to the bay of this city of Manila is southwest of
Manila. On its southern side, and to the right on entering the
bay, is the port of Cavite, two leagues from Manila. They took
the shorter route, which was safer for their small boats, and came
somewhat late within half a league of Manila without being seen;
for the slight breeze stirring from the east prevented them from
making the assault at daybreak. Manila is on a point or isthmus
running southeast and northwest; and the river encompasses it from
the east to the northwest. They did not enter by the river, in order
not to be seen by the fishermen who are constantly going and coming;
and also for the reason that the bay is very wide at this point,
and they would have to force an entrance, which they did not dare
attempt in their small boats. The pirates therefore began a hurried
march along shore toward the city, dragging their lances. They
arrived at the city somewhere between nine and ten o'clock in the
morning. The first house attacked was that of the master-of-camp,
Martin de Goite; he was sick in bed at the time. Already some natives
had come to him from the shore, shouting at the tops of their voices
that enemies were near, and that the king of Borney was coming down
upon the Castilians. Now as Martin de Goite knew that this was the
season of the brisas, and that it was impossible to come from Borney,
which lies to the southwest, because the wind was dead ahead, and not
believing in the possibility of other enemies, he laughed at the men,
telling them that they were drunken. Meanwhile, the advance-guard of
the squadron was near the house, when he arose, put on a suit of mail,
and took a sword with which to defend himself. It is believed that
the Chinese were passing straight ahead toward the governor's house
and the artillery, guided by the spy whom they brought with them, for
they were stealing along the shore forward. This would have meant the
total destruction of this city and camp; for your Majesty's houses,
being at the extreme end of the point of land made by the sea and the
river, were without any defense. The inhabitants of the city were each
in his own house, and the artillery was lying on the ground dismounted,
the pieces scattered here and there throughout the camp. The point of
the island once occupied, the Spaniards had no place wherein to gather
and fortify themselves, so that they could have a safe position back
of them. God provided this, for it is said that, when the enemies came
marching in line along the seacoast, the wife of Martin de Goite,
the master-of-camp, was looking out of a window which faced the
seacoast. She had a child's helmet on her head, and she called and
beckoned to them, telling them in Castilian that they were dogs, and
that they would all be killed. The Chinese observed this, and learned
from the guide that this was the house of the master-of-camp. They
regarded this as a very important piece of news, and, going to that
house, hurled many fire-bombs, with which they burned it in a very
short time; for it was made, like all the houses there, of wood and
straw. They killed some men who had gathered there; they also killed
the master-of-camp, who had been injured by the fire and wounded by
an arquebuse-shot in one arm, and who threw himself from a window,
on account of the cruel flames. A soldier, although the enemy struck
at him repeatedly with cutlasses and battle-axes, escaped with but
a slight wound. It is believed that if the master-of-camp had left
the house early, he would have escaped; but that he tried to defend
himself in his house, which he was unable to do, on account of his
severe illness. Several other persons were killed there with him. His
wife, who had shouted to them, they stripped, and tore off a ring
which she was slow in drawing from her finger, and a necklace; and
then they stabbed her severely in the neck. She rushed from the house
and hid in the tall grass, thus escaping with her life; and she is now
alive. Another woman and three or four men were killed. In burning that
house, and in the resistance offered there, they were detained some
time; therefore news of this affair reached the city and the house of
the governor, Guido de Lavezares. The first intimation that they had
of the approach of the enemy was the sight of the burning house of the
master-of-camp, which thus revealed it. When the affair at the house
was over, the pirates attempted to proceed once more to the beach.
The delay at the house was important, for in the meanwhile Captains
Velasquez and Chacon, with what soldiers there were, went to the
seacoast; and from the shelter of the houses facing the beach fired
well-aimed volleys from their arquebuses, whereat a number of the
advance guard fell. Thus was God pleased that with the death of
thirteen or fourteen Spaniards and more than eighty Chinese, the
latter had enough, retreated to their boats, and went away. The
Spaniards did not molest them while they were retreating, on this
day, on account of their own small number of fighting men, and for
fear that such a course might incite those fleeing to return. The
corsairs did not utter a word, nor did they complain, even when they
fell with wounds. Those in command endeavored to induce their men
to press forward, but did not succeed. Most of the Spaniards who
were killed were arquebusiers, who had drawn near in order to take
good aim. Although they did this, so many battle-axes were directed
against them that they were overthrown. Now had there been better
order in keeping the soldiers from making a sally unless commanded,
it is thought that, since there was a body of lancers who could have
met the enemy face to face, none would have been killed except those
in the house of the master-of-camp, where more damage was done them
by fire than by weapons. The corsairs went to the port of Cavite,
where they found their chief with all his fleet; for on seeing the
fire in the city, and hearing the roar of the artillery, he knew that
his men were accomplishing their purpose, and entered the bay, going
straight to the port of Cavite. Those of his men who had gone to the
city in the boats told him that they were unable to finish the affair
or to accomplish more, for the Castilians were a very brave people.
