Pleasant and cheering as was this whole interview, nevertheless, in

consequence of the considerable excitement which it caused me in my weak

state, I felt my head greatly affected; and I was seized with a

shivering fit about noon the following day, just as I was going to pay

another visit to my friend. On the last day of September, I entered into

a rather warm dispute with Álawáte, whom I met at his brother’s house,

and whose ungenerous conduct I could not forget. My protector not

possessing sufficient energy, and, in his position, not feeling

independent enough to rebuke his brother for the trouble which he had

caused me, begged me repeatedly to bear patiently his importunities,

though he was aware of my reasons for disliking him. On another

occasion, he made me fire off the six-barrelled pistol in front of his

house, before a numerous assemblage of people. This caused extraordinary

excitement and astonishment among the people, and exercised a great

influence upon my future safety, as it made them believe that I had arms

all over my person, and could fire as many times as I liked.

Thus the month of September concluded satisfactorily and most

auspiciously, as it seemed. For I had not only succeeded in reaching in

safety this city, but I was also well received on the whole; and the

only question seemed to be how I was to return home by the earliest

opportunity and the safest route. But all my prospects changed with the

first of the ensuing month, when the difficulties of my situation

increased, and all hopes of a speedy departure appeared to be at an end.

For in the afternoon of the first of October, a considerable troop of

armed men, mustering about twenty muskets, arrived from Hamda-Alláhi,

the residence of the shekho Áhmedu ben Áhmedu, to whose nominal sway the

town of Timbúktu and the whole province has been subjected since the

conquest of the town in the beginning of the year 1826. These people

brought with them an order from the capital to drive me out of the town;

and Hammádi, the nephew and rival of the Sheikh El Bakáy, feeling

himself strengthened by the arrival of such a force, availed himself of

so excellent an opportunity of enhancing his influence, and, in

consequence, issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of the town,

commanding them, in stringent terms, to attend to the orders of the

emír, and in the event of my offering resistance, not even to spare my

life.

There can scarcely be any doubt that my protector, as far as a man of a

rather weak character was capable of any firm resolution, had intended

to send me off by the very first opportunity that should offer; but the

order issued by the emír of Hamda-Alláhi (to whose authority, he was

vehemently opposed), that I should be forthwith driven out of the town

or slain, roused his spirit of opposition. He felt, too, that the

difficulties of my leaving this place in safety were thus greatly

augmented. All thoughts of my immediate departure were therefore set

aside; partly, no doubt, from regard to my security, but much more from

an anxious desire to show the Fullán, or Fúlbe, that he was able to keep

me here, notwithstanding their hostile disposition and their endeavours

to the contrary. There were, besides, the intrigues of the Waláti, my

guide on the journey from Yágha, who, finding that the Sheikh did not

approve of his dishonest conduct towards me, endeavoured to get me out

of his hands, in order that he might deal with me as he liked. My

broker, too, ʿAlí el Ágeren, seeing the difficulties of my situation,

gave me entirely up, making his own safety the only object of his

thoughts.

The Sheikh, when he had fully understood what I had told him with regard

to the power and the political principles of the sovereign of Great

Britain, had determined to write a letter with his own hand, expressing

his satisfaction that I had come to pay him my compliments, and in order

to endeavour to counteract the discouraging effects produced by the

account of Major Laing’s death, and, if possible, to obtain for himself

a few presents. This letter, it was understood in the beginning, I

myself should take with me; but, in the evening of the third of October,

I suddenly, to my great amazement, received the intelligence that I was

to send my man, ʿAlí el Ágeren, to Ghadámes or Tripoli with this letter,

accompanying it with a note from my own hand, while I myself remained

behind, as a kind of hostage, in Timbúktu, until the articles which the

Sheikh El Bakáy had written for were received. But I was not to be

treated in this way by intrigues of my own people; and the following

morning I sent a simple protest to the Sheikh, stating that, as for

himself, he might do just as he liked, and if he chose to keep me as a

prisoner or hostage, he might do so as long as he thought fit; but that

he must not expect to receive so much as a needle from the Government

that had sent me until I myself should have returned in safety. My host,

too, had just before intimated to me that it would be best to deliver my

horse and my gun into his hands; but I sent him an answer, that neither

the one nor the other should leave my house until my head had left my

shoulders. It was rather remarkable that a person of so mean a character

as the Waláti should for a moment gain the upper hand of a man of such

an excellent disposition as the Sheikh; but it was quite natural that

this clever rogue should continually incite Sídi Álawáte to make new

demands upon my small store of valuable articles.

