Europeans in Abyssinia--Bell and Plowden--Their Career and Deaths
--Consul Cameron--M. Lejean--M. Bardel and Napoleon's Answer to
Theodore--The Gaffat People--Mr. Stern and the Djenda Mission--State
of Affairs at the end of 1863.
Abyssinia seems to have had a strange fascination for Europeans.
The two first who were connected with the late Abyssinian affairs
are Messrs. Bell and Plowden, who both entered Abyssinia in 1842.
Mr. John Bell, better known in that country under the name of
Johannes, first attached himself to the fortunes of Ras Ali. He
took service with that prince, and was elevated to the rank of basha
(captain); but it seems that Ras Ali never gave him much confidence,
and tolerated him rather on account of his (Ras Ali's) friendship
for Plowden, than for any liking for Bell himself. Bell shortly
afterwards married a young lady belonging to one of the good families
of Begemder. From this union he had three children: two daughters,
afterwards married to two of the King's European workmen, and a
son, who left the country together with the released captives. Bell
fought by Ras Ali's side at the battle of Amba Djisella, which ended
so fatally for that prince, and afterwards retired into a church,
awaiting in that asylum the good pleasure of the victor. Theodore
hearing of the presence of a European in the sanctuary, sent him
word to come to him, giving him a most solemn pledge that he would
be treated as a friend. Bell obeyed, and a strong friendship sprang
up between the Emperor and the Englishman.
Bell had for many years quite identified himself with the Abyssinians
both in dress and mode of life. He was a man of sound judgment,
brave, well-informed, appreciated all that was great and good; and
seeing in Theodore an ideal he had often conceived, he attached
himself to him with disinterested affection--almost worshipped him.
Theodore gave him the rank of likamaquas, and always kept him near
his person. Bell slept at the door of his friend's tent, dined off
the same dish, joined in every expedition, and would frequently
remain for hours, at the Emperor's request, narrating to him all
the wonders of civilized life, the advantages of military discipline,
and the rules of good government. Theodore gave him on several
occasions a few hundred young men to drill; but European tactics
being distasteful to the unruly Abyssinians, he obtained such
indifferent results that the Emperor soon relieved him from that
hopeless task. Theodore ordered his friend to marry his wife "by
the sacrament." Bell at once consented; but, strange to say, the
family of his wife, out of dislike to Theodore, refused to give
their consent. Whereupon the Emperor presented him with a Galla
slave, to whom he was married, the Emperor officiating as father
to the bride.
Bell was much beloved by all who knew him, and all Europeans who
came into the country were sure to find in him a friend. Between
him and Plowden the brotherly friendship that united them only
increased with time; and on hearing of the murder of his friend,
Bell took a solemn oath that he would avenge his death. About seven
months afterwards the Emperor marched against Garad, and suddenly
came upon him not far from the spot where Plowden fell. The Emperor
was riding ahead, next to him came his faithful chamberlain; on
their entering a small wood the two brothers Garad appeared in the
middle of the road, only a few yards in front of them. Seeing the
danger that threatened his master, Bell rushed forward, placed
himself before the Emperor, so as to protect him with his body,
and, with a steady aim, fired at his friend Plowden's murderer.
Garad fell. Immediately the brother, who had been watching the
Emperor's movements, turned upon Bell, and shot him through the
heart. Theodore promptly avenged his faithful friend, for hardly
had Bell fallen to the ground than his opponent was mortally wounded
by the Emperor himself.
Theodore ordered the place to be at once surrounded, and all Garad's
followers--some 1,600, I believe--were made prisoners and murdered
in cold blood. Theodore mourned for several days the death of his
faithful follower, in whom he lost more than a brave chief and a
hardy soldier: I may almost say he lost his kingdom, for none dared
honestly to advise and fearlessly to counsel him as Bell had done,
and none ever enjoyed that confidence which rendered Bell's advice
so acceptable.
Plowden seems to have been of a more ambitious turn of mind than
his friend. Whilst Bell adopted Abyssinia as his home, and contented
himself with service under the native princes, it is evident that
Plowden strove to represent England in that distant land, and to
be acknowledged by the rulers of Abyssinia as consuls are in the
East,--a small _imperium in imperio_. He went the right way
to work: induced Ras Ali to send presents to the Queen, and carried
them himself; impressed upon Lord Palmerston the advantages of a
treaty with Abyssinia; spoke a great deal about Mussulmans,
slave-trade, oppressed Christians, &c.; and at length prevailed
upon the Foreign Secretary to assent to his plans, and appoint him
consul for Abyssinia. In justice to him, I must say, that from all
accounts no man could have been better fitted for the post: he was
beloved by all classes, and his name is still mentioned with respect.
