ENLISTMENT--DEPARTURE--THE VOYAGE--HATTERAS--UP THE
NEUSE--NEWBERN--AN ACCOUNT OF THE 17TH--ON PICKET--DOING
PROVOST DUTY IN NEWBERN, ETC.
It has been said that man is essentially a "fighting animal,"--that
in this "world's broad field of battle" his life, from the cradle to
the grave, is one continued struggle against want and its attendant
circumstances,--and that he is the greatest who, be his position
what it may, acts well his part. If this be true--and I think it
is--then the man who goes to the war only exchanges one mode of
strife for another--"the whips and scorns of time," for interminable
drilling, "hard tack and salt horse,"--"the oppressor's wrong," for
the hardships of the march and the dangers of the battle,--"the proud
man's contumely," for the murmurings at home that he does not "clean
out" the rebels in a week or two,--"the law's delay," for the tedium
of garrison and camp life,--"the insolence of office," for the rule
(not always gentle or humane) of men placed over him,--and the "bare
bodkin," for the sword and the bayonet. And yet--and yet--
"Ah me! what perils do environ
The man that meddles with cold iron!
What plaguy mischiefs and mishaps
Do dog him still with after claps!"
The severe checks and disasters experienced by the Union arms in
the Spring campaign of 1862, culminating in the "seven days' fight"
before Richmond, and the retreat of McClellan's noble but suffering
and crippled army to James river, while it spread sorrow and mourning
throughout the land, had the effect of awakening those in power to a
full sense of the nation's peril. When the President called for more
men, thereby giving effect to the wishes of the loyal people, I was
one of those who helped to swell the volume of that mighty response
which echoed back from the hills and prairies, cities and villages,
towns and hamlets:
"We are coming, father Abraham, three hundred thousand more!"
Like others, I had to mourn the loss of a friend,--a brave young
fellow, who was killed in the second of the "seven days' fight," and
determined to fill his place, if I could.
On the 4th of August, 1862, I entered my name as a "raw recruit" for
Co. F, 19th Mass. Reg't, as one of the quota of the town of Malden.
A friend, struck by my example, or, perhaps, being in that state of
mind which needs but little to turn one way or the other, joined with
me; but upon going to the office in Boston where enlistments for the
19th were "done up," we were told recruiting for it was stopped.
How times have altered since then,--now, I believe, it would take a
battalion to fill it. We were in a fix (at least I was, who wished
to go in the 19th), but there was a remedy at hand. A recruiting
officer for the 17th, who had an office in Union street, received us
willingly, and after being examined and sworn in, we were packed off,
with some twenty other recruits, to Camp Cameron in North Cambridge.
It was late in the evening when we arrived there, and no preparation
being made for us--owing, I suppose, to the constant and rapid influx
of recruits, which taxed to their utmost the various departments to
fit out and provide for,--we had to turn in, supperless, to a bunk of
downy boards, with no covering but our thin citizens' summer clothes.
I thought it was a very uncomfortable resting place at the time, but
it was nothing to what I have since known in the way of sleeping
accommodation. The next morning I had leisure to look around me and
take a survey of the mass of human nature that there commingled
for the first time. And truly it was a heterogeneous compound of
representatives of nearly every race of people in Europe, and
plentifully sprinkled among them was the leaven of the whole--smart,
shrewd, intelligent, quick-eyed and quick-witted Americans. And such
a confusing babble as prevailed I never heard before. Wrangling and
swearing, drinking and eating, talking and laughing,--all combined
to give me no very agreeable foretaste of what I had to expect in my
new vocation. I noticed others, new, like myself, to such scenes, who
seemed mentally dumbfounded, or unconsciously comparing the quiet
routine of the life they led at home to the new one they had assumed,
and, no doubt, to the great advantage of the former and dislike
for the latter. But happily for us all, being the creatures of
circumstances, the pliability of our natures leads us to be quickly
reconciled to our lot, whatever it may be. The change of life from a
citizen to that of a soldier is so radical that few like it at first;
but by degrees it becomes endurable, and finally, often, desirable.
The recent re-enlistments prove this.
There were several "characters" among the recruits in camp, to whom,
if I could, I would devote a few pages, as well as to management of
the camp and the method of dovetailing a little _innocent_ private
business into that of the public, as practiced by some of the
little-great men in authority there; but as paper costs 22 cents per
pound, I am warned that I must leave out here and condense there,
which is not so pleasant after all.
Men were arriving every day in squads of from twenty to fifty,
and leaving at intervals in detachments of from 100 to 500, to be
distributed among their respective regiments at the seat of war.
At length our turn came. It was on a Friday.--Now, Friday, though
generally considered by superstitious persons an unlucky day, has
often proved a lucky one for me. I was born on Friday; was married
on Friday; and now I started to go to the war on Friday. I shouldn't
wonder if on some Friday in the future I would die--and that will
be another great event in my life. Well, we started on a Friday
afternoon, and taking the cars at the Old Colony depot in Boston and
the boat at Fall River, found ourselves next morning in the city of
New York. We were quartered in barracks on White street, furnished
with filthy beds, miserable "grub," and allowed free range of the
city. A lieutenant (from Haverhill, I believe) had charge of our
squad, which numbered about a hundred, and some of his enthusiastic
admirers in the crowd presented him with a sword. There was, of
course, a presentation speech, enthusiastic, pathetic, patriotic
and warlike, and a response suitable and sentimental. It made a
good impression on me at the time; but then I had yet to learn
the difference between what an Indian would call "talk fight" and
"fightem."
On the following Monday afternoon, with all "traps" snugly bestowed
and knapsacks strapped on, we were drawn up in front of the barracks,
when the lieutenant stepped out in front and proposed three cheers
for the barrack-master, which were given; but I did not join in, even
in dumb show, having too much conscientiousness to outrage the finer
feelings of my stomach by cheering for an individual who had cheated
and abused it. We then took up our line of march for the transport,
and went along almost unnoticed save by a few patriotic individuals
who bade us a fervent God-speed and wished that good-fortune might
attend us wherever we went; but the great mass seemed hardened
to the sight of their fellow men going away from amongst them to
explore unknown fields of danger, and to purchase with their life's
blood a continuance and perpetuity of that nationality which has
made the United States of America the first among nations. As these
thoughts entered my mind, they suggested the picture of the hundreds
of thousands of devoted men who passed through this great city,
with all their hardest and most bitter experiences--hardships and
dangers, sickness and death--before them, many, very many of them to
return again no more; and I began to realize that, though still in
a land of peace and plenty, a few days would bring me out upon far
different scenes and into circumstances that would require a bold
heart to meet as they ought to be met. Luckily for us all, the future
cannot be penetrated, or we should be mourning calamities before they
befall us; dreading dangers before they threaten, and finally become
unmanned at the awful prospect impending over our future. Still there
is in the expectancy of danger something that is fascinating, and
something, too, that even while we dread we seek; and this feeling,
the result of a strange curiosity, enlivened by hope and the love
of excitement, is what often keeps up the spirit of the soldier
and urges him on, even when worn out with fatigue and well-nigh
exhausted, to renewed energy and more determined acts of bravery.
The transport we embarked upon was a dilapidated steamer called the
"Haze" (who that ever took passage in her to or from Dixie can forget
the old tub?), a miserably appointed vessel, whose officers and crew
seemed better fitted for the penitentiary than for the station they
held. It was in this vessel that I first learnt some of the hardships
and inconveniences of a soldier's life. Just before the hawser was
cast off, an Irish apple-woman came on board, her basket well laden
with fruit, and said--"Come, me poor boys; it's not many of these
ye'll get in the place ye're goin' to--so help yerselves! 'Tis all I
have to give ye, except me blessin'--and may God bless ye all, and
bring ye safe back agin to the frinds ye have at home!"
She then proceeded to distribute the apples (and fine ones they
were) to the boys, many of whom, thinking more of the apples than
the blessing, rushed eagerly in saying, "bully for you, old lady!"
nearly overturning her in their desire to possess as much of the
fruit as possible. As for me, I was content to let them have the
fruit--the blessing and good wishes of the warm-hearted old woman
was all-sufficient for my desires. She stepped ashore, and as she
disappeared in the crowd on the pier, I heard one of the lucky ones,
who was luxuriating in the fruits of his scramble, remark to another
lucky one,--"D--d good apples!--that's a bully old woman,--how did
you like her malediction?" "Big thing," was the response.
The hawser was finally cast off, and, backing slowly out of the
dock, the steamer was soon under full headway down the bay. What
my emotions were as I gazed (perhaps) for the last time upon the
surrounding scenes, I will not tire the reader by giving expression
to,--doubtless they resembled in a manner those of thousands of
others who had gone the same road before me. My comrades, however, as
a general thing, were merry, and talked of the promised land (Dixie)
in a tone that showed how high their hopes ran; but presently, as
we passed Sandy Hook, and the regular and continuous swell of the
ocean set in, many who were before lively as kittens became tame and
wretched-looking enough. It was dark before we passed the Highlands,
and, though we could not see the Jersey shore we heard of it from the
breakers, here and there catching glimpses of lights which told us
that even among its barren sands many had found homes. But let Jersey
pass, and Delaware, and Virginia's eastern shore--"away, away down
South in Dixie" we go. But how few, comparatively, of our detachment
were now so eager, after encountering one enemy, to meet another?