8. After the flight of the Chinese, a Chinese merchant who was in
the city, Sinsay by name, called upon the governor. He told him the
corsair's name, who he was, and his power. He also stated that he was
a pirate, and not sent by order of his king; and that without doubt
he would return in three days. He advised the Spaniards to fortify
themselves, and to remove the straw from the roofs of your Majesty's
houses, so that they could not be fired--advice which was acted upon.
9. The corsair Limahon rebuked his captains, and publicly manifested
his disgust at their defeat. Then he summoned his soldiers, paid them
all, and made them great promises. They agreed to rest one day and
to return on the morning of the third day, when he would accompany
them personally--which he did, with his entire fleet.
10. It seems that Guido Lavezares, on that day, ordered that two
of the principal Moros be arrested and imprisoned, saying that, by
means of them, the Moros would supply him with food. Thereupon the
Moros rebelled, and the prisoners were placed, bareheaded, in the
stocks. This was the occasion of a suit brought against one Osorio,
the constable, in whose house was the prison. He claims that he was
not guilty of the offense, saying that one Sancho Ortiz de Agurto,
sergeant of Captain Velasquez, killed them, or ordered certain slaves
to kill them. The suit was decided accordingly.
11. The first attack was made on the day of St. Andrew the Apostle. On
Tuesday, the last of September [2] of the year seventy-four, the
captains began the fortifications, making with boards, stakes,
and boxes and barrels filled with sand, a palisade from the river
to the sea. Although it was the best they could build, it was weak
enough. The next day, Wednesday, at noon the three soldiers came to
warn the people, as I have previously mentioned. At nightfall of this
day arrived Juan de Saucedo. As before stated, he had been stationed
in Ylocos with fifty soldiers. He came almost within sight of the
Chinese fleet, and upon entering the bay, took the left-hand side,
leaving the right side of the port to the Chinese. The people were
overjoyed to see him and his soldiers, and that night they assisted
in the work of the fortifications. Very early upon the next day
(Thursday) the Chinese advanced in martial array, as if determined
upon revenge. At four o'clock the whole fleet appeared in front of the
city, in the form of a great crescent, so that they might be there
before daybreak; and three salutes were fired from all the guns of
the whole fleet. Then at dawn they lowered the small boats, finally
disembarking near the house of the master-of-camp, which they had
burned. The chief landed, but it is reported that he did not fight,
or leave, that place, where he remained seated in a chair. He divided
his soldiers there--numbering, it is said, about one thousand men--into
two bodies. Part of them he sent through the principal street of the
city, and the others along the beach. The latter took the same route
as those who arrived on the first day. Besides these two squadrons,
other men were sent along the river-bank.
12. They were allowed to land, which has been considered a great
mistake; for all along the shore the land is covered with grass high
enough to form a fine ambuscade, where the arquebusiers could easily
have been placed under cover. The corsair might haye been easily
killed with one shot, when he landed in his chair to take command.
13. This day the pirates, as if previously determined, did not burn
any houses that seemed to be of good quality. They went straight to
the fort, and assailed it vigorously on two sides. They encountered
a strong resistance from the river side and in front, and some of
them were killed. On the side next the sea, the guard of the fort was
entrusted to a sergeant, named Sancho Hortiz de Agurto. He went down
to the shore, leaving the post, where he was stationed to find but
from what quarter the Chinese were coming. They were already so near
that, upon one of the Chinese meeting him, the lance of the latter
must have proved the longer weapon; for he wounded the soldier, who
was armed only with a halberd, in the neck. Either this wound or some
other obliged him to retire; and, upon his doing so, the Chinese shot
him in the back with an arquebuse, which caused his death. They assert
that this must have occurred as narrated, for he was seen to measure
his halbert against the lance of the Chinese. They found him wounded
with a lance-thrust, and the larger hole caused by the bullet was
in his breast, a proof that the bullet left his body there. But his
friends tried to say that while he was fighting with the Sangley,
they shot him in the back--which might have been so; for as the
enemy were forcing their way into the fort, they naturally met with
resistance from those defending that position. Thus according to his
friends, the mistake in leaving the palisade caused the harm. On this
account it happened that, when they forced that position, they found
there the least resistance. About eighty Chinese entered the fort
at that point, and all of them might have done so had they all been
of equal courage. Our soldiers attacked them immediately, with lance
and arquebuse, killing them all, according to report. This result was
aided by the resistance experienced by the assaulters in other parts
of the fort, which forced the Chinese to commence a retreat. Now when
the main division of those who had entered the fort saw the others
retreat, they too retreated and did not enter, abandoning the eighty,
all of whom the Spaniards killed whether they sought flight by land
or sea. On this day they burned the Augustinian church, the church
of the city, and a galley that was grounded near the river; and they
also destroyed an old ship. This galley was about to sail to Mindanao,
as previously stated. Three Spaniards were killed and several wounded
on this day, and mare than two hundred Chinese. The greatest damage
was caused by the fire; for a great fire-bomb fell upon some powder,
which exploded causing the death of two or three other men.
14. It is said that the corsair Limahon tried to force his men to
remain, but was unsuccessful, so he retired, embarked in his boats,
and set sail with his vessels for the port of Cavite.