He did not, so much as Bell, identify himself with the natives; he
always wore a European dress, and kept his house in a semi-English
style. On the other hand, he was fond of show, and never travelled
without being followed by several hundred servants, all well armed--a
mere parade, as on the day of his death his numerous retinue did
not afford him the slightest assistance.
Plowden returned to Abyssinia as consul in 1846. He was well
received by Ras Ali, with whom he was a favourite, and he soon after
concluded a paper treaty with that prince. Ras Ali was a weak-minded
debauchee; all he asked for was to be left alone, and on the same
principle he allowed every one around him to do pretty well as they
liked. One day Plowden asked permission to erect a flag-staff. Ras
Ali gave a willing consent, but added, "Do not ask me to protect
it, I do not care for such things; but I fear the people will not
like it." Plowden hoisted the Union Jack above his consulate; a few
hours afterwards it was torn to pieces by the mob. "Did not I tell
you so?" was all the satisfaction he could obtain from the ruler
of the land. After the fall of Ras Ali, Bell, who had, as I have
already mentioned, followed the fortunes of Theodore, wrote to his
friend in enthusiastic terms, depicted in the eloquent language of
admiring friendship all the good qualities of the rising man, and
advised Plowden to present himself before the powerful chieftain
who undoubtedly before long would be the acknowledged ruler of the
whole of Abyssinia.
Plowden's first reception by Theodore was courteous in the extreme;
but he had this time to deal with a very different kind of man to
his predecessor. Theodore was all amiability, even offered money,
but declined to recognize in him "the consul," or to ratify the
treaty he (Plowden) had made with Ras Ali. For several years Plowden
seemed to have joined his friend Bell in singing the praises of
Theodore; he was to be the reformer of his country, had introduced
a certain discipline in his army, and, to use Plowden's own words,
"he is an honest man, and strives to be just, and, though firm, far
from cruel."
During the last years of his life, Plowden's opinion had been greatly
modified. Theodore did not like him; he feared him; and it was only
on account of his friendship for Bell that he did not lay violent
hands on him. Plowden, on one occasion, was told to accompany his
Majesty to Magdala; arrived there, Theodore called for the Head of
the mountain, who was at that time the son of the Galla queen,
Workite, and asked him his advice as to whether he should put Plowden
in chains or not. The prince, who had a great regard for Plowden,
told his Majesty that if they watched him with the eye it was
sufficient, and that he would be answerable for his prisoner.
Plowden returned with Theodore some time afterwards to the Amhara
country, but was constantly surrounded by spies. All his actions
were reported to the Emperor, and for a long time, under some
pretence or the other, he was refused leave to return to England.
At last, broken in health, and disappointed, Plowden almost insisted
on going. His Majesty granted his request, but at the same time
informed him that the roads were infested with rebels and thieves,
and strongly advised him to await his return. I was told on good
authority that his Majesty only acquiesced in Plowden's wishes
because he believed that it was quite impossible for him to leave.
However, Plowden, trusting in his popularity, and, perhaps, also
in his retinue, started at once on his homeward journey. At a short
distance from Gondar he was attacked and made prisoner by a rebel
named Garad, a cousin of Theodore. It is probable that he would
have been let off with a ransom, but for an unfortunate circumstance.
Plowden, sick and tired, was resting under a tree, and while Garad
was speaking to him, put his hand towards his belt, as his servant
told us, to take out his handkerchief; but the rebel chief, believing
that he intended to draw a pistol, immediately wounded him mortally
with the lance he held in his hands. Plowden was ransomed by the
Gondar merchants, but died a few days afterwards, in March, 1860,
from the effects of the wound.
During our stay at Kuarata, at the time we were in high favour,
office copies of Plowden's official letters for the year preceding
his death, were brought to us. How altered his impression, how
changed his opinion! He had begun to see through the fine words of
the Emperor; he more than suspected that before long a hateful
tyranny would replace the firm but just rule he had formerly so
greatly admired. I remember well that at Zagé, when our luggage was
returned to us a few hours after the arrest, with what haste and
anxiety Prideaux, in whose charge the manuscript was at the time,
opened his trunk behind his bed, so that the guards should not
perceive the dangerous paper before he had time to destroy it.