Meanwhile, while I was thus kept in a constant state of excitement, I

was not free from anxiety in other respects. A thunder-storm,

accompanied by the most plentiful rain which I experienced during my

stay in this place, had in the afternoon of the 3rd October inundated my

house, and, breaking through the wall of my store-room, had damaged the

whole of my luggage, my books, and medicines, as well as my presents and

articles of exchange. But my situation was soon to improve, as the

Sheikh became aware of the faithless and despicable character of my

former companion and guide; and while he ordered the latter to fetch my

camels from Áribínda, which it was now but too apparent he had sold on

his own account instead of having them taken care of for me, he informed

me of what had come to his knowledge of the Waláti’s previous character

and disreputable habits.

The Emír of Hamda-Alláhi’s sending a force to Timbúktu in order to

dispose of me, with the assistance of the inhabitants of that town,

without paying the slightest regard to the opinion of my protector, had

caused a considerable reaction in the whole relation of the Sheikh to

the towns-people, and he had made up his mind to pitch his camp outside

the city, in order to convince the inhabitants, and the Fullán in

particular, that he did not depend upon them, but had mightier friends

and a more powerful spell upon which he could safely rely. He had even,

while still absent in Gúndam, opened communication with Áwáb, the chief

of the Tademékket, to this effect.

But all these proceedings required more energy and a more warlike

character than, I am sorry to say, my friend and protector actually

possessed; and our adversaries were so busy, that, in the night of the

9th, owing to the arrival of a party of Tawárek, who were well known not

to be friendly disposed towards him, he was so intimidated, that at two

o’clock in the morning he himself came to my house, rousing us from our

sleep and requesting us most urgently to keep watch, as he was afraid

that something was going on against me. We therefore kept a constant

look out the whole night on our terrace, and seeing that the rear of our

house was in a partial state of decay, facilitating an attack in that

quarter, we set to work early in the morning repairing the wall and

barricading it with thorny bushes. The artisans of the town were so

afraid of the party hostile to me, who were the nominal rulers, that no

one would undertake the task of repairing my house. However, the more

intelligent natives of the place did all in their power to prevent my

learned friend from leaving the town, as they felt sure that such a

proceeding would be the commencement of troubles. The consequence was,

that we did not get off on the 10th, although the Sheikh had sent his

wife and part of his effects away the preceding night, and it was not

till a little before noon the following day that we actually left the

town.

[Footnote 122: It is a highly interesting fact, that we find this native

name, which is given to calico in the region of the Niger, already

mentioned by that most eminent and clear-sighted of Arab geographers,

Ábu ʿObaid Allah el Bekrí, in the middle of the eleventh century, or

fully 800 years ago. For, in describing the manufacture of cotton in the

town of Silla, which has become so familiar to Europeans in consequence

of Mungo Park’s adventures, he expressly mentions that this calico was

called “shígge” by the natives, الازر المسماة بالشكيات. (El Bekrí, ed.

de Slane, 1857, p. 173.) Great interest is imparted by such incidents to

the life of a region which, to the common observer, seems dead and

uninteresting.]

[Footnote 123: On this occasion, which was a rather serious one, a most

ridiculous misunderstanding was caused by the peculiarity of the Arabic

dialect used in Timbúktu, which puzzled me and my companions very often,

and sometimes made conversation between me and my friends very difficult

and intricate. When the servant said that we should remove all our

“haiwán” from our house, supposing that she meant animals, we told her

that we had only one animal in our house, viz. my horse; and it was some

time before we learned that in Timbúktu, which is inhabited mostly by

such Arabs as have been at a former period dwellers in the desert, and

whose property consisted almost exclusively of camels and cattle, the

word “haiwán” comprises all kinds of movable property.]

[Footnote 124: For the whole genealogy of the Sheíkh see Appendix VII.]

[Footnote 125: See Major Laing’s Letters in the Edinburgh Review, vol.

xxxviii. 1828, p. 101, _et seq._, and vol. xxxix.]