And yet, I verily believe, many of these poor fellows would prefer
at that time to run their chances in battle (if only on the land)
than be tossed about at the mercy of the waves and so thoroughly
sea-sick. As for me, whose somewhat eventful life had often before
sent me "down to the sea in ships," I had no feelings of nausea, and
consequently enjoyed the surroundings, the fresh, bracing sea air
seeming to instil new vigor into my frame, which twenty years of toil
in a printing office (with short intermissions) had tended to impair.
Thus situated I could look about me, and I observed some who were
formerly the jolliest of our band now the saddest and most forlorn.
One in particular (a fine young fellow, whom we dubbed "the colonel")
who had been the life of our party, now, pale and sad, with not a
word to say, lay doubled up inside the coils of a hawser, as forlorn
as the Wandering Jew (by Eugene Sue). It was no more, with him,
"Away daown Saouth in a few days--hooray!" We passed the Chesapeake,
(Fortress Monroe,) Cape Henry and the dismal coast beyond, and on
the third evening neared land to the north of Cape Hatteras.--But
such land! A long, low bar of sand, stretching away as far as the eye
could reach, relieved at intervals by huge hummocks covered with a
stunted growth of trees, whose ragged and forlorn limbs and inclined
position made them appear as if a fierce hurricane all the while tore
through their branches, threatening to uproot and cast them away
forever. "There," said I to the 'colonel,' who had come upon deck
when he heard we were near Hatteras, and stood beside me grasping
the rail,--"There is Dixie, my jolly 'colonel.' We have come 'away
daown Saouth in a few days,' haven't we; and how do you like the lay
of the land? What--can't you even say 'hooray?'" But only a faint
smile was the answer. Shortly after dark we descried Hatteras light,
which we neared about ten o'clock; but the captain would not venture
in, and so we had to lay "off and on" till daylight, which was no
pleasant job, for "the wind rose and the rain fell," and gave those
who selected the deck for their sleeping place (myself among the
number), with the assistance of an occasional dash of salt water, a
pretty thorough soaking. As soon as it was clear day our craft headed
for the "swash," the wind blowing a small gale, the rain coming in
squalls as if some fretful genius presided over this unhappy coast,
and the waves running in shore like race-horses, spreading their
foam in a thin gray mist over the narrow line of sand, which seemed
endeavoring almost in vain to keep its back above the water. To our
right, and north of the inlet, were the forts taken by Gen. Butler
in his first Coast Expedition. Only one of these, Fort Hatteras, is
now used. The other has either sunk into the sand or been almost
wholly destroyed by the action of the waves. Fort Hatteras is an
earthwork, but so admirably situated as to prove an almost impassible
barrier to anything but ironclads. Beyond and around the fort on the
land or sand side, were a few buildings used for quarters for the
garrison and for ordnance stores. Anchored in the Sound, near by,
were supply ships, transports, and old hulks; while here and there
rows of disconsolate timbers, lifting their dripping heads above the
tide, told the fate of many a noble ship of the glorious Expedition
of Gen. Burnside. We "hove to" after entering the Sound to deliver
the mails for the Fort; and the change from the violent rolling,
tossing and pitching was such as to inspire even my old friend the
'colonel' with something of the spirit he was wont to display ere old
Neptune changed his tune. After taking a look at the Fort and its
surroundings, I turned my eyes to the opposite shore of the inlet,
when lo, there stretched out in an almost straight line from the
point into the Sound a troop or flock of--what? That was the puzzle
to my mind. Were they huge gulls or windbags, cormorants or cranes,
devils or dogfish? Fowl, flesh, or fish? I watched them with close
attention while asking myself these questions; but ere my cogitations
were finished they separated, spread their wings and took flight,
apparently, but it seemed strange they did not rise from the surface
of the water. They neared us presently, and I made them out to be,
instead of birds, small sail-boats. "Love launched a fairy boat," &c.
No love for us there, I guess, was my mental comment. "Pilots," I
heard some one say. They came fluking towards us, their comparatively
large sprit-sails hurrying them along at no contemptible rate of
speed. There were about fifteen of them, and it seemed evident all
could not get a job from our hazy skipper. "That's Jeff.'s navy,"
remarked one.
"Hooray for the boat that's ahead!" sang out the 'colonel.'
"Bully for the little fellow with the big sail!" exclaimed another.
"I'll bet on the cross-gaffed, giraffe-colored one!"
"Bully for the rip-staving roarer that wins!"
"Aint she a-ripping up the old salt water canvas, skearing the sharks
and astonishing the sea sarpints?"
"I'll bet Jeff.'s in that boat, and he's coming to ask us to dine
with him in Richmond!"
"Beauregard's in the second one!"
"No, _sir_, that's Stonewall Jackson!"
"D--n Stonewall Jackson, or any other man!" and remarks of a like
character attested the interest felt in this novel contest by others
as well as myself. The boats were pelting away in fine style, each
having a loose rein. Then hurrah, my hearties! the lucky man wins,
and "first come first served!" Two of the number were distinctly
ahead of all the rest, and one of these slightly ahead of the other.
"But Cutty Sark, before the rest,
Hard upon noble Maggie prest--"
so that when they came up it was difficult to say which was first,
and both came aboard to dispute the point, while the remaining
unsuccessful ones kept on, as if philosophically resigned to a
fate they could not overcome. Our hazy skipper, who was not very
particular about expenses when Uncle Sam had to foot the bills,
and to end all disputes, took both pilots--a piece of diplomacy I
hardly expected his thick head capable of conceiving. The anchor was
hoisted, and away we sped over the dark, swampy waters of Pamlico
Sound. Roanoke Island lay to our right, and ever and anon we caught
glimpses of the low, swampy lands of Hyde and Plymouth counties. To
the left or south we beheld a continuation of islands, and shortly
after the main land of Cartaret county became visible. It seemed
almost wholly unsettled, the wilderness appearance being only here
and there relieved by the small clearing of a turpentine plantation,
fishing establishment, or the twenty-acre field of a "poor white."
We soon made Neuse river--a noble stream, upon the banks of which
turpentine, pitch, rosin and tar enough might be made to supply
the markets of the North. As we ascended the river the signs of
habitation became more numerous although seeming "few and far
between" to the eye accustomed to the more frequent settlements
on Northern rivers, and the sombre hues of the pine, cedar and
cypress forests were occasionally enlivened by the brighter foliage
of persimmon, walnut and fig trees, the last flourishing here in
great luxuriance, bearing two or rather a continuation of crops
of delicious fruit in a season, and may be seen on every farm or
plantation in patches of from a few trees to orchards of twenty-five
acres in extent. We could also trace the courses of the many
"branches" or creeks from the lighter foliage of the gum and other
water-loving trees.
In the afternoon we passed Slocum's Creek, where Burnside landed
his troops the evening before the battle of Newbern, and soon the
spires of this city, and the shipping, hove in sight; and towards the
close of the day, after a sail of ten hours, during which time we
steamed eighty or ninety miles, we drew up at the pier and prepared
to disembark, thankful that we could again set foot on land and leave
forever the accursed "Haze" and her brutal captain and crew.
"Mind, I tell you," said one of the latter, "bad as you think the
old 'Haze' is, you will before long be glad to be on board of her
again--if you'd be _let_!"
He was laughed at; but I doubt not many of them, ere six months
elapsed, wished themselves anywhere else than where they were. Still
they could not see it then, but felt happy, like young bears, with
all their troubles before them.
The dilapidated and seedy condition of the wharves, and the ruins
of houses, mills and turpentine factories, impressed me with a
premonition of what I should yet witness of the ravages of war in
this fair land.
The city of Newbern bears the appearance of some age, is regularly
laid out, the streets intersecting each other at right angles, and
well protected from the merciless heat of summer by fine old elm
trees, intermixed here and there with the chaney and other trees the
names of which I do not recollect. The city is located at a point of
land formed by the junction of the Trent river with the Neuse, and
has altogether an imposing appearance viewed from the approach by
water.
The Mass. 23d Reg't, Col. Kurtz, (who was provost marshal,) was then
doing provost duty in the city.
When the order for landing was given, each scrambled ashore with the
whole of his household furniture upon his back. After passing through
a part of the city, we struck the railroad bridge, (destroyed by
the rebels after their defeat, but rebuilt by our forces,) crossing
which, and marching a mile or two, halted at the encampment of the
17th on the Trent river, where we were welcomed by the men of the
various companies, many of whom found friends and acquaintances among
the 'raw recruits.' My comrade had friends in the Malden Company (K),
of which we were henceforth to form a part, and we received a hearty
welcome from the members of mess 5, some of the good-natured ones of
which taxed themselves to the amount of nearly a dollar to procure
from the sutler something more palatable for our first meal than
'hard tack and salt horse.'
After 'taps' the lights were put out, and we disposed ourselves upon
the tent-floor to sleep, in the manner of spokes of a cart-wheel,
our feet toward the hub, which consisted of the gun-rack around
the tent-pole, there to revolve in the circle of dreams of home and
friends far distant. Before closing our eyes, however, and while
inquiries were plied and answered thick and fast, one of the mess
startled the newcomers by exclaiming--
"A rat! A rat! I have him!"
"Pass him around!" was the general cry.
"Now I've got him!" another exclaimed. This was followed by a
gurgling noise, as in the first instance.
The 'rat' came nearer, and presently I smelt him. There was no
mistaking that 'rat,'--he came from Jersey and was surnamed
'lightning,' and cost the fourth part of a soldier's pay for one
month. Being eagerly pressed to taste him, I did _taste_, but that
was all--the smell was enough, and I passed him over to the next man.
Sleep at length overcome me, and I dreamed of rats made of glass,
squealing "Jersey lightning! Jersey lightning!" until morning, when
I awoke to find myself surrounded by comrades busy eating breakfast.