If Bell and Plowden had been both living, it may be asked, would
Theodore have dealt with them so as ultimately to call for the
intervention of Government on Abyssinian affairs? I believe so. The
King, as I have said, disliked Plowden personally; he repaid his
ransom to the Gondar merchants, it is true, but it was only a
political "dodge" of his; he knew well to whom he gave the money,
and took it back "with interest," a few years later. Often he has
been heard to sneer at the manner in which Plowden was killed, and
say, "The white men are cowards: look at Plowden; he was armed, but
he allowed himself to be killed without even defending himself."
This was a malicious assertion on the part of Theodore, as he was
well aware that Plowden was so sick at the time that he could hardly
walk, and that though he carried a pistol, _it was not loaded_.
Not long before his own death, Theodore spoke, on several occasions,
in very harsh terms of Bell's eldest daughter, and on some of her
friends representing to his Majesty that he should not forget that
she was the daughter of the man who died protecting him, Theodore
quietly replied, "Bell was a fool; he would never carry a shield!"
A few months after the news of Consul Plowden's death had reached
England, Captain Charles Duncan Cameron was appointed to the vacant
post, but for some reason or other, he reached Massowah only in
February, 1862, and Gondar in July of the same year. Captain Cameron
had not only served with distinction during the Kaffir war, and
passed alone through more than 200 miles of the enemy's country,
but had also been employed on the staff of General Williams, and
had been for several years in the consular service. He was, in all
respects, well fitted for his post; but, unfortunately for him,
when he entered Abyssinia he had to deal with a fascinating,
vainglorious, shrewd man, hiding his cunning under an appearance
of modesty: in a word, with Theodore who had become an over-bearing
despot. On his first arrival, Cameron was received with great
honours, and treated by the Emperor with marked respect, and when
he left in October, 1862, he was loaded with presents, escorted by
the Emperor's servants, and almost acknowledged as a consul. Like
so many others--I can say, like ourselves,--at first he had been
so completely taken in by Theodore's manners that he did not discern
the true character of the man he had to deal with, and but too late
found out the worth of his gracious reception and the flatteries
which had been so liberally bestowed upon him.
From Adowa Captain Cameron forwarded Theodore's letter to our Queen
by native messengers, and proceeded to the province of Bogos, where
he deemed his presence necessary. He found out during his stay that
Samuel, the Georgis balderaba [Footnote: An introducer: generally
given to foreigners in the capacity of a spy.] whom Theodore had
given him--a clever, but rather unscrupulous Shoho--was intriguing
with the chiefs of the neighbourhood, tributaries of Turkey, in
favour of his imperial master. Captain Cameron thought it therefore
advisable, in order to avoid future difficulties with the Egyptian
Government, to leave Samuel behind with the Servants he did not
require. Samuel was much hurt at not being allowed to accompany
Cameron in his tour through the Soudan, and though he pretended to
be well pleased with the arrangement, he shortly afterwards wrote
a long letter to his master in which he spoke in very unfavourable
terms of Captain Cameron. Arrived at Kassala, Captain Cameron one
evening at a friend's house asked his Abyssinian servants to show
the guests their native war-dance; some refused, others complied,
but as it was not appreciated by the spectators, they were told to
leave off. (I mention this fact as it was made a serious offence
by Theodore, and is a sample of the pretences adopted by him when
he desired to vindicate his conduct.) Arrived at Metemma, Cameron,
who was at the time suffering from fever, wrote to his Majesty to
inform him of his arrival, and requesting his permission to proceed
to the missionary station of Djenda; which was granted.
Mr. Bardel, a Frenchman, had accompanied Cameron on his first voyage
to Abyssinia; they disagreed, and Bardel left Cameron's service to
enter the Emperor's. At the time Theodore sent Cameron with a letter
to the Queen of England, he also entrusted one to Bardel for the
Emperor of the French. During Bardel's absence M. Lejean, the French
Consul at Massowah, arrived in Abyssinia; he was the bearer of
credentials to the Emperor Theodore, and also brought with him a
few trifles to be presented to his Majesty in the name of the Emperor
Napoleon. M. Lejean was not allowed to leave before the arrival of
Mr. Bardel; who returned to Gondar in September, 1863, with an
answer from the French Secretary for Foreign Affairs, whom he
described to Theodore as the mouthpiece (_afa negus_) of Napoleon.