[Footnote 126: There cannot be the least doubt that, in addition to the

love of plunder, it was also a certain feeling of revenge for the

mischief inflicted upon their countrymen by the heroic Mungo Park which

prompted this ferocious act of the Tawárek; and it is very curious to

observe the presentiment that Major Laing had, on setting out from

Tawát, of what awaited him, as most distinctly embodied in some of his

letters, dated Tawát, Jan. 1826, especially in a letter addressed to

James Bandinel, Esq., which General Edward Sabine, the great friend of

the distinguished traveller, kindly allowed me to inspect.]

[Footnote 127: Instead of communicating the itinerary from Timbúktu to

the hillet in my collection of itineraries through the western half of

the desert, at the end of the following volume, where it would be

overlooked by the general reader, I prefer inserting it in this place:—

1½ day, Tenég el hay, or Tenég el háj, a well where all the roads meet.

A great many celebrated localities along this part of the road.

1 day, Tin-tahón, about the heat of the day; a locality so called from

an eminence, “tahón.”

1 day, Worozíl, a well with a rich supply of water, about the same time.

1 day, Én-eláhi, a whole day. From hence to the small town Bú-Jebéha,

passing by the well e’ Twíl, 2 days.

2 days, Erúk; 3 days from Árawán; 1¼ from Bú-Jebéha. Close to Erúk is

Mérizík.

1 day, Bel-Mehán, a rich and famous well; a long day, keeping along a

valley enclosed between the sandhills, “Égif,” towards the W., and the

black mountains of Áderár towards the E.

1 day, Hillet e’ Sheikh.]

[Footnote 128: It is highly interesting and satisfactory to observe how

Major Laing himself, in the letters published in the Edinburgh Review,

speaks of the kind reception given to him, when severely wounded, by the

Sheikh and maraboot (Merábet) Mooktar, or rather Sídi Mohammed. See,

especially, p. 105.]

CHAP. LXVIII.

FIRST RESIDENCE IN THE DESERT. — POLITICAL COMBINATIONS. — GREAT MOSQUE.

— GROUND-PLAN OF THE TOWN.

[Sidenote: October 11th.]

This was an important moment for myself, as, with the exception of an

occasional visit to the Sheikh, who lived only a few yards across the

street, and an almost daily promenade on my terrace, I had not moved

about since my arrival. With a deep consciousness of the critical

position in which I was placed, I followed my protector, who, mounted

on his favourite white mare, led the way through the streets of the

town, along which the assembled natives were thronging in order to

get a glance at me. Leaving the high mounds of rubbish which constitute

the groundwork of the northern part of the town on our left, and

pursuing a north-north-easterly direction over a sandy tract covered

with stunted bushes, and making only a short halt near a well five miles

from the town, for the purpose of watering our horses, after a march of

two miles more we reached the camp, which could easily be recognised at

a great distance by two large white cotton tents, whose size and

situation made them conspicuous above some smaller leathern dwellings.

It was just about sunset; and the open country with its rich mimosas,

and with the camp on the rising ground, the white sandy soil of which

was illumined by the last rays of the setting sun, presented an

interesting spectacle. The younger inhabitants of the camp, including

Bábá Ahmed and ʿAbidín, two favourite boys of the Sheikh, one five, the

other four years of age, came out to meet us; and I soon afterwards

found myself lodged in an indigenous tent of camel’s hair, which was

pitched at the foot of the hill, belonging to Mohammed el Khalíl, a

relative of the Sheikh, who had come from his native home in Tíris, on

the shores of the Atlantic, in order to share his uncle’s blessing.

In this encampment we passed several days in the most quiet and retired

manner, when my friend revealed to me his course of action. It was his

intention, he said, to bring the old chief Galaijo, from the place of

his exile in Champagóre, back to this part of Negroland, which he had

formerly ruled, and to reinstate him, by the aid of the Tawárek, in the

government of Másina with the residence Hamda-Alláhi, of which he was to

deprive the family of Lebbo. But even if it was true, as he said, that

the Fúlbe themselves, as well those settled between Fermágha and Gúndam,

as those inhabiting the provinces of Dalla, Dwenza, and Gilgóji, were

opposed to the government of Lebbo, such a project appeared to me to

require a greater share of perseverance and determination than, from all

that I had seen, I could believe my noble friend possessed. However, he

entertained no doubt at that time that Alkúttabu, the great chief of the

Tawárek himself, would come to his aid without delay and conduct me,

under his powerful protection, safely along the banks of the Niger.