15. It is thought that allowing the Chinese to embark on their retreat
without hindrance was a mistake. Some of the Spaniards did attempt
to prevent them, but the corsair, fearing that this might happen,
sent some boats by sea to the river, so that the Spaniards should
continue their guard, and not hinder the embarkation; and so that they
might believe that those in the boats were reinforcements sent to
take them in the rear. Thus it was believed, regarding it casually,
that if the corsair had had much force and had taken thought in the
beginning to attack in so many different places, he would have done
it; but that either he did not understand this, or did not dare to do
it. Therefore he collected his men, without any damage being inflicted
on him in his retreat.
16. As the natives of this place, who are Moros, saw what took
place the first day, thinking that the Chinese were victorious,
they all rebelled on the second day. In that short space of time
there gathered around the city of Manila more than ten thousand
Moros, in their little boats, ready to obey the commands of the
corsair. They say, too, that messengers were sent to Cavite, and
the news spread broadcast. Wherever friars were stationed, the Moros
captured and insulted them, threatened them with death, and robbed
them of everything. They defiled the churches, killing goats there;
and slew all the Spaniards possible, and their slaves. It is for this
reason, the soldiers say, that they did not leave the fort, in order
to prevent the departure of the corsairs, for the Moros surrounded
them on all sides. When the Moros knew that the Sangleyes had gone,
and that the Spaniards had been victorious, they set the friars free;
and, little by little, they again became submissive--apologizing for
their revolt because of the chiefs who had been slain in prison.
17. The artillery was badly mounted, and there was no gunner who knew
how to fire it. If the Spaniards had had sufficient artillery, that
would have proved very effectual; and, as the vessels neared the city,
some of them might have been sent to the bottom. No damage, however,
was done to any vessel, although they were fired upon; so that all
the resistance which they made was with lances and arquebuses.
18. The corsair went to the port of Cavite with his fleet, and did not
appear again; and not one ship could be found at the dawn of day. He
departed to Ylocos, whence he came. He determined to establish himself
in this island, settling in the province of Pangasinan, in the vicinity
of Ylocos. There he founded a settlement, consisting of a great fort,
in which dwelt all those who had accompanied him; and a counter-fort
in the middle with an excellent and well-constructed house for himself,
where he was recuperating, forty leagues from this city of Manila.
19. The wall of the fort was very high and built of palm-logs, and the
counter-fort was built of palm-wood planks. When the corsair arrived
there, he seized by treachery several chiefs of that land, through whom
he obtained supplies. He robbed them of all their substance, and, in
general treated them badly. As he had their chiefs, the common people
could not flee; and because the corsair did not kill them, as he had
done with others, they supported and served him. On this account he was
very well supplied with provisions, wood, and other necessary things.
20. The Spanish people who were not in the city during that attack
were scattered throughout the province of Camarines, one hundred
leagues from here. There were almost a hundred men with a captain in
the island of Çubu, and seventy more in Ylocos under Juan de Saucedo,
who had gone thither to form a settlement, since these men were the
encomenderos of that province. When the corsair went away, a ship
was sent to find out where he had halted; and, upon discovering this,
all the Spanish people were summoned, who came to Manila as quickly as
possible. In the meantime Guido de Lavezares appointed Juan de Saucedo
master-of-camp, and all began preparations to meet the enemy. During
the time of preparation for the expedition, in order to leave the
city in security, they constructed a fort; it is now finished, and
was made by the natives, the wood being paid for at the expense of
your Majesty. Your Majesty's carpenters here also assisted, so that
the work was completed. The master-of-camp, Juan de Saucedo, and all
the Spaniards who had gathered, and were available for the expedition,
were summoned. They numbered about two hundred and fifty-six, together
with two thousand five hundred friendly Indians; and they set out
in fifty-nine native vessels, commanded by Captains Chacon, Chaves,
Rribera, and Rramirez. These officers were instructed to consult
together in regard to whatever the said master-of-camp should freely
and voluntarily communicate to them, as it was he who was conducting
the present undertaking.
21. They say that the corsair had, in all, about three thousand men
and as many women, whom he had forcibly taken from China and Japan. The
best people that he had were natives of those countries.
22. The Spaniards left Manila on the twenty-third of March of 75, and
arrived at the river of Pangasinan on Holy Wednesday, the thirtieth
of March. They entered by the bar of the river, two hours before
daybreak; and, without being seen, landed the soldiers and four pieces
of artillery. They selected the spot where the river was narrowest, to
see whether they could obstruct the passage of the Chinese ships. They
sent out spies, who returned with the information that the Chinese
were off their guard, and were careless. Upon this the master-of-camp
sent Captains Chaves and Chacon in haste, with nine vessels, in each
of which were about eight men, with orders to approach the Chinese
boats and to try to capture one or more of them--especially the big
ones, so that he might be able with them to obstruct the bar of the
river. He also sent Captain Ribera with twenty-eight men and some
Indians by land, so that, at the same time when the captains were
examining the river in their ships the former could assault the fort,
in order to divert the people in it, and to enable those on the river
to seize the said vessels. The plan for the enterprise failed, but
success came in an unexpected manner; for it pleased God that, when
the Spanish ships discovered the Chinese, thirty-five Chinese vessels
were setting out to look for supplies for the corsair. As they were
sailing along quite free from care, they caught sight of the Spaniards,
and turned about and fled. It happened that, as the Spaniards pursued
them, firing their arquebuses, the Chinese ships almost ran aground;
whereupon all the men jumped overboard and fled to the fort, abandoning
their ships. The same thing occurred to the sailors of the other fleet,
so that in a moment the entire fleet was captured, together with all
it contained; but it was thoughtlessly fired, and was entirely burned.