Beside me stood a dipper of smoking hot coffee, some hard bread and
salt beef, provided by one of the most thoughtful of my new friends.
After guard-mounting (9 A.M.) the recruits were drawn up in line,
assigned to the various companies, examined by the surgeon, and,
after a few words of encouragement or advice from their captains
(and mayhap a glass of whisky), returned to their quarters, feeling
relieved, no doubt, that the affair was over.
Thus, in the course of about an hour, the recruits were disposed of,
and duly incorporated with the regiment--to share in its messes and
marches, its skirmishes and scratches, its picket duty and plunder,
its whisky and quinine, its tents and hospitals, its hard tack and
salt horse, its pea soup and pea coffee, its baked beans without
brown bread, its pride and its perils, its glory and its graveyards.
The following is a list of the principal staff and line officers of
the 17th, the companies and where they were raised, together with an
account--taken from a diary or journal of Mr. Wm. Noble, of Saugus,
(the first color sergeant)--of the doings of the regiment from its
inception down to the 5th of January, 1862:
_Colonel_--THOMAS I. C. AMORY.
[Mr. Amory was born in Boston, Nov. 27, 1828; entered West Point in
1846, and graduated in 1851, when he was appointed 2d lieutenant in
the 7th Infantry, ordered to Fort Smith in Arkansas, and was promoted
1st lieutenant in 1855. In 1858 he was ordered to Utah, under the
command of the late Gen. Albert Sidney Johnson, who joined the rebels
at the outbreak of the Southern rebellion and was killed at Shiloh;
was ordered to Boston on recruiting service in 1860, and was promoted
to a captaincy May 7, 1861. When the war broke out, he obtained leave
of absence from the War Department, and accepted a commission from
Gov. Andrew as Colonel of the 17th Mass. Vols., on Sept. 7th, 1861.
Since the regiment has been in the Department of North Carolina,
he has acted as General of Brigade; but whether his nomination for
the brigadiership has been confirmed or not, I am unable to say. Of
this I am certain, however, that there are few officers at this time
serving in our armies better capable of wearing the star or more
fully deserving of it than Thomas I. C. Amory.]
_Lieut. Colonel_--JOHN F. FELLOWS.
[Mr. Fellows, of Chelsea, is well known in Boston, having been for
many years connected with its daily press. He was also an active
member of the State Militia. When the war broke out he offered his
services to Gov. Andrew, from whom he received a commission as Lieut.
Colonel of the 17th Reg't on the 21st of August, 1861. He has proved
himself a capable officer and a thoroughly brave man. I shall have
frequent occasion to speak of him hereafter.]
_Major_--JONES FRANKLE. (Now, LUTHER DAY.)
[Mr. Frankle is a Prussian by birth, and served in the war of 1848
in Germany, at which time he did not "fight mit Sigel," but against
him. He received his commission as Major of the 17th on the 1st of
August, 1861; and proved himself a capable and efficient officer. In
June, 1863, he resigned his commission in the 17th for the purpose of
raising an artillery regiment (the 2d Mass. Heavy Artillery) which
he now commands, and which is doing duty in the field and in forts
in the various parts of North Carolina held by our forces. He was
succeeded by senior captain (Co. F) Luther Day, of Haverhill, a very
good officer.]
_Adjutant_--B. N. MANN. (Now, H. A. CHEEVER.)
[Mr. Mann was, I believe, for many years connected with the Boston
Post Office. He is a brave man, and generous as he is brave. He was
succeeded by Mr. Cheever in the Fall of '62.]
_Quartermaster_--Capt. HARRIS was commissioned Quartermaster of the
17th; but resigned in the Fall of '61, and was succeeded by Lieut,
(afterwards Capt.) THOMPSON, who died at Newbern in October, '62.
Lieut. DEXTER succeeded, and is the present incumbent.
_Surgeon_--ISAAC F. GALLOUPE.
[Dr. Galloupe is a hard-working, skillful, efficient and humane man,
and discharges his duty in a manner that commands the respect and
gratitude of every man who comes under his treatment. The Dr. is from
Lynn.]
_Assistant Surgeon_--WM. H. W. HINDS, of Boston.
[The men have no exalted opinion of this Dr.'s kindness or capacity,
though he seems attentive and a hard worker. Perhaps his unpopularity
arises from the fact that he unmercifully doses all whom he considers
'bummers' (i. e., those who are too lazy to do duty and 'play sick'
to escape its performance) with salts, jalap, blue pills, and
especially quinine; but I think he often punishes in this manner the
deserving as well as the guilty.]
Co. _A_--Capt. Henry Splaine, of Haverhill--was raised principally in
Newburyport.
Co. _B_--Capt Enoch F. Tompkins, of Haverhill (vice Capt. S. C.
Bancroft, S. Danvers, resigned)--South Danvers.
Co. _C_--Capt. Nehemiah P. Fuller--Danvers.
Co. _D_--Capt. Ivory N. Richardson, of Malden (Capt. Levi Thompson,
of Cambridge, deceased)--Salisbury and Amesbury.
Co. _E_--Capt. Michael McNamara, of Haverhill--Stoneham and Haverhill.
Co. _F_--Capt. Day (now Major)--Haverhill.
Co. _G_--Capt. G. W. Kenney, of Danvers--Rockport and Salem.
Co. _H_--Capt. J. K. Lloyd--Boston and Fall River.
Co. _I_--Capt. Wm. W. Smith, of Danvers (vice Capt. Thos.
Weir)--Lawrence.
Co. _K_--Capt. Joseph R. Simonds, of Melrose--Malden, Medford and
Saugus.
* * * * *
"Recruiting for this regiment commenced as early as the fall of
Fort Sumter, but owing to the embarrassed condition of the State,
the hesitation of the General Government in regard to accepting
troops, and the want of authority on the part of the Governor to
act, this regiment was obliged to wait from week to week without any
decisive answer as to the intention of the Government, concerning
its organization. The companies were formed on the militia basis,
and were desirous of a regimental organization, and to be mustered
into the service, but every effort which the company officers made in
that direction, seemed to be counteracted by the dominant political
and monied influence which was brought to bear in favor of other
regimental organizations, to the disparagement and detriment of the
companies comprising the 17th. While others were splendidly provided
for by private munificence, and hurried off to the seat of war,
this regiment was unprovided by the State with an organization,
clothing, arms, equipments or rations. An opinion prevailed at one
time, that all idea of a regimental organization must be given up,
and the companies enter the United States service, through some other
State organization. Captains Fuller of Danvers, and Day of Haverhill,
determined on bringing the matter to a focus.
"They visited the Governor, and after several ineffectual efforts to
get an audience, at length succeeded, and informed His Excellency
that they were going into the army, and should take their commands
with them; that they wanted to go in a Massachusetts Regiment, and
unless accepted by the State, should go into the Mozart Regiment
of New York, as one or two other companies from Massachusetts had
already done. Orders were given them by the Governor to go into
the camp at Lynnfield. The other companies of which this regiment
is composed, were ordered to the same place, and all arrived there
between the 10th and 12th of July. They were mustered into the United
States service on the 22d, remained in camp until the 23d of August,
when they were ordered to Baltimore, and arrived in that city on
the 25th, at 4 o'clock P.M. The principal duty of the regiment thus
far, had been of a police character, and it was moved about either
as a whole or a part, from one portion of the city to another, as
circumstances required.
"Nov. 15, Co.'s F, K, E, G, H, and C, with Captain Nims' Battery,
were detailed to form a part of the brigade under command of
General Lockwood, for an expedition into the counties of Accomac
and Northampton, Va., for the purpose of breaking up a rebel force
concentrating there. The expedition went on board a steam transport,
and on the 17th arrived at Newtown. Here they pitched their tents for
the night, and the next day marched a distance of sixteen miles into
the country. The rebels had felled trees across the roads in many
places to obstruct the advance of the troops, but they were cleared
away with but little delay. One deserted rebel battery, pierced for
four guns, was found on this day's march.
"On the 19th, the regiment reached Oak Hall, and on the 20th the men
went out fowling, and were very successful, taking a large amount
of game, which was dressed and partaken of by the men with double
relish, as they were on short rations of hard bread and salt junk,
and were much exhausted by the fatigues of their march. On the 21st
marched to Drummondtown, a distance of twenty-seven miles, performing
the journey in eight hours, notwithstanding the many obstructions
thrown across the road by the rebels, and the burned bridges which
required them to march round, following the bend of the streams. On
this march, between Oak Hall and Drummondtown, another rebel battery
was discovered, pierced for fourteen guns. The stars and stripes were
at once raised over it, and three rousing cheers given.
"November 23, took from the rebels seven guns, 150 small arms, one
barrel of powder, besides some swords, shot and shell. At the jail
were stored 8,000 rounds of cartridges and 200 small arms, which
were also taken. Two gun-carriages and one brass howitzer were also
found secreted in the woods, and captured. On the 26th, marched to
Pongoteague, a distance of twelve miles, and found another deserted
battery.
"November 27th, marched from Pongoteague to Franktown, a distance of
twelve miles; and on the 28th, marched to Eastville, thirteen miles,
taking on the way one brass cannon, seven horses, some small arms and
swords, besides several other articles contraband of war. The rebels
had an unfinished earthwork here which they deserted on the approach
of the Federal troops.
"A very large proportion of the arms and military stores captured
were returned by Gen. Lockwood to the parties claiming them,
creating great dissatisfaction among the troops, and rendering the
General liable to the suspicion that he sympathized with the rebels.