However exaggerated the projects of my protector were, considering his

mild disposition, and although by exasperating the Fúlbe more and more

he no doubt increased the difficulties of my situation, the moving of

his encampment outside the town afforded me a great deal of relief, both

in consequence of the change of air which it procured me, and of the

varied scenery. I could also get here a little exercise, although the

more open the country was, the greater care I had to take of my safety.

In the morning, particularly, the camp presented a very animated sight.

The two large white tents of cotton cloth, with their top-covering, or

“sarámme,” of chequered design, and their woollen curtains of various

colours, were half opened to allow the morning air to pervade them. The

other smaller ones were grouped picturesquely around on the slope, which

was enlivened by camels, cattle, and goats, that were just being driven

out. All nature was awake and full of bustle, and the trees were

swarming with white pigeons. In the evening, again, there were the

cattle returning from their pasturage, the slaves bringing water on the

backs of the asses, and the people grouped together in the simple place

of devotion, laid out with thorny bushes, in order to say their prayers,

guided by the melodious voice of their teacher, who never failed to join

them. At this time a chapter of the Kurán was chanted by the best

instructed of the pupils, and continued often till a late hour at night,

the sound of these beautiful verses, in their melodious fall,

reverberating from the downs around; at other times animated

conversation ensued, and numerous groups gathered on the open ground by

the side of the fire.

We returned into the town on the 13th. The first day had passed off

rather quietly, save that a party of twelve Imóshagh, of the tribe of

the Igwádaren, partly mounted on camels, partly on horses, trespassed on

the hospitality of the Sheikh. I had an opportunity of inspecting their

swords, and was not a little surprised at finding that they were all

manufactured in the German town of Solingen, as indeed were almost all

the swords of these Tawárek, or Imóshagh.

The interests of the different members of the family now began to clash.

The Sheikh himself was firm in his opposition against the Fúlbe, and

requested me in future, when I visited him, to come to his house fully

armed, in order to show our adversaries that I was ready to repulse any

violence; and it was in vain that I protested that, as I came with

peaceable intentions, nothing could be farther from my wish than to

cause any disturbance in the town. Meanwhile his brother, Sídi Alawáte,

suborned one of the Sheikh’s pupils to make another attempt to convert

me to Islamism. This man, who was one of the most learned followers of

the Sheikh, having resided for nearly thirty years in the family, first

with the Sheikh Sídi Mohammed, then with his eldest son El Mukhtár, who

succeeded him in the dignity of a Sheikh during Major Laing’s residence

in Ázawád, and finally with the Sheikh el Bakáy himself, originally

belonged to the Arab tribe of the Welád Ráshid, whose settlements in

Wádáy I have mentioned on a former occasion. Partly on this account,

partly on account of his great religious knowledge, and his volubility

of speech, he possessed great influence with all the people, although

his prudence and forbearance were not conspicuous. But finding that his

usual arguments in favour of his creed did not avail with me, he soon

desisted. This was the last time these people attempted to make me a

proselyte to their religion, with the exception of some occasional

serious advice from my friends under the temporary pressure of political

difficulties.

The emír of the place, of the name of Kaúri, who was a good-natured man,

and whose colleague, Belle, was absent at the time, having advised my

protector to take me again out of the town for a few days, till the

kádhi Áhmed Weled Fʿaamme, who was going to Hamda-Alláhi, and who was

especially hostilely disposed towards me, should have left, we again set

out, on the morning of the 17th October; but, having stayed in the

encampment that night and the following morning, we returned to the town

the same afternoon, but left again on the morning of the 20th, when the

kafla of the Tawátíye was ready to set out on their journey to the

north, and stayed with them during the heat of the day. They were

encamped in about twenty-four small leathern tents, round the well where

we had a few days previously watered our horses, and mustered more than

fifty muskets, each of them being armed, moreover, with a spear and

sword; but notwithstanding their numbers, and the circumstance that a

rather respectable man, of the name of Háj Áhmed, the wealthiest person

of Insála or ʿAín-Sála, was among them, and was to accompany them as far

as Mʿamún, I felt no inclination to go with this caravan, and thus to

deprive myself of the opportunity of surveying the river, nor did my

protector himself seem to find in this northerly road any sufficient

guarantee for my safe return home. I therefore only made use of this

opportunity in order to send to Europe, by way of Ghadámes, a short

report of my arrival in Timbúktu, and a general outline of the political

circumstances connected with my stay in the city.