23. By this time, about ten o'clock in the morning, they began fighting
in the fort under Captain Grabiel de Ribera, and had already forced
an entrance. When Captain Chaves heard them from the ships, he went
to their assistance, where he was joined immediately by Captain
Chacon. They succeeded in reaching the first fort, capturing more
than one hundred women and children after killing many of the men. At
this time they set fire to the fort, claiming afterward that it was
done by the Indians. This was a great mistake, for the wind blew the
flames in the faces of the Spaniards, hurting them very much. Some
of the soldiers remained to rob the fort. The master-of-camp did not
go to their assistance with reënforcements--although the captains
say that they notified him that, as they were doing so little on
account of the fire, the Chinese were commencing to make repairs. As
night was approaching, it was necessary for the captains to retire,
leaving the fort which they had gained. If reënforcements of those who
had remained in camp with the master-of-camp had come up then, they
would have captured all the enemy. It is said that the Chinese were
hurrying from the other side of the fort, on their way to the hills.
24. When Captains Chaves and Chacon left the ships, all were burning;
for either the soldiers or the Indians, it is not known why, set fire
to them, so that, in a moment, they were all ablaze.
25. On account of the great rejoicing over the unexpected victory,
they overlooked the matter of keeping some of the ships both to
bar up the river, and because they were large and well-equipped,
particularly the flagship of the corsair. The success requisite in
this affair failed through a lack of system in such an occurrence,
as might be expected in fighting with barbarous people. _Item_, the
master-of-camp was lacking in quickness in coming to the rescue upon
hearing the firing on shore, so that at least Captain Ribera's force,
so small, might not be swept away. _Item_, sentinels were lacking,
as well as detachments of men to serve as reënforcements for the sake
of security, and to furnish aid on occasions like the above.
26. Some of the soldiers went to the master-of-camp, accompanied
by slaves carrying some of the pieces from the fort. They reported
a victory, saying that the fort had surrendered, and that all was
finished. These men went without orders from their captains, but were
not punished; nor was any new action taken, notwithstanding that
the captains assert that they sent reports of the condition of the
war. The captains, upon seeing that the Chinese were losing all fear,
and had wounded some of the men, returned to the camp about sunset,
overcome with fatigue. Had those in camp given aid then, the rampart
would not have been abandoned; but they could have stayed in or behind
it, and victory was certain. The captains say that the soldiers were
very eager, and, as could be seen, fought from ten in the morning;
but that the country is hot, that their weapons were heavy, that the
smoke beat in their faces, and that they saw night approaching without
reënforcements or any food. They even say they would have perished had
they not found a well whence the Chinese drew water for their work;
and this water, although bad, they drank from their helmets, being
refreshed thereby. On account of these conditions they were compelled
to retire to the camp. Upon their arrival at camp, they declare that
they were met by the master-of-camp, Juan de Saucedo, who told them
that, if he were a soldier and not the master-of-camp, he would die
with them, for he was also a soldier to fight with the Chinese. The
said captains and the people generally felt that the master-of-camp
was very much troubled about what had happened--he complaining that
they, despite his order to the contrary, had burned the fleet, and
spent their time with the enemy in the fort; they responding that
he was requiting them very poorly, and that, after they had gained
the day and attained the victory at so great peril to themselves,
he spoke such words through envy, that he proved his treachery, and
refused to aid them in their necessity. From this arose many slanders,
hate, and differences of opinion among the soldiers, that God alone
can dispel. It is certain that there was a lack of persons who could
direct such a battle, and the day was certainly the luckiest, as well
as the least systematic, that could be imagined. A few of the men
were wounded and five were killed on account of their lack of order,
and because they waited until the enemy were recuperated.
27. A council was held, the following night, by the master-of-camp and
the captains. Some of the latter thought it expedient to make an attack
the next morning, before the corsair should regain his courage. As this
was the prevailing opinion, the master-of-camp went with all his men
to make an assault. On nearing the fort, they heard rumors and opinions
that the place was already being fortified. The master-of-camp retired
his forces, saying that it was not convenient to make the assault,
or to expose the few Spaniards that your Majesty had here to so much
danger. Now at this time there arose a great difference of opinion,
caused by private interposition. It certainly was a mistake not to make
the assault on that day, for the day before counted for but little;
and a captain offered to reconnoiter the weakest part, and to lead
in the assault.