"The object of the expedition having been attained, the brigade was
broken up, and the Mass. 17th embarked at Cherrystone on the 1st and
2d of Dec., and sailed on the 4th for Baltimore, where they arrived
the same evening, and went into their old quarters. On the 18th they
commenced building barracks [on Stewart's Place] for winter quarters
and moved into them on the 5th of January." (These barracks are still
standing, and used as a general hospital.)
In February Co.'s F and H relieved the 6th Michigan at McKim's Place,
and K and G the 4th Wisconsin at Patterson's Park, those regt's being
destined to form part of Gen. Butler's force then about to sail for
New Orleans. On the 14th of March four other Co.'s of the 17th were
ordered to Fort Marshall, East Baltimore, to assist in defending that
fortification from an attack by rebel sympathizers, who, emboldened
by the destructive raid of the Merrimac in Hampton Roads, meditated a
rising in Baltimore, if not throughout the State.
When the 17th arrived in Baltimore they found the people of that city
nearly all 'secesh' in sentiment, and seeming only constrained from
rising by the presence in, and passage through, the city, of large
numbers of troops. It will then be readily inferred that the men of
this regiment had no very enviable task to perform in endeavoring
to keep the peace and making these disaffected people see the evil
of their ways. In doing this, however, they were not fools enough
to use moral suasion alone--that would be casting pearls before
swine--No; they used arguments that were far more convincing, such as
street drills, practicing at street firing, &c., all of which turned
the hate of the 'secesh' citizens into fear--and, finally, their
fear became a feeling of respect. What if the men were insulted
every time they walked the streets--the women (who were the most
outspoken) at length became weary of abusing them, and the men who
attempted to insult them never tried that game a second time; for
they found in the men of this regiment a spirit that would brook no
abuse--an indomitable, dare-devil disposition that met them half way
with a bowie knife as long and as keen as their own, and a pistol
as deadly. Thus they fought their way to respect, and this latter
feeling ripened into affection, which is shown by the fact that when
the regiment was about to sail for North Carolina, the ladies of
Baltimore presented it with a magnificent silk flag, upon which was
painted a fine portrait of Washington.
On the 27th of March, '62, the regiment embarked at Baltimore
for Newbern, North Carolina, which place they reached on the 1st
of April, and encamped on a field to the west of the city,--near
where Fort Totten now stands, and which was then in process of
construction. On the 7th of April the regiment was ordered out on
picket duty--the left wing to Jackson's place on the Trent road, and
the right wing to a place called the Red House on the Neuse road,
relieving the 24th and 27th Mass. regt's. The regiment remained
on picket until the 30th May, during which time they had frequent
skirmishes with the enemy, and made several raids and forays into the
enemy's country. Shortly after the regiment went to Jackson's place,
a few companies made a dash about nine miles up the Trent road to a
church, where they had a smart brush with the 'rebs,' two of whom
were killed and one wounded, and one taken prisoner. It was here
that one of those ludicrous incidents occurred which often serve to
relieve the dark outline of war's grim visage. When the enemy were
come up with, and firing became frequent, Lt. Col. Fellows ordered
the men to open right and left to let the artillery pass to the
front. One of the captains, mistaking the full purport of the order,
and thinking the ranks were to be opened to allow the rebels a fair
field and an open road to come into close quarters with his men, sang
out:
"Open right and left, and let the d--d scallywags through!"
Captain Weir, of Co. I, with his command, and as many volunteers as
wished to accompany them, made a raid to Pollockville to capture
cotton, and anything else that might prove of value to the "rebs" in
their belligerent character. Now, as this was not the first time Tom
Weir (as he was familiarly called) had invaded the sanctity of that
village, the rebs had a special eye to his movements, and lay in wait
for him.
He had a mule team loaded with cotton, corn and other plunder
preceding him on his return, which the rebs in ambush allowed to
pass; but just as the company got opposite to where they were
concealed, they poured in a volley which killed three and wounded
the same number--and put the men into such a panic that they fled.
The captain stood, and endeavored to rally them, but to no purpose,
and he had to follow and leave those who had fallen to their fate
(which was being stripped of arms, equipments, clothes, and whatever
valuables they had upon them), until rescued by the reinforcement
which came up promptly--to find the rebels flown. For this Captain
Weir was court-martialed, and dismissed the service--a sentence which
was universally condemned by the men, who considered him a brave
officer, having done all a man could do under the circumstances.
Captain Lloyd of Company H, next tried his hand in Pollocksville, but
lost three men by the upsetting of a boat in the Trent river on his
outward march. He, however, took some plunder and two prisoners.
The results of all these scouts and forays were the capture of
several thousand dollars' worth of cotton, corn, cattle, hens, &c.,
(there must have been _foul_ play somewhere).
The regiment returned to Newbern on the 30th of May, and on the 26th
of June were ordered to Swift Creek--upon approaching the bridge
leading across which they were fired upon by the rebels (without
sustaining any damage) who had a battery masked by a breastwork or
fort of shingles. The 17th charged across the bridge in fine style
(the bridge was a lightly built one, and swayed and shook under
the combined weight of 600 men in such a manner as to lead to the
belief that it would break down, but it didn't); but upon crossing
they found the enemy had flown. Three companies went up the road
in pursuit some distance, but the 'rebs' were nowhere to be found.
They halted near a dwelling house, when some of the men went into an
adjoining negro hut, where a pot of meat and cabbage was in process
of being cooked, which they proceeded to confiscate; but just as they
had commenced their feast an officer came up and drove them off,
saying:
"Dum thee, did thee coom here to ploonder."
At the same time, it was asserted, though I don't believe it, that
the officer who thus drove them from the feast had his pockets filled
with sweet potatoes and other "ploonder." Three prisoners were taken.
One of them a lad about 16 years old, was thus interrogated by the
Major:
"Vat for you be guerilla for?"
"I'm not a guerilla, sir; I'm in the regular Confederate service."
"Vat for you lay in ambush, den?"
"I didn't lay in any bush, sir; I was standing behind a tree."
"Ha! You be von rascally guerilla, and we vill shtring you up to a
tree, ven we arrive in Newbern!"
But it is needless to say this threat was not carried out.
The reg't here received orders to rejoin the division (the 9th army
corps) which was about to leave the Department with Gen. Burnside,
and started of a Sunday morning 28th (without breakfast) on their
return. The weather was intensely hot, and the sand on the road was
ankle deep. The case, however, was pressing, and the men were urged
to their utmost; but the task was too much for them,--and when the
reg't arrived at the landing about 4 P.M., after a march of 22 miles,
it numbered little more than a full company--the remaining 400 or 500
being distributed along the road for miles back. They, however, kept
coming in squads of from two to twenty during the remaining part of
the afternoon and evening--and a more tired and thoroughly used up
lot of men it would be difficult to find anywhere. To make matters
worse, when the reg't arrived at the landing opposite Newbern, they
found no transportation for them, and nothing wherewith to satisfy
the cravings of hunger. It was not until about 12 o'clock at night
that they received a ration of hard bread and salt meat; but no
vessels arrived to transport them across, and they were forced to lay
out upon the sandy beach, without shelter, in a pelting, pitiless
rain, which had set in early in the evening. Next morning a couple
of scows or flat-boats arrived, and they were taken across; but Gen.
Burnside pitying their forlorn and used up condition, and thinking
it would be an act of cruelty to put men in such a state on board
transports, ordered the 6th New Hampshire reg't to take their place.
Thus the Seventeenth were cheated by fate out of their share of the
glory of South Mountain, Antietam, Bull Run 2d, Fredericksburg,
Chancellorsville, and Knoxville; and were compelled to silently and
doggedly face and fight the most deadly of human foes in its own
malarial fens and swamps.
About the first of July the reg't was ordered to camp on the south
side of the Trent river near the county bridge, to do picket and
outpost duty, which consisted of sending a company to Bray's
Ferry and plantation about three miles out, and another to Evans'
Mills--seven miles down the railroad towards Beaufort.
About July 25th the regiment went in an expedition to Pollocksville,
and constructed a bridge across the Trent river for the entire column
to cross upon, after reaching which place, Col. Amory, who was in
command, decided to push on to Trenton; but upon approaching to
within four miles of the latter place he found the enemy too strong,
and withdrew without bringing on an engagement.
August 20th, six companies of the 17th went to Swift Creek, again,
accompanied by a section of the New York Marine Artillery and
four boat howitzers. Lt. Col. Fellows, who was in command of the
expedition, having missed the boat that conveyed the reg't and
artillery across the river, the command devolved upon the Major,
who marched them about a mile from the landing, and halted to await
the Colonel's coming. The column halted opposite a dwelling, and,
as is often the case under like circumstances, there was a rush for
the well to fill canteens. Two of the men, however, strayed into a
field and were making a flank movement upon a pile of tumble-down log
outbuildings, supposed to abound in hens, chickens, eggs, &c. One
of these men, a very tall and large specimen of humanity was named
Gilman; the other was a small man, and, for my purpose, nameless. The
vigilant Major detected this unauthorized flanking affair, and, being
determined to put a stop to all such unmilitary proceedings, sung out:
"Vat for you shtray off dat way? Come back, I say to you! Dou-bel
_twit_!" (quick)
The little man obeyed, and came back at a dog-trot. Gilman, however,
hastened back slowly--at much too slow a gait to suit his impatient
superior, who yelled out again:
"Dou-bel twit!--I say--dou-_bel_ TWIT!"