The caravan having started the following morning, we stayed two days

longer in the camp, and then once more returned into the town, without

any further difficulty, in the company of Sídi Álawáte, who had come out

to join us with a body of armed followers, and who behaved now, on the

whole, much more amiably towards me. He even gave me some interesting

particulars with respect to Ségo[129], which place he had visited some

time before, levying upon Dembo, then king of Bámbara, a heavy

contribution of gold. This king who was sprung from a Púllo mother, had

succeeded his father Farma, the son of the king mentioned by Mungo Park

under the name of Mansong, two years previously.[130]

The Fúlbe, however, did not give up their point, and, as they did not

find themselves strong enough to proceed to open violence, made an

indirect attack upon me by putting in irons on the 27th some Arabs or

Moors, on the pretext of having neglected their prayers, thereby

protesting strongly enough against a person of an entirely different

creed staying in the town. The emír Kaúri himself, who, on the whole,

seemed to be a man of good sense, was in a most awkward position; and

when the kádhi informed him, that, if he was not able to execute the

order which he had received from his liege lord, he should solicit the

assistance of the people of Timbúktu, he refused to have recourse to

violence till he had received stricter orders to that effect and more

effectual aid; for, in the event of his having driven me out, and

anything having befallen me, the whole blame would be thrown upon him,

as had been the case with Sídi Bú-Bakr the governor, who, obeying the

orders of Mohammed Lebbo, had obliged the Ráís (Major Laing) to leave

the town, and thus, in some measure was the cause of his death, that

distinguished traveller having thrown himself in despair into the arms

of Hámed Weled ʿAbéda, the chief of the Berabísh, who murdered him in

the desert.

But, on the other hand, the emír endeavoured to dissuade my protector,

who was about to send a messenger to Alkúttabu[131], the great chief of

the Awelímmiden, to summon him to his assistance, from carrying out his

intention, fearing lest the result of this proceeding might be a serious

conflict between the Tawárek and the Fúlbe. However, from all that I

saw, I became aware that the chance of my departure was more remote than

ever, and that, at least this year, there was very little prospect of my

leaving this place; for the messenger whom the Sheikh was to send to the

Tárki chief, and of whose departure there had been much talk for so long

a time, had not yet left, and the chief’s residence was several hundred

miles off. I therefore again protested to my friend that it was my

earnest desire to set out on my home journey as soon as possible, and

that I felt not a little annoyed at the continual procrastination.

Several circumstances concurred at this time to make me feel the delay

the more deeply, so that notwithstanding my sincere esteem for my

protector, I thought it better, when he again left the town in the

evening of the 27th, to remain where I was; for after my return from our

last excursion, in consequence of the severe cold during the night, I

had been visited by a serious attack of rheumatism, which had rendered

me quite lame for a day or two.

With regard to the means of my departure, the Waláti, whom I had sent

out at a great expense to bring my horses and camels from the other side

of the river, had brought back my horses in the most emaciated

condition. As for the camels, he had intended to appropriate them to his

own use; but I defeated his scheme by making a present of them to the

Sheikh. This brought all the Waláti’s other intrigues to light,

especially the circumstance of his having presented a small pistol

(which I had given to himself) to Hammádi, the Sheikh’s rival,

intimating that it came from me, and thus endangering my whole position,

by making the Sheikh believe that I was giving presents to his rivals

and his enemies. But my protector acted nobly on this occasion; for he

not only warned me against the intrigues of the Waláti, and would not

lend an ear to his numerous calumnies against me, but he even preferred

me, the Christian, to my Mohammedan companion, the Méjebrí, ʿAlí el

Ágeren, who was sometimes led, through fear, to take the part of the

Waláti; and the Méjebrí, who thought himself almost a sheríf, and was

murmuring his prayers the whole evening long, felt not a little hurt and

excited when he found that the Sheikh placed infinitely more reliance

upon me than upon himself.

In order to convince the Sheikh how sensible I was of the confidence

which he placed in me, I made a present of a blue cloth kaftan to

Mohammed Boy, the son of the chief Galaijo, who had studied with him for

a year or two, and was now about to return home by way of Hamda-Alláhi.

But, unluckily, I had not many such presents to offer, and a nobleman of

the name of Muláy ʿAbd e’ Salám, who had sent me a hospitable present of

wheat and rice, was greatly offended at not receiving from me a bernús

in return.