28. After this retreat, they encamped near the enemy, on the islet
formed by the river, which runs north and south. The enemy were on
the northern side and the Spaniards on the southern. It was a good
thing to have located so near the enemy, if they had immediately made
a defense for the artillery, which could have been done with stakes
and earth. That should have been done before it was established there;
but they took up their position before they had made the bulwark.
29. By this time the corsair had regained his courage, and ordered
certain of his guns fired at the camp. The "Vigilantib," which had
been captured from the galley, as abovesaid, shattered the leg of a
standard-bearer of the master-of-camp, striking him in the middle of
the shin-bone. This man was healed, and is now living. This catastrophe
caused such an impression, that they resolved to move the camp from
the island to the mainland, so that the river might intervene between
them and the spot occupied by the corsair. It was a great mistake
followed by still greater ones. The affair became a long siege,
and they amused themselves in gambling freely, in levying tribute,
and in other like things.
30. The corsair was not expecting an assault by the Spaniards, so his
fort was not completed, lacking the terreplein; and his artillery was
unmounted, and no sentinels were placed. He had made no preparations
for war, beyond what a colonist might do. But now he hurried to make
preparations and to defend his cause. He sent out squadrons from time
to time with lances and arquebuses to fight--although he himself did
not leave the fort for the battle, but from within gave his signals
of retreat or attack.
31. The master-of-camp only made some ambuscades, prolonging the
siege. It is certain that the Spaniards never fought the Chinese with
all their men, force to force. Although the Chinese leader sent out
five hundred or six hundred men, who pretended to show fight, they
generally fled when fifty of the Spaniards came out. It is certain
that, force to force, the Chinese would not wait to fight; and if
by the help of God they remained they would be routed, although they
had three times as many men, for they are not a warlike race. It is
also certain, and all acknowledge it to be true, that the Spaniards
desired to fight hand to hand, and to make the assault. They always
did their duty, fighting like valiant men, although there were some
cowardly ones, as all bodies have their weak side.
32. On account of the space given to the corsair, the latter was able
to delay things and to do some damage. For instance some soldiers were
imprudently sent to form some small ambuscades; but the Chinese were
warned of them, and made a counter ambuscade. Of the seven soldiers
who left the camp, the Chinese killed and captured five, and the
other two fled. It was exceedingly foolhardy to send so few men out
in a case like this, and caused great harm, for it made the Chinese
more daring. The master-of-camp left camp with about twenty men to
form another ambuscade, contrary to the advice of the captains. This
also proved unsuccessful, although, as help came, the Chinese retired
without doing any damage.
33. As the corsair had no ships, he sent men out to cut wood, and
as all his soldiers were good workmen, they soon constructed thirty
ships within the fort. With these he set sail at noon on the fourth
of August, having been besieged within the fortifications for over
four months. He directed his ships toward his own country, but, as he
left, he committed some damage with the "Vigilantib." At this time
the Spaniards feared that, when the ships were leaving, they were
about to attack them; and that some column was about to take them in
the rear. For this reason they fortified their rear-guard strongly
when the corsair left. It was ludicrous to expect that the Chinese
were coming to attack them, when with all their squadrons they never
dared once to measure their strength with ours.
34. Before this the Spaniards had filled the river with stakes,
to retard the progress of the corsair, but the latter removed
them. He compelled some of his men to enter the water; and ropes
being tied to the shoulders of these men, they removed, although with
considerable difficulty, a sufficient number of the stakes to clear
the vessels. While he was removing the stakes, the Spaniards stationed
arquebusiers and as large a force as they were able; but in this there
was negligence in not opposing the enemy with better arquebusiers.
35. They say that the corsair sent offers of friendship to the
Spaniards, saying that he would introduce us to the kingdom of China
and assist us in conquering the same. In regard to this there was
no further discussion; because he asked as a condition that the
siege should be raised, and that the Spaniards should go to Manila,
where he would return, in order to adjust the matter. Then, too,
Omocon, a captain of the king of China, was in that city, who had
come to locate the corsair, besides Sinsay, and others, which made
the Spaniards suspicious of admitting these discussions.