But no faster came Gilman on, and the Major (who was a little man)
rushed to him, and seizing him by the coat collar as he was crossing
a fence, dragged him over,--then, drawing his sword and flourishing
it about the head of the still doggedly defiant Gilman, exclaimed:
"You tink, because I am small, I'm be afraid of you? I will let you
know! Dou-bel twit! now, or I will make two Gilman of you!"
There was a man called Tom Croke in Co. E--an extremely hard
ticket--quarrelsome, venomous, and altogether thoroughly depraved.
He had been a source of trouble and annoyance to the officers of the
company ever since he came into it. On this expedition, I believe, he
shot the top of one of his fingers off--an accident, as he told the
captain (McNamara)--
"Devil d--n you," replied the latter, "it's a pity it wasn't your
head!"
Tom Croke, for this or some other misdemeanor, was subsequently
court-martialed and sent to Fort Macon to serve out his time, from
which place he escaped to the rebels. On his way from the Fort to
rebeldom he met a deserter coming into our lines, whom he directed
as to the best route to pursue, and who in turn gave him such
information as he desired to facilitate his escape.
When the expedition arrived at the bridge over Swift Creek it was
evening. Our cavalry, which had preceded them, were bivouacked for
the night on the other side, and our men at first took them to be
rebels, but were soon undeceived.
There was a store-house in the village of Swift Creek, containing a
variety of articles in the dry goods, grocery and merchandise line.
Some of the boys smelt the plunder, and proceeded to confiscate.
The wife of the owner of the store suspecting what was going on,
went to Col. Fellows and told him the men were breaking in, and he
immediately repaired to the scene of operations to put a stop to such
work. A member of Co. K, who had been left on the watch, gave warning
of the colonel's approach, and the raiders hid.
"What ho! there,--what does all this mean? What are you doing here?"
(To Co. K man.)
"I'm on guard, sir."
"All right, madam," said the colonel; "you see there is a guard on."
What plunder the boys obtained it would be bootless to relate.
The expedition returned to Newbern, burning the bridge after them.
The camp of the 17th was situated in what was formerly a cotton
field, on the banks of the river Trent, affording excellent
facilities for washing clothes and bathing, of which most of the men
availed themselves,--and at all hours of the day men could be seen
bathing in the river, or squatted along its margin washing clothes.
It seemed at first sight to one unacquainted with the peculiarities
of the climate, to be a well chosen and healthy location (and indeed
it was about the best in the vicinity); but the hanging mosses that
everywhere shrouded the few solitary cedars which still survived the
ravages of the pioneer's axe, showed the unmistakeable presence of
fever and ague--that pest of new and warm countries. About a couple
of hundred yards up the river, close to the county bridge, a fort
was in process of completion,--the work of 'contrabands,' numbers of
whom I observed busily employed in and around it. Beyond this were
encamped some light batteries; while still further on, and at the
crossing of a deep, sluggish stream called Brice's Creek, a number of
detailed men were at work constructing a block-house (a square-built
fort, made of hewn logs, compactly put together--and most
conveniently constructed to be knocked to pieces by a six-pounder
about a poor devil's ears). Between the artillery camp and the
block-house was a brick dwelling-house, once the property of Gov.
Speight, the late owner and family of which fled after the battle of
Newbern. This house was afterwards demolished to supply bricks for
chimneys of barracks built near by in the Fall. To the rear of this
house, about 75 yards distant, beautifully shaded by fine old trees,
was the tomb of Gen. Speight, a revolutionary hero, and one of the
early Governors of North Carolina.
The plain on which the 17th were encamped is about two and a half
miles long, and from one-half to two miles wide, and had, evidently,
before the rude hand of war obliterated their boundaries and
landmarks, consisted of two or three plantations. This plain was an
excellent place for drilling, and nearly all reviews were held there.
The whole field gave evidence of having, at different times and
in different parts, been camped upon by infantry, artillery, and
cavalry--and everywhere evidences of military occupation were visible
in the shape of broken bottles, dilapidated canteens, dippers and
plates, and remnants of worn-out shoes, coats, blouses, pants, and
harness, forgotten tent-stakes, sink holes and caved-in wells. While
overhead and around, unnoticed and unmolested, on lazy wing sailed
the huge turkey-buzzard, scenting the dead carcase and decayed
garbage from afar, and patiently biding the absence of man from its
vicinity ere he descended to gorge himself therewith.
I noticed a great variety of wild flowers in the fields, some of
which were very beautiful. A species of cactus grows wild here;
but is a very inferior kind. Wild garlic is also to be met with
everywhere. A coarse grass, called Bear's grass, grows in bunches
here, the leaves of which, when subjected to a roasting process in
hot ashes, are uncommonly strong, and take the place of small ropes
and cords with the natives, who apply it in a variety of ways, from
the suspension of a dead pig to the tying of a shoe, or temporarily
supplying the place of a lost button. From the centre of these
bunches of Bears grass a stem five or six feet high shoots up in the
spring-time, which is crowned with a crest of yellow flowers very
beautiful to behold at a distance.
A few days' experience of camp-life gave me a better knowledge of
its comforts and discomforts, its tribulations and my philosophy.
It was the middle of August, and the weather very warm. The first
night of my abode in my new quarters was undisturbed from any cause,
from the fact that I was tired after the sea-voyage. But the second
night I was destined to feel some of the annoyances to be endured
by campaigners in warm climates. Mosquitoes revel in this congenial
atmosphere, as do also the blue-tail fly, and a species of biting
insect like the common house-fly, while gallinippers, gnats, ants,
and biting sand-fleas, (which play second fiddle to the old-fashioned
iron-clad chaps, their bites making one squirm as if twinged by a
bad conscience,) and grey-backs, all attack the hapless sleeper
in succession, in a body, by detail, in squads, battalion,--in
brigades drawn up in echelon--in front, flank and rear. They scale
the walls of his fortress in the very teeth of a fierce cannonade of
imprecations--burst the barriers of bedclothes--penetrate the abatti
of woolen socks and tightly-tied drawers--and though, even after
gaining the inside of your works, they are subjected to a deadly
cross-fire of small arms, yet they invariably "attain the object of
their reconnoissance." The bayonet is powerless against them, and
they never draw off from the attack till fairly exhausted with the
feast of blood.
What surprised me most was the utter indifference manifested by
the veterans to the petty annoyance of vermin and insects, and the
matter-of-fact way in which they overhauled their clothing and
disposed of the grey-backs when found.
For about a week the recruits had "fine times," as the soldiers
thought, having nothing to do but "bum around," and sleep--when they
could, which was mostly in the day time. The days were excessively
hot, as were the nights until about 11 or 12 o'clock, when it became
uncomfortably cold.
During this week of leisure, I pretty thoroughly explored the region
in the vicinity of our camp, and visited Newbern on 'pass,' but
found nothing special there to note, if I may except the fact that
there were many really cozy and comfortable-looking dwellings, and
numerous flower and fruit gardens--some of which gave evidences of
former tasteful ownership, but which seemed of late to have come in
for their share of the general neglect and destruction. Those of the
inhabitants who still clung to their homes seemed to wear a sullen
and discontented look, with some exceptions, and these were of the
mercantile class, who, with the sutlers and others who follow the
wake of armies, seemed to fall in for their fair proportion of the
trade.
About the greatest curiosity to me was what was called the new
cemetery, in the upper section or suburb of the city,--the wall
enclosing which is built of shell-rock--a curious fossil concrete
obtained in some part of the State--where I do not know. There are
many graves, and a few tasteful tombstones. Beyond this in what has
become an open field or common, are several soldiers' graveyards
consecrated by the poor fellows whose bodies repose there, who for
love of fatherland, left home and kindred to return no more.
My first duty on picket was at Mr. Bray's plantation. "Old Bray"
the boys called him, and being on the outpost which was near his
house, I determined to give the old gentleman a call. I found Mr.
and Mrs. Bray at home, the former seated on the piazza reading a
newspaper, and the latter squatted on the doorstep doing 'nothing
in particular.' They were a lean pair, (but their _leaniny_ was not
on our side, as I afterwards found), and had a family of five or
six lean boys and girls. They certainly looked an unromantic enough
realization of our ideal Southern planter and his family. Mr. Bray
was apparently about 45 years of age, and his wife perhaps as old,
although she seemed much older. They both looked sour and cross
enough to dispense with the use of vinegar at meal-time. But they
did not seem indisposed to have a chat with the Yankee 'hirelings,'
and soon I was made acquainted with all their griefs--the husband
commencing the relation of them, but the wife invariably winding up.
I then for the first time learnt how this benevolent planter and his
amiable wife had been abused--how, first of all, notwithstanding a
'protection' from Gen. Burnside, their 'niggers' had been enticed
away, all efforts to get them back proving fruitless, owing to the
"abolition officers and soldiers."
"Niggers and pigs were the only things that ever paid any ways well,"
put in Mrs. Bray.
They had only five pigs and three 'niggers' left now, and did not
know how soon they'd go off with the rest.
Some of the soldiers who had been on picket near their plantation had
behaved very bad, and had stolen and destroyed much of their corn and
all their water melons (melancholy to relate); and Co. K of the 17th,
was the worst of the lot--and the lady wound up with the expression
of a hope "that the new recruits would be more of gentlemen than the
old soldiers, and not seek to injure her as they had done."
Mr. Bray then showed me his melon patch which, though evincing some
traces of the recent vandal act, still bore a goodly number, which
I made a note of. He also showed me a patch of cotton, in full
bloom,--and after another hour of desultory conversation, I left with
the impression that old Bray was a 'great man on a small scale,' but
his wife was the greater of the two.