Meanwhile the Fúlbe, or Fullán, sent orders to Dár e’ Salám, the capital

of the district of Zánkara, that their countrymen inhabiting that

province should enter Timbúktu as soon as the Sheikh should leave it.

The latter, in order to show these people the influence he possessed,

decided upon taking me with him on an excursion to Kábara, which is the

harbour on the river, where the Fúlbe were generally acknowledged to

possess greater power than in Timbúktu, on account of the distance of

the latter from the water. I followed him gladly, that I might have an

opportunity of observing the different aspect of the country two months

after the date when I had first traversed it. In fact the landscape had

now a very different appearance, being entirely changed in consequence

of the abundant rains which had fallen in September and October. The

whole sandy level, which before looked so dull and dreary, was now

covered with herbage; while that part of the road nearer the town had

been a little cleared of wood, apparently in order to prevent the

Tawárek from lurking near the road and surprising travellers. Further

on, when we approached the village of Kábara, all the fields were

overgrown with water-melons, which form a considerable branch of the

industry of the inhabitants.

We dismounted, at length, close to Kábara, in the shade of a talha tree,

clearing the ground and making ourselves as comfortable as possible. A

great number of people collected round us, not only from the village of

Kábara, but also from the town; even the governor, or emír, Kaúri, came

out to see what we were doing here.

By way of making some sort of popular display, and showing his enemies

the extent of his authority, my protector here distributed the presents

which he had destined for Boy and his companions, who, before returning

to their home in the province of Galaijo, were first going to pay their

compliments to the sheikho Áhmedu in Hamda-Alláhi. He also sent the very

bernús which I had intended for ʿAbd e’ Salám to ʿAbd Alláhi[132], the

uncle of the young sheikho Áhmedu of Hamda-Alláhi. While the emír walked

up and down, at some distance from the spot where we had taken up our

position, in order to have a look at me, we were treated hospitably by

the inspector of the harbour (a cheerful old man of the name of ʿAbd el

Kásim, and of supposed sheríf origin), with several dishes of excellent

kuskus, one of which fell to my share: and I was delighted to see that,

notwithstanding the decline of everything in this distracted region, the

old office of an inspector of the harbour still retained a certain

degree of importance. But I lamented that I was not allowed to survey at

my leisure the general features of the locality, which had entirely

changed since my first visit to this place. The river had inundated the

whole of the lowlands, so that the water, which had before only formed a

narrow ditch-like channel, now presented a wide open sheet, affording

easy access to the native craft of all sizes.

Having then mounted in the afternoon, after a pleasant ride we reached

the town; but instead of directly entering the dilapidated walls, we

turned off a little to the west, towards a small plantation of date

trees (marked 9 in the plan of the town), of the existence of which I

had had no previous idea; for small and insignificant as it was, it

claimed considerable interest in this arid tract, there being at present

only four or five middle-sized trees, rather poor specimens of the

hájilíj, or _balanites_, inside the town; although we know that before

the time of the conquest of Songhay by the Moroccains, the city was not

so poor in vegetation; but the inspector of the harbour having fled on

that occasion with the whole fleet, the bashá Mahmúd cut down all the

trees in and around the town for the purpose of ship-building.

The little oasis consisted of three nearly full-grown date-trees, but of

small size, only one of them bearing fruit, while around there were

about ten very young bushes, which, if not well taken care of, scarcely

seemed to promise ever to become of any value. The plantation, poor as

it was, owed its existence to the neighbourhood of a deep well, of

immense size, being about thirty yards in diameter and five fathoms

deep, wherein the water collects.

Having loitered here a few moments, and visited a small and poor

plantation in the neighbourhood belonging to the Tawáti, Mohammed el

ʿAísh, we turned off towards the Jíngeré-bér, or “great mosque,” which

by its stately appearance made a deep impression upon my mind, as I had

not yet had an opportunity of inspecting it closely. It was here

especially that I convinced myself, not only of the trustworthy

character of Caillié’s report in general, of which I had already had an

opportunity of judging, but also of the accuracy with which, under the

very unfavourable circumstances in which he was placed, he has described

the various objects which fell under his observation. I was only

permitted to survey the outside of the mosque; as to the interior, I was

obliged to rely upon the information which I received from the more

intelligent of the natives.