36. It seems that in the kingdom of China this corsair, Limahon, had
done much damage; and the king was at a great expense and trouble in
maintaining garrisons along the frontier where he was wont to commit
his frequent depredations. The governors of the province of Hoquian
sent two ships in charge of a Chinese captain, named Omocon, sent by
the governor of Chinchiu, who bears the title there of _Yncuanton_,
to spy upon Limahon, in order to send a fleet against him. This
same Omocon also brought letters containing a pardon from the king,
in case he should fall into the hands of Limahon. He brought letters
also to the principal married men with Limahon, promising them many
things, if they would kill the corsair and return to the service of
their king. This Omocon arrived at Pangasinan after the burning of
the enemy's fleet, and after the attack made on the fort the first
day. He spoke with the master-of-camp asserting that their enemy
was a pirate; and that if the Spaniards would take him prisoner or
kill him, the king of China would recompense them by entering into
friendly and brotherly relations with them. He also said that monuments
would be set up in the king's city, and in other public places, with
inscriptions describing the heroic feats of the Castilians, who would
not come to terms with Limahon, but on the contrary had killed him
in order to do the king of China a favor. This Omocon, when he saw
that the corsair was defeated and without any hope of getting ships,
and ascertained that Limahon could not engage in a pitched battle,
and concluding that the consummation had come, said that he would go
to notify the Yncuanton of Chinchiu. Then he offered to take some of
the religious with him, saying that he would take as many as wished
to go. Accordingly the master-of-camp sent him to Manila, and Guido
de Lavezares gave him a certain present to take to China. Fathers
Fray Martin de Errada, a native of Navarra, and Fray Gerónimo Martin,
a native of Mexico, went with him. A soldier named Miguel de Loarca,
and another called Pedro Sarmiento, also accompanied them. They reached
Pangasinan where they took two other soldiers with them, Nicolas de
Cuenca and Juan de Triana. They took also as interpreter a Chinese,
named Hernando, who understood Spanish. The above-mentioned Sinsay
also went with them. A large vessel belonging to Omocon was left in
Pangasinan with thirty or forty Chinese; Omocon said that he did so,
in order that they might be of service to the camp. The fathers and
soldiers went to China with Omocon, and what they saw there they have
since related. [3]
37. It is believed that it was a mistake to let Omocon go, because
with the two ships that he took, and the one that remained there, it
might have been possible to close up the passage of the river. However
at the time of the departure of the corsair minor matters should not
be classed with errors.
38. When the friars reached China, they carried letters with
them. They were there four or five months, and might have remained
there, but the governors did not agree to that. Because of their
eagerness to see Limahon, the governors despatched a fleet of ten
ships, and with it the fathers and Spaniards, on the pretext that,
if it were necessary for the Chinese to assist in the war, the latter
would lend their aid. They appointed Sinsay captain, and Omocon a
captain of higher rank. On the way, these men falsified the letters
given them by Guido de Laveçares, writing others that said that they
were at the front, and fought valiantly, encouraging the Castilians
when the latter burned the fleet and demolished the fort; as a reward
for which they gave in money, to each one, besides the captaincy,
four hundred silver taes, each tae of the value of twelve Castilian
reals. These captains had with them as captain-general another
Chinese, named Siaogo, an insignificant, mean-looking, little
old man. It is said that he had been a corsair when young. When
these people came to this island and learned that Limahon had gone,
they cried for very rage and bitterness--especially Omocon, who had
solemnly averred that the corsair could not escape. They brought a
slight present with them, of a few pieces of silk and cotton shawls,
and also letters. A part of the present was for the governor, another
for the master-of-camp, another for the captains, and the rest for
the soldiers. Their portion was given to the captains by the Chinese
and friars. That which was destined for the governor I received,
and am sending it by this same packet to your Majesty, so that you
may see their way of doing things. I am sending also some cloth, such
as they wear, five bonnets, a belt that indicates that the wearer is
a captain, and the original letters that came from China translated
into Spanish--one of them having the equivalent Spanish words under
the Chinese and the letter telling about the present. From these it
will be seen that their writing does not consist of letters, but of
syllables or symbols. They brought with them thirteen horses as a
present or as purchases. These beasts are full of bad habits, like
those of Galicia. One horse was given there and here to the governor,
and was delivered to the officials of your Majesty's royal estate,
that they may sell it, and place the proceeds in the box with the three
keys. The rest of the horses were sent to their respective owners.
39. These ten ships brought some merchandise to sell, although but
little, which they sold at very high rates. They are a mean, impudent
people, as well as very importunate. They remained in this port more
than six months, and demanded a present to carry back with them--saying
that the good will of their commanders would thus be gained; and that,
if this present were made to them, it would stand the Spaniards in good
stead in their land. Inasmuch as it was reported that Limahon had fled,
and as these people are as cowardly as Indians, they begged me to write
to China that Limahon was dead. For this purpose, they tried to procure
many human heads, which many natives of this land are wont to keep as
treasures, in order to declare that they had that of Limahon. They
made a false seal, claiming that it had belonged to Limahon, from
whom they had taken it. They endeavored to have me write to China
from here after this manner, but I always told them, whenever they
broached the subject, that the Castilians did not know how to lie,
and that we could not discuss such trivial matters. I consulted the
captains and religious concerning the present, and we agreed that it
was not convenient to send one, but that we would furnish them with
provisions. Therefore we supplied them generously, and they left this
port on the fourth of May of the year seventy-six. They took with them
two fathers, Fray Martin de Errada and Fray Augustin de Alburquerque,
and my letters, a copy of which I am sending, as well as an order
for the fathers to remain there to preach. The Chinese did not take
any Spaniards with them; however, they begged for some of our people,
later, thinking that the latter would take something to give them or
which they could seize. During their stay here I treated them very
well, but there is no way of softening their hearts, except by means
of gifts--although, to my way of thinking, weapons would avail more.