About September 1st a storm came on, accompanied by rain, which
lasted that and the following day and night, giving us and our traps
a thorough soaking. During all this time I did not sleep a wink. The
third morning, wet, sleepless and weary, I was detailed for guard,
and was put on the third relief (from 1 to 3 P.M., and 1 to 3 A.M.),
and during the first two hours of my guard was refreshed by a 'jolly'
shower of rain, which came in at my coat collar and soon filled and
overflowed my boots.
When the third relief turned in for the night, I lay down with the
rest, on the wet ground, and attempted to sleep; but it was no
go--so, lighting my pipe (sole comforter at times), I left the tent,
and sat under a tree near by, and smoked the hours away (rain or
no rain) until the third relief fell in, when taking my musket and
falling in to my place, I was soon on my post, which extended from
a tree (blown over by the wind) to the river bank, about 85 paces
distant. I felt drowsy, but paced my beat rapidly to keep awake,
until tired out, I leaned against the inclined trunk of the fallen
tree to rest awhile. My brain was in a whirl, and everything about
me seemed to reel and oscillate unsteadily. It was moonlight, but
cloudy. More than once I thought I detected myself napping, and shook
myself, and pinched my nose and ears to keep awake. My comrade,
whose beat joined mine, came up occasionally, and we exchanged a few
words. I exhorted him if he caught me napping to rouse me. He had
left me, and was near the other end of his beat, when, on looking
after him, I beheld, about ten paces from me, as plainly as if in
daylight, the form of a huge negro. He wore a broad-brimmed hat, a
linen coat blue or _dark_ striped, vest, white shirt (seemingly of
cotton,) open at the neck, around which was a colored handkerchief
tied sailor fashion, the ends hanging down loose. His pants seemed
of light fabric, checked. I could see his countenance plainly. It
seemed, if anything, smiling, though there was something peculiar
in its expression, as well as the attitude, for the figure seemed
leaning its weight on one foot, its left hand resting on the hip,
and the right arm hanging loosely by its side. The expression of the
darky was so peculiar--jaunty, saucy--and he looked full at me, that
for a moment I was taken by surprise,--and, during that moment made
the observations just recorded--but quickly recovering, I brought my
piece to 'charge,' and called out--
"Who comes there?"
[Illustration]
But no response was deigned by my darky visitor. I challenged again,
and again, with the same result, the object still retaining its
position, and regarding me with the same complacent look--when my
comrade, who heard my first challenge came up, and inquired what
the matter was, just as I was about bringing my piece to 'present'
to fire. I pointed to the object of my challenging, who still kept
his ground in the same position. He laughed at what he supposed was
a joke I was trying to come on him--not being able to see anything
in the spot I pointed out,--and resumed his beat. The thought then
occurred to me for the first time that what I saw was not real. What
then was it? I asked myself. Surely I am not troubled with that
disease known as 'nigger on the brain!' And I again leaned against
the trunk of the fallen tree to think the subject over, all the while
keeping my eyes fixed upon the object of my thoughts, which stood the
scrutiny unmoved. Now, I am not superstition by nature, and still
less so by education and experience,--and so I viewed the apparition
without a particle of fear or awe, and tried to account to myself for
its appearance in the most natural and rational manner. I came to
the conclusion there and then, that want of rest and the stimulation
of the coffee and tobacco I had been indulging in unduly excited my
brain, which produced the hallucination, on the same principle that
it is produced in certain stages of drunkenness, called delirium
tremens. This was a very fair deduction; but still in front of me
stood the grinning darky, as plainly as before. I thought then I
would test the unreality of the apparition in another way. If it were
an optical illusion, the figure must recede as I advanced, or follow
as I retreated. I accordingly advanced towards it; but, strange to
say, it remained in the same spot, until I was within arm's length,
when stretching forth my hand I grasped--nothing. I walked over the
exact spot where the figure stood, and returned to my old stand, to
be still more puzzled to see the figure in the same spot, with the
same expression on its countenance, but with _both_ arms hanging
down by its side this time. More puzzled still, I retreated to see
if it would follow; but no--there it stood still gazing after me.
I took three or four turns up and down my beat, and on each return
to the fallen tree beheld the figure in the same position as last
seen. I then halted, determined to watch if other changes would
manifest themselves in shadowy being before me. My comrade came
towards me again, and I reiterated my former tale of the apparition.
Still he couldn't see it. But, as I was yet talking of it, and still
persisting I saw it, the phantom darky disappeared--not suddenly, but
seeming to melt away gradually.
"He vanished in the darkness, like a beam
Of cold, gray moonlight in a wintry stream."
This is the first and only ghost I have ever had the pleasure of
seeing, or, more properly speaking, fancying I saw. What caused its
appearance I neither know nor care, and only relate the fact (or
fancy) because I think it singular.
On a Sunday morning, about 10 o'clock, we started for Evans' Mills,
to relieve Co. E, which had overstayed their time one week--doubtless
from the fact that a large orchard of apple trees was upon the
plantation, the fruit of which was a luxury they were loth to
leave--small blame to them.
After a march of about two hours, we came out upon a clearing just
beyond a continuation of the rebel line of defences to the right of
the Beaufort railroad. Here we saw deserted houses, and a cotton gin;
but no living creature of the human or brute creation, and the place
looked solitary and deserted enough--its own sad elegy of war written
plainly in the solitude which brooded over the absence of those who
once gave animation to the scene, and made 'the wilderness blossom
like the rose' with fields of cotton and gardens of bright flowers.
About a mile further on, after passing through a narrow belt of
woods, we came out upon Evans' plantation. On our right was a field
of some eighty acres, about half of which was covered with a young
growth of apple trees. On the left was a field of about twenty acres,
at the further end of which was the plantation house, with its negro
huts, surrounded with the inevitable grove of elegant shade trees.
Just opposite the front gate of the mansion, the road turned sharp
to the right, and on looking ahead, we beheld a block-house, nearly
completed, in the rear of which was the encampment, and our future
abode. Upon reaching the block-house, the road took a turn to the
left, down a short, steep hill, skirting the bank of a stream, which
it crossed on a rude plank bridge, still turning toward the left.
After crossing the bridge, a grist mill lay on the right, and about
60 yards on the left, on the dam of a magnificent pond of water stood
a large saw mill, which ran two sets of saws when in operation. It
was then idle, the dam having broke away. The road, after crossing
the flume of the grist mill led on to the negro village--quite a
collection of comfortable houses--built on each side of the cross
road, which led to Pollocksville. Just before coming on to the
Pollocksville road, in a field to the right was a large cotton gin
and press. At the intersection of these roads was our outpost in the
day time, the guard being drawn in to the mills at night.
The army wagons which accompanied, (with tents, cooking utensils,
quartermasters' stores, company baggage, &c.,) arriving a few minutes
after, the men soon had plenty to do in erecting tents, and fixing
themselves as comfortably as circumstances would permit. There was a
little board shanty with two bunks, lately occupied by the drummers
of Co. E. To this my comrade and I 'froze'; and, having got our traps
snugly bestowed--our guns and equipments slung up, and our blankets
spread--we sallied forth in quest of plunder.
Our first raid was upon the orchard near by; but it had been picked
bare. We, however, subjected every tree to a searching examination,
and as the reward of our toil returned with about half a bushel
of a apples. On our way back we passed through a small field of
sweet potatoes, to which we returned with a sack, and soon were in
possession of a bushel of very fine ones.
During our absence, foraging, the tents had all been put up, and the
men were busy arranging their traps. Charley (our French cook) had
not been idle meantime, and had a blazing fire, and coffee ready.
Procuring from him a pot, we soon had the satisfaction of seeing some
of the sweet potatoes, the fruits of our late raid, smiling upon
us, and welcoming us to the feast. Giving the cook a couple of good
ones for his accommodation, we retired to our cabin with our coffee,
sweet potatoes and 'salt horse,' and made one of the most hearty and
satisfactory meals I have ever known. Appetite was our best sauce,
exercise had sharpened it, and the new and palatable food agreed
so well with the disposition of the stomach, that it had ample
satisfaction in embracing its best friend.
After eating, with pipe lit, I started forth to take a view of the
mansion house, and its surroundings. On entering the front gate,
I was struck with the size and beauty of an immense beech tree,
whose wide extending branches covered a circle of over 100 feet in
diameter--and, Yankee fashion, I immediately computed that if cut
down it would make over five cords of firewood. It must have proved a
cool and inviting shade for the planter and his family in the summer
time. Approaching its huge trunk, I observed that the Yankee jacknife
had been at work and covered it with the representative names of
men from nearly every United States regiment that had ever been in
the department. Besides the huge beech there were numerous other
trees--elm, cedar, chaney--and the beautiful flowering althea.
The house was an ordinary two story one, containing about 7 rooms,
set on brick blocks about three feet from the ground, and serving as
a cool place of resort for the pigs, fowl, and youthful, curly-headed
negroes, during the heat of the day. This, together with the
plantation attached of some 10,000 acres, seven or eight hundred of
which were cleared, together with the mills, and about 120 'head of
darkies' (all of which excepting two old negroes and their wives,
had been 'run up country'), belonged to a Mr. Evans, a son-in-law of
Ex-Gov. Morehead, (after whom Morehead city had been named).
Evans was, as I afterwards found, a very influential man in that
part of the country, and had early become a convert to the doctrine
of secession. He raised a company of cavalry, and equipped them at
his own expense. He took part in the battle of Newbern, and it must
have been a bitter trial for him to leave so fine a property, though
I believe he had another plantation in the upper part of the State.