All the Europeans were summoned from Gondar to witness the reading of
the letter; the King, seated at the window of the palace, had the letter
read, and asked Bardel how he had been received.
"Badly," he replied. "I had an audience with the Emperor, when Mr.
D'Abbadie whispered to him that your Majesty was in the habit of
cutting off hands and feet; on that, without a word more, Napoleon
turned his back upon me."
Theodore then took the letter, and, tearing it to pieces, said:--"Who
is that Napoleon? Are not my ancestors greater than his? If God
made him great, can he not make me also great?" After which his
Majesty ordered a safe conduct to be given to M. Lejean, with orders
that he should leave the country at once.
The Abouna, at that time in favour, afraid above all things of the
Roman Catholics, urged the Emperor to let Lejean depart, lest the
French should be afforded an excuse for taking possession of some
part of the country, from whence their priests would endeavour to
propagate their doctrines. But two days after Lejean's departure,
Theodore, who had by that time regretted that he had let him go,
sent to have him arrested on the road and brought back to Gondar.
In the autumn of 1863 the Europeans in Abyssinia numbered about
twenty-five; they were, Cameron and his European servants, the Basle
mission, the Scottish mission, the missionaries of the London Society
for the Conversion of the Jews, and some adventurers.
In 1855 Dr. Krapf, accompanied by Mr. Flad, entered Abyssinia as
pioneers for a mission which Bishop Gobat desired to establish in
that country. The lay missionaries he intended to send were to be
workmen, who would receive a small salary, if necessary, but were
supposed to support themselves by their work: they were also to
open schools, and seize every opportunity to preach the Word of
God. Mr. Flad made several journeys backwards and forwards, and,
at the time of the first trouble that befell the Europeans since
the beginning of Theodore's reign, the lay missionaries, who had
been joined by a few adventurers,--the whole of them better known
by natives and Europeans under the name of the "Gaffat people" (on
account of the name of the village they usually resided in), amounted
to eight. Mr. Flad had some time previously abandoned the Basle
Mission for the London Mission for the Conversion of the Jews.
The "Gaffat people" played an important part in all the transactions
that, from 1863, took place between his Abyssinian Majesty and the
Europeans residing in the country. Their position was not an enviable
one; they had not only to please his Majesty, but, in order to keep
themselves free from imprisonment or chains, to forestall his wishes,
and to keep his fickle nature always interested in their work by
devising some new toy suited to please his childish love for novelty.
On their first arrival in the country they did their best to fulfil
the instructions of their patron, the Bishop of Jerusalem. But on
Theodore learning that these men were able workmen, he sent for
them one day and told them, "I do not want teachers in my country,
but workmen: will you work for me?" They bowed, and with good grace
placed themselves at his Majesty's disposal. Gaffat, a small hillock
about four miles from Debra Tabor, was assigned to them as a place
of residence. There they built semi-European houses, established
workshops, &c. Knowing that he would have a greater hold upon them,
and that they would have more difficulty in leaving the country,
Theodore ordered them to marry: they all consented. The little
colony flourished, and Theodore for a long time behaved very liberally
to them; gave them large sums of money, grain, honey, butter, and
all necessary supplies in great abundance. They were also presented
with silver shields, gold-worked saddles, mules, horses, &c.; their
wives with richly embroidered burnouses, ornaments of gold and
silver; and to enhance their position in the country they were
allowed all the privileges of a Ras.
"His children," as Theodore called them, so far had nothing to
complain of; but the Emperor soon got tired of carriages, pickaxes,
doors, and such like; he was bent on having cannons and mortars
cast in his country. He gently insinuated his desire; but they
firmly refused, on the ground that they had no knowledge of such
work. Theodore knew how to make them consent; he had only to appear
displeased, to frown a little, and they awaited in trembling to
have his good pleasure made known to them. Theodore asked for
cannons; they would try. His Majesty smiled; he knew the men he had
to deal with. After the guns, they made mortars; then gunpowder;
then brandy; again more cannons, shells, shots, &c. Some were sent
to make roads, others erected foundries; a large number of intelligent
natives were apprenticed to them, and with their assistance executed
some really remarkable works. I, who happened to witness one day
the harsh, imperative tone he took with them because he felt annoyed
at a mere trifle, can well understand their complete submission to
his iron will, and cannot blame them. They had given in at first,
and accepted his bounty; they had wives and children, and desired
to be left in quiet possession of their homes, and were only anxious
to please their hard taskmaster.