40. The kingdom of China is very large. It is a two days' journey
from the head of this island thither for Spanish ships. Sailing from
this port one day until one loses sight of land, on the next day China
is seen. They themselves call their country "the kingdom of Taibiu;"
those of the Yndias, and other peoples, call it China. This means "a
very remote land," just as in Castilla they called Nueva España and
Peru "Las Antillas." Thoughout these islands they call the Chinese
"Sangleyes," meaning "a people who come and go," on account of their
habit of coming annually to these islands to trade--or, as they say
there, "the regular post." Here they style the Portuguese, "Parangue,"
taking the name from _margaritas_ [pearls]. They were given this name,
because they were the first who sold pearls. The captains describe
the kingdom of Taibiu in the following manner:
It has fifteen provinces, with viceroys, while the people out-number
those of Germany. The king is now a child of thirteen. He has a mother
and tutors, and it is about three years since his father died. The
people are light complexioned, well-built, and robust. There are some
who resemble mulattoes, who are badly treated.
41. The men and women both wear long garments, like the one that I
am sending so that your Majesty may see it. All wear wide trousers
[Sp. _çaragueles_], black or white felt hose, and shoes. The country
is cold like España, but there are some warm regions. It has a great
many people.
42. They are heathens, and do absurd things. They do not use the
rosary, and have no religious observances or ornate temples. If some
temples do exist, only mechanical rites are performed in them. They
are a vile people, and are sodomites, as is affirmed by Spaniards who
have seen young boys present themselves before the justice to ask
the amount of the fine for the crime of violation, and frankly pay
it. They are all tyrants, especially those in authority, who oppress
the poor heavily.
43. They are a cowardly people--so much so, that none ride on
horseback, although there are many horses there, because they do not
dare to mount them. They do not carry weapons, nor do they use spurs
on the horses. They use the whip and bridle, which do not have much
effect on the horse.
44. There are a great many robbers or highway-men, robbing along the
highways or off them. They are very lazy; they do not cultivate the
ground unless some one forces them to it, and they do not collect the
harvest. They sell their children, in case of poverty, for a small
sum of money with which to buy food.
45. All the land belongs to the king, and no one in all the kingdom
owns a handful of earth; accordingly each man must pay, in proportion
to the amount of land that he uses, tribute to the king.
46. They know nothing, unless it be to read and write; and those who
can do this well are made great captains by the king.
47. They talk slowly, very explosively, and arrogantly. Our manner
of writing astonishes these people, as well as our way of living,
which they think better than their own.
48. When they effect a cure by blood-letting, they scrape the skin
until the blood comes, and with lighted wicks cauterize the wounds;
they also give the patient certain potions about which they have
learned by experience.
49. They always drink hot water. They heat this on the fire, and
water their wine, which they drink hot. They pretend to a knowledge
of chiromancy, but know nothing about it.
50. They are very superstitious in casting lots. When they crossed the
bar of this port, this superstition affected the flagship in which
the fathers had embarked, and the captain had to have the lot taken
by divination, and had the friars, whom he was carrying, changed to
another ship. However, the truth is that the change was made so that
they would have more freedom to pursue their customary vices.
51. They are very submissive to authority, and patiently suffer the
punishments inflicted. For a very slight offense an ear will be cut
off, or a hundred lashes of the whip given. The land is fertile. The
horses are small and the cows are like those of Berberia. It is
reported that farther inland are horses capable of bearing armed men.
52. No sheep are found along the coast, but there are said to be some
inland. On my asking them what Castilian products were lacking in their
country, they replied, "None whatever, unless it be velvet;" and they
say that they do not have this, because they do not know how to make
it, but that if they could see that manufacture, they would learn it.
53. They say that inland there are vines from which they make wine,
and olives. At the rear, this kingdom joins Tartaria; and a great
many years ago, they do not know how many, the natives established
the king of Tartaria in Taybiu, and he and his descendants ruled it
for one hundred and seventy years, until, after four generations,
they were expelled. Now one of the descendants of the native kings
of Taybiu reigns, and wages constant war with the Tartars, of whom
they say they are not afraid. They can reckon time only by the years
of their king, and therefore lose count easily; for, as soon as one
king dies, no further mention is made of him, and they reckon time by
the first or second year of the reign of the new king, and no other
memory of the preceding king endures. In another manner they reckon
the months by moons, and have eleven months to the year. It is quite
usual for that land to change masters; but it has always had a king,
either of their own nation or a foreigner. They count as their New
Year's the first of February.
54. The king and the chief priest dress in yellow, as a mark of
distinction, no one else being allowed to use this color.
55. The smallest province has more inhabitants than Nueva España
and Piru together. The cities are large, but contain mean little
houses. The people are generally poor. There are no gold or silver
coins, but everything is sold by weight. There are some copper and
bronze coins for small change. There is gold and a great deal of
silver. One peso [weight] of gold is worth four pesos of silver,
according to their calculation. For so many pesos of silver so many
of silk are obtained, and so with other things.
56. Everything is sold by weight, even wood and chickens, and all
other things; they are sold very cheaply, for land is very cheap.
57. Wheat and rice are raised abundantly. There are mines of gold,
silver, quicksilver, copper, lead, tin, and all the metals.