The regiment to which his company was attached, remained for some
time in the State, and had more than one encounter with our cavalry.
They were, however, finally ordered to join the army of Virginia, and
were, no doubt, engaged in all its conflicts with our army. At the
battle of Gettysburg, Evans, who had become a colonel, was wounded,
taken prisoner, and died shortly after in hospital at Baltimore.
Such has been the fate of an infatuated man, who, like thousands
of others, left a prosperous and comfortable home to plunge in the
suicidal fray against the Government under which he was reared and
had prospered. He may have repented his folly when too late; but I
doubt it. Such men are as little given to repentance as they are to
truth, justice and reason.
At the back of the mansion house were two negro huts, where those
who were domestics lodged. The body of the negroes were lodged in
the village before mentioned about a mile away. Doubtless there was
design in this--as the master of bondmen must have lived as insecure
amongst his slaves as the tyrant in the midst of his vassals.
Adjoining the negro-huts attached to the mansion were the various
outhouses and stables, behind which the land sloped to waters of the
tortuous stream which emptied into the mill-pond further down.
To my view Evans' Mills at first appeared a lonely place; but a
further acquaintance with it materially altered my opinion. Were it
not that the restraints which discipline imposes upon the soldier,
living in this place would be quite agreeable. There was no lack of
game of all kinds, from the red deer, the nocturnally rambling coon
and possum, to the partridge, wild pigeons, grouse, waterfowl, and
fish. The latter were the only legitimate sport for the soldiers
(and many a finny inhabitant of those sluggish streams--though shy
at times--graced his tin platter), as the necessities of war forbid
the use of fire-arms upon any other game than men (butternuts--and
some of them mighty hard nuts at that). Occasionally, however, the
negroes, and such of the white inhabitants as were left behind 'when
the rush of war was past,' with their coon dogs, and well provided
with pine knots to guide them, would sally forth of a night and
traverse the banks of the numerous streams and branches, and rarely
would they proceed far until the peculiar bay of the dogs denoted
that they had lit upon the track of a wary possum or coon, in the
direction of which the hunters would hasten, to find the 'critter
treed,' and if the tree was too large to cut down, one climbed, and
with a club killed or dislodged him. A coon hunt has rarely been
unsuccessful, from the great number of the 'animals' abounding, and
the excellent training of the dogs, which seem to take after this
kind of game as naturally as a cat takes after mice.
The streams are generally belted with fine groves of cedar, gum,
black walnut, locust, and ash trees, intermixed, the whole bearing
their proportion of parasites, some of which entwine themselves so
closely round the trees they select to climb on as almost to become
incorporated with them in the process of time, and look like huge
serpents endeavoring to crush out their life but they look beautiful
in the summer time, covered with leaves and fruit (for they are not
all poisonous or profitless), and many a bunch of rich, purple grapes
has the writer purloined from the midst of those masses of tangled
creepers. This intermingling of hardwood trees with the evergreen
pines had a pleasing effect upon me, as it recalled the remembrance
of the northern forests where the pine, hemlock and spruce were often
in the minority.
Occasionally, however, the explorer of these Southern woods, would
suddenly come upon a cypress swamp, and he would there behold the
incarnation of all that is dismal in a landscape,--especially if,
as when I first beheld one, the time was just before twilight, and
the slanting rays of the sun had ceased to penetrate the masses of
the forest foliage. A picture, however finely wrought, would fail
to give an idea of the utter gloom and funereal solemnity of such a
scene; and if any lover or hater of humanity should wish to seek a
solitude where, unmolested, he could mourn over the wickedness and
folly of mankind, and make himself thoroughly miserable, I would
advise him to select a spot in full view of a cypress swamp,--and
if he will not suffer enough, do enough penance, and weep enough to
wash out and atone for the world's sins--his own included,--in the
space of the twelve months, then it will not be the fault of the
swamp, I can vouch. I do not wonder that the ancients, even aside
from their superstitions, selected the cypress as an emblem of
death and mourning--for no one can behold that tree in its native
solitude and state without thinking of all the friends he had lost,
and would be likely to lose for the next hundred years.--Picture to
yourself, gentle reader, the bed of a sluggish stream, enriched by
the accumulations of vegetable mould for unknown ages, until the
water forced itself through a deep, narrow channel, winding hither
and thither; that at a former indefinite period, the seeds deposited
on this mould germinated, and there arose from its slimy depths,
like ghosts that had 'burst their cerements,' the mighty cypress
trees; that they continued to grow slowly upward, but toward the
base the trunks swelled to undue proportions like the paunches of
gluttons--and undoubtedly the cypress is the glutton among trees,
as its huge cone-shaped roots are well adapted to the ravenous
absorption of air, and the rich liquified food that is forever in
process of formation around and above them. And thus they tower up in
the midst of their slimy abode, huge, bilious and bloated, and look
like a grim array of fallen spirits, which, having attempted to cross
into daylight, got stuck in the mud of their mythical Styx.
Such is a cypress swamp.
In nationality the men of Co. K comprised Americans, Canadians,
Provincials, English, Irish, Scotch, French and Germans. In
disposition and character, they were nearly as diverse as their
nationality; but taken as specimens of the countries they
represented, were about as intelligent and respectable a body of men
as could well be expected from such material.
The Captain, Joseph R. Simonds, (for many years a bookbinder in
Spring Lane, Boston,) was a thoroughly patriotic and honest man, a
good soldier, with many virtues, and a few faults and foibles (and
what man has not these to a greater or less extent.) He took great
pride in the well-being and efficiency of his company; and its good
name, and the praise of his superiors for cleanliness, superiority in
drill, or having a small sick-list, were to him matters of just pride
and gratulation,--and frequently, after a creditable performance
on drill or parade, he would snap his fingers with delight, and,
after dismissal, invite them all to his quarters for a treat. He
was careful about the quality of their food, and whenever he could
(which was not often) would procure such articles of luxury and
dietic change as would be most likely to promote health. He was
uniformly kind, obliging and considerate, and did not look upon his
men as mere pieces of mechanism that moved when he pulled the wires.
He considered them _men_,--socially his equals, though in reality
under his command, and, to a certain extent at his mercy. He rarely
abused his authority--never maliciously; and though he occasionally
did injustice to some deserving men--it was, I think, more from
an error of judgment than through design. Yet he was popular and
unpopular with the men. Soldiers like sailors will grumble, and it is
a privilege they often abuse; but, the fit over, they all invariably
acknowledged his worth, and disposition to treat them well.
The first Lieut (J. A. Greeley) was of a quiet disposition, a strict
(but not over strict) disciplinarian, and a man of considerable
genius in engineering (he subsequently had the planning and
superintendence of several fortifications near Newbern). He was a
strict temperance man, and wished the men to practice this virtue
also. He has since been detached from the regiment, and commissioned
captain in the 2d regiment of Heavy Artillery.
But I cannot enumerate the names of all the company,--and will
content myself with mentioning a few of the 'characters'--and the
first that occurs to my mind is "old Jesse Hitchings" (forgive me,
Jesse, for putting your name in print; but you need be no more
ashamed of it than you were of your old cap riddled by the enemy's
bullets). Jesse was a character--a tall, thin old bachelor of over
fifty--of a pleasant, benevolent disposition, a good soldier, an
uncompromising patriot (no com_promises_ with the rebels, was his
motto)--and a successful hand at poker. It is related of Jesse, that
when the company was doing picket duty at the Deep Gully, he lit a
fire one night at the outpost, and when his time came to mount guard,
leisurely walked up and down in front of the fire, giving the enemy's
pickets a fair chance, if so disposed, to pick him off--and upon
being warned of his danger, coolly replied--
"Well, if I'm to be shot I'll be shot, I suppose--what's the odds."
In camp, on guard, in the bivouac of the battle-field, wherever there
was a fire, Jesse could be seen at any hour of the night bending
over the same, his chin resting between his knees, warming his long
skinny hands--sometimes asleep; but mostly half awake or dozing. Poor
Jesse--he is one of the few sterling men who act well their part
without ostentation, and are rarely noticed for their real worth.
Another character was "Billy Patterson" (he was called "Billy,"
though his name was James). He was a hard-working, rough-spoken
fellow (his general salutation being "G' along till haal wi' ye!")
Billy, though a good soldier, and brave in action, did not like guard
or picket duty--and, being an excellent cook, generally contrived by
a species of finesse--not always of an unexceptionable character--to
work himself into a good berth, with pots for his jolly companions.
Charley (our French cook) shortly after going to Evans' Mills fell
sick, and Billy took his place--which he held afterwards for a long
time, and flourished and bullied when sober, and when drunk abused
every one--and gave the mess very good dinners.
Sam Kenny was another whom I considered a character. He was nicknamed
'Dickens,' being a great admirer of that author. 'Dickens' was an
intelligent man, but fond of whiskey; and whenever he imbibed too
much was sure to get in to some scrape or other, which generally
ended in depositing him in the guardhouse. It is related of him, that
being one night in Newbern, on a 'bender,' he applied for admission
into a house (where he was acquainted), but the lady noticing his
condition, refused; when, after repeated failures to get in, becoming
convinced of the uselessness of any further trial, and by way of
revenge, he put his mouth to the keyhole, and shouted--
"I say, madam, do you chew snuff?"
Now be it known that snuff chewing is quite a common practice among
the women in and around Newbern, and for aught I know is a regular
Southern institution; but those of any pretension to refinement
never use it, or if they do, it is on the sly--and a greater insult
could not be offered a woman than to ask her if she chewed snuff.
'Dickens,' no doubt, had his revenge.