The mosque is a large building, but a considerable portion of it is

occupied by an open courtyard, wherein the larger tower is enclosed,

while the principal part of the building includes nine naves, of

different dimensions and structure; the westernmost portion, which

consists of three naves, belonging evidently to the old mosque, which,

together with the palace, was built by Mansa Músa, the king of Melle, as

is even attested by an inscription over the principal gate, although it

has become somewhat illegible. The chief error which Caillié has

committed in describing this mosque relates to the smaller tower, the

position of which he has mistaken, and the number of gateways on the

eastern side, there being seven instead of five. Caillié also states the

greatest length of the building to be 104 paces; while my intelligent

friend Mohammed ben ʿAísh assured me that, after measuring it with the

greatest accuracy, he found it to be 262 French feet in length, by 194

in width.[133]

If this building, which stands just at the western extremity, and forms

the south-western corner of the town, were situated in the centre, it

would be infinitely more imposing; but it is evident that in former

times the mosque was surrounded by buildings on the western side. The

city formerly was twice as large.

While we were surveying this noble pile, numbers of people collected

round us,—this being the quarter inhabited principally by the Fúlbe, or

Fullán,—and when we turned our steps homewards, they followed us along

the streets through the market, which was now empty, but without making

the least hostile manifestation. On the contrary, many of them gave me

their hands.

Soon after my arrival in the place, I had sent home a small plan of the

town. This I now found to be inaccurate in some respects; and I here

therefore subjoin a more correct plan of the town, although on a rather

small scale,—the circumstances under which I resided there not having

allowed me to survey the greater part of it accurately enough for a more

minute delineation.

The city of Timbúktu, according to Dr. Petermann’s laying down of it

from my materials, lies in 17° 37′ N. and 3° 5′ W. of Greenwich.

Situated only a few feet above the average level of the river, and at a

distance of about six miles from the principal branch, it at present

forms a sort of triangle, the base of which points towards the river,

whilst the projecting angle is directed towards the north, having for

its centre the mosque of Sánkoré. But, during the zenith of its power,

the town extended a thousand yards further north, and included the tomb

of the fáki Mahmúd, which, according to some of my informants, was then

situated in the midst of the town.

[Illustration: PLAN OF TIMBUKTU.

1. House of the Sheikh Áhmed el Bakáy, with another house belonging to

the same close by, and having in front of it a small square, where he

has established a “msíd,” or place of prayer for his pupils, several

of whom pass the night here.

2. House belonging likewise to the Sheikh, where I myself was lodged,

the ground plan of which I have given above.

3. Great mosque, “Gíngere (Jíngeré, or Zángeré) bér, Jámʿa el kebíra,”

begun by Mansa Músa, king of Melle, A.D. 1327, and forming, for many

centuries, the centre of the Mohammedan quarter.

4. Mosque Sánkoré, in the quarter Sánkoré, which is generally regarded

as the oldest quarter of the town. The mosque has five naves, and is

120 feet long by 80 feet wide.

5. Mosque Sídi Yáhia, much smaller than the two other large mosques.

6. Great market-place, or Yúbu.

7. Butchers’ market, where in former times the palace, or “Mʿa-duk,”

or Mʿa-dugu, is said to have been situated.

8. Gate leading to Kábara.

9. Well, surrounded by a small plantation of date trees.

10. Another well, with a small garden, belonging to Mohammed el ʿAísh.

11. Spot in a shallow valley, up to which point small boats ascended

from the Niger, in the winter 1853-4.]

The circumference of the city at the present time I reckon at a little

more than two miles and a half; but it may approach closely to three

miles, taking into account some of the projecting angles. Although of

only small size, Timbúktu may well be called a city—medína—in comparison

with the frail dwelling-places all over Negroland. At present it is not

walled. Its former wall, which seems never to have been of great

magnitude, and was rather more of the nature of a rampart, was destroyed

by the Fúlbe on their first entering the place in the beginning of the

year 1826. The town is laid out partly in rectangular, partly in

winding, streets, or, as they are called here, “tijeráten,” which are

not paved, but for the greater part consist of hard sand and gravel, and

some of them have a sort of gutter in the middle. Besides the large and

the small market there are few open areas, except a small square in

front of the mosque of Yáhia, called Túmbutu-bóttema.