58. It takes a week, generally, to make the voyage from Manila to
Chiunchiu [the modern Chwan-Chow-Foo], a distance of about one hundred
and forty leagues. It is said that the journey has been made in fair
weather in six days, and has never required more than ten.
59. These people never travel by water except during the months of
the bonanças, which I have explained. Their ships cannot stand the
wind astern, because both bow and stern have the same form and are
flat, like a square table; they are so made in order that either end
can be used. They navigate always, in either direction, by means of
side-winds. These vessels rock to and fro, like cradles with oars.
60. The sails of their ships are made of bamboo, like matting. They
do not use a yard on the mast, but raise the mainsail on the mast
fastened to a pole as an infantry flag is placed on a pike; and the
sheets hang down from the other side with which the sail is turned to
this or that side, according to the direction of the wind. The sail is
half the width of the ship, and the mast is large and high. The sail
is raised by means of a windlass, which contrivance is used also for a
capstan. The rigging is made of reeds and grass, which grow wild. The
mast is stepped about two-thirds of the length of the ship nearer the
prow, in order that the ship may pitch forward. The foremast is not
stationary, being moved to port or starboard, according to the weather
or other requirements. The sheets are worked in the same way. The
compass is divided for fewer directions than ours. They also use
stern-masts as mizzen-masts, which, like that at the bow, are changed
from one side to the other, so that they do not need quadrants. They
go from one side to the other with the wind which helps them. They
use two oars at the bow to turn the ship, and two others at the stern
that assist the sailing. The compass consists of a small earthenware
jar, on which the directions are marked. This jar is filled with
water and the magnetized needle placed in it. Sometimes before they
happen to strike it right, they could go to the bottom twenty times,
thus, although it is marvelous, considering that they are a barbarous
people, that they should understand the art of navigation, it is very
surprising to see how barbarous are their methods.
61. All their arms, for both sea and land, are fire-bombs. They have
quantities of gunpowder, in the shape of loaves. Their artillery,
although not large, is poor. They have also, and quite commonly
poor, culverins and arquebuses, so that they depend mainly on their
lances. I am informed that they do not fear the arquebuses very much,
because they themselves are so poor shots with them, and are amazed
at seeing a hen or a pigeon killed with an arquebuse-shot. They fear
lances more than other weapons.
62. The chief captains and the king never cut their finger-nails,
and allow one to grow as long as the finger, and longer. These go to
war seated in chairs, carried on the shoulders of other men. They
frequently become intoxicated, and are very libidinous. They
guard their women very carefully. The women also do not cut their
finger-nails. When daughters are born to people of rank, they compress
the child's feet by the toes, so that they cannot grow; and the girl
cannot stand on them, but is always carried about seated. For this
reason, these women never leave the house.
63. The men have as many wives as they can support. They wear their
hair long, gathered up on top of the head, as women dress their hair.
64. None but a few principal people ever see the face of the king,
and those only who are near him. His face is always covered when he
goes out, and he is accompanied by a numerous guard.
65. The king resides in the province of Paquian, in a city called
Quincay, mentioned by Marco Polo, the Venetian, [4] in his second
book, and sixty-fourth chapter. According to the account given by
these, people, their country must have been ruled by the Tartars
before Marco Polo made that voyage, because in his history he refers
to the master of this city, and of others in the kingdom, as "the
great Khan." I believe that the strange people and language must have
changed the names of many of the provinces in his time. Although he
writes briefly, and in such a way that it seems but nonsense, still it
is true that this city does exist; and, according to the statements
of the Chinese, the name means in their language "City of Heaven,"
as says Marco Polo. This city of Quincay, as nearly as we can learn,
seems to be somewhat less than five hundred leagues from Manila,
which is to those living here as Cales and the mainland of España,
and if more of our people could go in one virey, everything would be
changed. These people do not extol Quincay less than Marco Polo does.
66. Marco Polo says that there are in that city Nestorian
Christians. The people here cannot pronounce the name, but claim that
there are people in it from all over the world in great numbers. The
people there are very vicious, as are those in these islands, which
are really an archipelago of China, and their inhabitants are one
people with the Chinese--as are those of Candia and of Constantinople,
who are all Greeks.
67. There are walls in the city formed of smooth, dry stone, well
placed on the outside. The food consists mainly of fish, for which they
go out into the sea to a distance of twenty leagues. Whoever should
prove master of the sea might do with them as he wished--especially
along their coast, which extends north and south for more than five
hundred leagues, where one may work daily havoc. Their garrisons of
soldiers along the coast are worthless, for they are treated only
as the servants of the commanders, and are overburdened; the result
is that the lowest and most abused people among the Chinese are
the soldiers.
68. The people generally have no weapons, nor do they use any. A
corsair with two hundred men could rob a large town of thirty thousand
inhabitants. They are very poor marksmen, and their arquebuses are
worthless.
69. The trade with China is very disadvantageous to the Spaniards,
as well as to the inhabitants of these islands; for the only useful
thing that they bring is iron, and nothing else. Their silks are of
poor quality; and they take away our gold and silver. Just so long
as their intercourse with us endures without war, just so much the
more skilful will they become; and all the less fear will they have
of those with whom they have traded.