A young fellow, named J. E. Mills, had a mania for cutting his
autograph upon trees, walls, fences, and objects in every place he
visited. It is related that during a freshet, when a lot of logs in
the river above the dam broke loose, every one of them contained one
or more inscriptions of "J. E. M.," cut in with an axe or knife.
William Stack 'was a soldier every inch of him.' He had been in
the British service over ten years, and served in India. His
peculiarities were numerous; but were redeemed by a strict integrity,
a love of duty and a thorough knowledge of his business. I often
wondered why men, his inferiors in many of the most essential
qualifications of a soldier, were promoted over him, while he
remained a private. He entertained a great veneration for the British
army--and thought the British soldier not only superior, but better
paid, better clothed, and better cared for than the American soldier.
He had a good memory, a rich fund of anecdote, and many a weary hour
has he beguiled by the relation of scenes and adventures in 'the land
of the palm and the poppy.'
John Smith was another who had served in the British army. He was a
good soldier, an unpretending man, and the pertinacity with which he
defended the government, (there are two parties in the army as well
as here), his strong anti-slavery sentiments when nearly all were
down on the poor negro, and the confidence he felt in the ultimate
success of our cause, even in the darkest hours when the general
opinion prevailed that we could never whip the South, might well put
to shame many of his American comrades, who often seemed to lose
in their desire for peace, the consciousness that it was theirs to
dictate the terms to a beaten foe. The poor fellow has been taken
prisoner--and is now in Dixie.
Smith had a brother who was nicknamed 'Ben-Doza.' 'Ben' was
discharged in March, 1863, and I gave him a curious stick which I cut
in one of the swamps to bring home for me. If this should meet his
eye, I wish he would hasten to 'fork it over.'
But lest I should become tedious and uninteresting, I will drop
the biographical and take up the chronological thread of my yarn,
noticing the different individuals as they may be brought by
circumstances into future scenes. It is true that in speaking of
the mere rank and file of the army, I do not write of men known to
fame. There is, indeed, little of romance connected with the private
soldier--that peculiar species of flummery (which makes the heart of
the dreamy damsel of sixteen flutter so) being, as it were by right
divine, the speciality of the ideal mustached, lightning-eyed, and so
forth young men of the shoulder straps. Those I write of principally
occupy, many of them, the humblest (though the most useful) position
in our grand army. It is such men who do the real fighting, and
have to take and give the hardest knocks--and if a score of those
brave hearts are laid low by the hand of war, it creates not half
as much public sensation as the destruction of an old barn by fire,
or the escape of a negro from rebeldom. Their biography is written
by the orderly sergeant in a few words, and their requiem sung by
the turkey-buzzard out on a foraging expedition. Their names, it
is true, are on the rolls of fame; but who cares for these, except
it be their immediate friends and relatives--and the clerks in the
pension-bureau, who mayhap think it particularly unkind in privates
A. B. or C. to die at all, and thus give them so much additional
labor.
Two brothers, named Tibbetts, living about three miles beyond our
outpost, lost some hogs and cattle in a very mysterious way, and came
into our lines to inquire if we knew anything of them. Of course we
didn't, and Billy Patterson's pots never told tales. I entered into
conversation with one of the brothers, who appeared to be a civil
sort of a man, and who invited me among others to visit his house,
saying that he had plenty of eggs, &c., and could get up a very good
dinner for us.
I remembered Tibbetts' invitation, and a few days after, accompanied
by a companion, started out to see him. He lived in a miserable
log cabin, about 20 feet square, without windows, having shutters
to supply their place at night, which were opened in the day time
to admit light and air. A field of about 25 acres surrounded the
domicile, partly planted in corn and peas, with about three acres
of sweet potatoes. And these, with a few pigs, and a small garden,
constituted this family's whole 'visible means of support.' The
family consisted of a sallow, bilious-looking wife (all women
thereabouts, as well as men, look alike) and a half-dozen sallow,
bilious-looking children. (Nearly all the natives of that level,
swampy region are thin, and have a shaky appearance.)
I noticed, to my surprise, upon my first introduction to Madam
Tibbetts, that a small stick protruded about two inches from her
mouth, and that ever and anon she spat out what seemed marvellously
like tobacco juice. I watched her movements for some time during our
conversation, and I noticed that she occasionally removed the stick
from her mouth, and, one end being made soft by chewing, dipped the
same into a box of snuff, replaced it again, and ran it around her
gums and teeth in the same manner as one would use a tooth-brush. I
found that neither Tibbetts or his wife, nor his brother or sister
(the latter a smiling old maid) who afterwards joined us, could
read or write--in fact it was considered quite out of their line
altogether, though they seemed to regret that their children could
not have some education. They were a fair specimen of that class of
settlers at the South known as 'poor whites.'
Being allowed, when off duty, a free range within the lines, our
visits were made in all directions--sometimes (often, I confess)
transgressing our orders, we went beyond, especially towards the
abodes of the Messrs. Tibbetts--and we frequently stumbled upon a
quiet household of 'poor whites,' who received us civilly, though by
no means graciously. All of these were, however, strongly 'secesh' in
feeling, having had their minds pretty thoroughly poisoned with the
false tales told them by their late 'superiors' of Yankee injustice
and cupidity.
In conversation with the elder Tibbetts, I learned that the
honey-bees often selected the trunks of hollow trees in which to
gather immense deposits of honey, and that in going up a creek lately
he had discovered a tree, which he intended visiting some time. The
idea of a 'bee hunt' was novel to me, and I determined to join him;
and, a few days after, with a comrade, started for Tibbetts' house,
who readily undertook to pilot us upon our saccharine expedition.
We were successful in getting a considerable amount of honey; but
staid out so late that the officers became alarmed at our absence,
thinking we were 'gobbled up' by the 'rebs,' and doubled the guard,
served out extra ammunition, &c.,--and when we did come in at last,
reprimanded us for staying out so long, and forbid any of the men
going beyond the lines in future.
Time wore on. At first we expected a recall at the end of each week
after our time had expired, but no such order came, and as the season
was beginning to wear the sear and yellow leaf in its garments, and
the indications of cold weather warned us that the time was at hand
when
"The wild deer and wolf to their covert" must "flee,"
we bethought us that the negro village might abound in material of
which shanties might be erected, and, as Billy Patterson elegantly
expressed it, "be a d--d sight more comfortable than miserable." This
bright thought was slow in spreading, and it was not until three
or four men of a mess erected a snug shanty, that it took root and
flourished--and then there was a rush for the 'diggins.'
The shanties at the outpost, once the shelter of the humble household
gods of many a smoky descendant of Ham, were threatened with
disembowelment--until the fury of the onslaught was turned upon the
cotton gin, which soon presented a skeleton appearance. The plundered
boards and scantling had to be carried by the men half a mile. But
they set to work with a will. For at least two weeks nothing could
be heard around the camp, from sunrise to the going down thereof, but
hammer and saw, and saw and hammer, and from the promiscuous heaps
of purloined boards and scantling there arose in due time one of the
most curious villages that could be met with outside of negrodom;
but they were as comfortable as could be desired, and well laid out
with bunks, gunracks, &c. Each had a flue or chimney for a stove
or fireplace, the bricks to build which had to be carried on the
back, or wheeled by hand from a mile and a half to two miles; and as
wood was plenty, we never lacked for good fires. Thus comfortably
situated, it was no wonder that we became attached to Evans' Mills.
It being designed to erect permanent barracks in the vicinity of
Newbern, and the steam saw mill in that city proving insufficient to
supply enough lumber--workmen being plenty, a detail from any of the
New England regiments supplying any number needed--it was resolved to
repair the broken dam at Evans' Mills. A detachment of about sixty
contrabands, under the superintendence of a sort of Baron Munchhausen
chap, a private in a New York artillery regiment--was sent to make
the necessary repairs.
The dam had broke away at the waste water gate--and the genius
who was sent to repair it, commenced by filling in the waste gate
with brushwood and earth--and, after a month's labor, (costing the
Government over $1,500), he succeeded in partially stopping the
water, so that a few thousand feet of boards could be sawed; but
the first rain-storm swelled the dam so much that, having no proper
outlet for the superabundant water to escape, it gave way, and the
blundering fool and his work departed about the same time--the former
to hospital sick, and the latter to be distributed along the oozy
bottom of the tortuous creek which emptied into the Trent River.
When the rebels were defeated at Newbern, Evans, like other
large planters, sent all his slaves to a plantation which he
owned in the upper part of the State--that is, all who were worth
sending, for he left two old negroes and their wives behind to
'take charge' of the plantation. These, in process of time, and
the occupation of the place by our forces, were joined by others,
until the negro population at the time our company went there,
amounted to about ten, including picaninnies. The old negroes
alluded to were called respectively, Old (Uncle) George, and Indian
Joe. The former venerable old patriarch was "eighty-five, sar,"
communicative and religious, and the latter a cross between the Negro
and Indian--retaining a good deal of the aboriginal physique and
character--respectful, but retiring in his manner; and, though said
to be fully as old as George, was spry and supple, a good hand at
a tar-kiln, and a keen sportsman, never going to the woods without
being accompanied by his dogs and an old Harper's Ferry musket--
"For you know de coons come out sometimes 'fore dark, and de deer
dey stray off up dar down here in de day, and dey's good eatin', I
reckon, is dem deers."
"I suppose you would not hesitate to pink a rebel if he should come
across you instead of a deer, Joe?"
"Lor, yes--no--reckon--(scratching his head). O yes--right good day,
sar--good morning, sar."