Another missionary station had been established at Djenda. These
gentlemen, most of them scripture-readers, not conversant with any
trade, and striving but for one object,--the conversion of the
Falashas, or native Jews,--declined to work for Theodore. The
Emperor could not understand their refusal. According to his notions
every European could work in some way or the other. He attributed
their refusal to ill-will towards him, and only awaited a suitable
opportunity to visit them with his displeasure. They and the Gaffat
people were not in accord; though, for appearance' sake, a kind of
brotherhood was kept up between the rival stations.
The Djenda Mission consisted of two missionaries, of the Scottish
Society: a man named Cornelius, [Footnote: He died at Gaffat in the
beginning of 1865.] brought to Abyssinia by Mr. Stern, on his first
trip; of Mr. and Mrs. Flad, and of Mr. and Mrs. Rosenthal, who had
accompanied Mr. Stern on his second journey to Abyssinia. The Rev.
Henry Stern is really a martyr to his faith. A fine type of the
brave self-denying missionary, he had already exposed his life in
Arabia, where he had, with the recklessness of conviction, undertaken
a dangerous, almost impossible, journey, in order to bring the "good
tidings" to his oppressed brethren the Jews of Yemen and Sanaa. He
had just escaped almost by a miracle from the hands of the bigoted
Arabs, when he undertook a first voyage to Abyssinia, in order to
establish a mission in that country, where thousands of Jews were
living.
Mr. Stern arrived in Abyssinia in 1860, was well received and kindly
treated by his Majesty. On his return to Europe he published a
valuable account of his tour, under the title of _Wanderings
amongst the Falashas of Abyssinia_. In that book Mr. Stern gives
a very favourable account of Theodore; but, as becomes a true
historian, gave some details of the Emperor's family, which were,
to a certain extent, the cause of many of the sufferings he had
afterwards to undergo. About that time several articles appeared
in one of the Egyptian newspapers, purporting to have issued from
the pen of Mr. Stern, and reflecting rather severely on the marriage
of the Gaffat people. Mr. Stern has always denied having been the
author of these articles; and though I, and every one else who knows
Mr. Stern, will place unlimited confidence in his word, still the
Gaffat people would not accept his denial: to the very last they
believed him to have written the obnoxious articles, and harboured
bitter feelings against him, in consequence.
Mr. Stern undertook a second journey to Abyssinia in the autumn of
1862, accompanied this time by Mr. and Mrs. Rosenthal. He and his
party reached Djenda in April, 1863.
As soon as the Gaffat people heard of the arrival of Mr. Stern at
Massowah, they went in a body to the Emperor and begged him not to
allow Mr. Stern to enter Abyssinia. His Majesty gave an evasive
answer, but did not comply with the request; on the contrary, he
seems to have rejoiced at the idea of an enmity existing between
the Europeans in his country, and chuckled at the prospect of the
advantages he might reap from their jealousy and rivalry. Mr. Stern
soon perceived the great change that had already taken place in the
deportment of Theodore, and saw but too plainly, during his several
missionary tours, abundant proofs of the cruelty of the man he had
so shortly before admired and praised. The Abouna (Abyssinian bishop)
at the time in frequent collision with the Emperor, spoke but too
openly of the many vices of the ruling sovereign, and as he had
always been friendly disposed towards Mr. Stern, this gentleman
frequently visited him, even made some short stays in his house.
This friendship was construed by the Emperor as implying an
understanding between the bishop and the English priest unfavourable
to himself, and with a view to the cession of the church lands for
a certain sum of money, which was to be placed in Egypt at the
Abouna's disposal.
To sum up, this was the state of the different parties when the
storm at last burst on the head of the unfortunate Mr. Stern:--Bell
and Plowden, the only Europeans who might have had some influence
for good over the mind of the Emperor, were dead. The Gaffat people
worked for the King, were frequently near his person, and entertained
anything but friendly feelings towards Mr. Stern and the Djenda
Mission. While Captain Cameron and his party were watched in Gondar,
and in no way mixed up with the differences that unfortunately
divided the other Europeans.