Small as it is, the city is tolerably well inhabited, and almost all the

houses are in good repair. There are about 980 clay houses, and a couple

of hundred conical huts of matting, the latter, with a few exceptions,

constituting the outskirts of the town on the north and north-east

sides, where a great deal of rubbish, which has been accumulating in the

course of several centuries, is formed into conspicuous mounds. The clay

houses are all of them built on the same principle as my own residence,

which I have described, with the exception that the houses of the poorer

people have only one courtyard, and have no upper room on the terrace.

The only remarkable public buildings in the town are the three large

mosques: the Jíngeré-bér, built by Mansa Músa; the mosque of Sánkoré,

built, at an early period, at the expense of a wealthy woman; and the

mosque Sídi Yáhia, built at the expense of a kádhi of the town. There

were three other mosques: that of Sídi Háj Mohammed, Msíd Belál, and

that of Sídi el Bámi. These mosques, and perhaps some little msíd, or

place of prayer, Caillié must have included when he speaks[134] of seven

mosques. Besides these mosques, there are at present no distinguished

public buildings in the town; and of the royal palace, or Mʿa-dugu,

wherein the kings of Songhay used to reside occasionally, as well as the

Kasbah, which was built in later times, in the south-eastern quarter, or

the “Sane-gungu”[135], which already at that time was inhabited by the

merchants from Ghadámes[136], not a trace is to be seen. Besides this

quarter, which is the wealthiest, and contains the best houses, there

are six other quarters, viz. Yúbu, the quarter comprising the great

market-place (yúbu) and the mosque of Sídi Yáhia, to the west of Sane-

gungu; and west of the former, forming the south-western angle of the

town, and called from the great mosque, Jíngeré-bér or Zángeré-bér. This

latter quarter, from the most ancient times, seems to have been

inhabited especially by Mohammedans, and not unlikely may have formed a

distinct quarter, separated from the rest of the town by a wall of its

own. Towards the north, the quarter Sane-gungu is bordered by the one

called Sara-káina, meaning literally the “little town,” and containing

the residence of the Sheikh, and the house where I myself was lodged.

Attached to Sara-káina, towards the north, is Yúbu-káina, the quarter

containing the “little market,” which is especially used as a butchers’

market. Bordering both on Jíngeré-bér and Yúbu-káina, is the quarter

Bagíndi, occupying the lowest situation in the town, and stated by the

inhabitants to have been flooded entirely in the great inundation which

took place in 1640. From this depression in the ground, the quarter of

Sánkoré, which forms the northernmost angle of the city, rises to a

considerable elevation, in such a manner, that the mosque of Sánkoré,

which seems to occupy its ancient site and level, is at present situated

in a deep hollow—an appearance which seems to prove that this elevation

of the ground is caused by the accumulation of rubbish, in consequence

of the repeated ruin which seems to have befallen this quarter pre-

eminently, as being the chief stronghold of the native Songhay. The

slope which this quarter forms towards the north-eastern end, in some

spots exceeds eighty feet.

The whole number of the settled inhabitants of the town amounts to about

13,000; while the floating population, during the months of the greatest

traffic and intercourse, especially from November to January, may

amount, on an average, to 5000, and under favourable circumstances to as

many as 10,000. Of the different elements composing this population, and

of their distinguishing features, I shall say a few words in another

place. I now revert to the diary of my own proceedings.

In the evening of the next day I again went with the Sheikh out of the

town to the tents, where we were to stay two days, but where we in fact

spent six; my friend finding himself very happy in the company of his

wife, to whom he was sincerely attached. Not only my companions, but

even I myself, began to find it rather tedious in the dull encampment,

as I had scarcely any books with me to pass away my time, and my

situation not allowing me to enter too closely into the discussions of

my companions, as in that case they would have redoubled their

endeavours to convert me to their creed, and would scarcely have allowed

me to depart at all.

Almost the whole of the time which I spent here the Sheikh left me quite

to myself, sometimes not quitting his tent for a whole day; but at other

times we had some pleasant and instructive conversation. Among other

subjects a rather animated discussion arose one day. An Arab, of the

name of ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, a near relation of my host, and of a rather

presumptuous character, who had come on a visit from Ázawád, was

extremely anxious to know the motives which induced me to visit this

country, and scarcely doubted that it could be anything else than the

desire of conquest. In order to show them of what little value the

possession of the country would be to the Europeans, I jestingly told

them, that our government, being informed that the natives of these

tracts fed on sand and clay, had sent me out to discover how this was

done, in order to provide, in a similar way, for the poor in our own

country. The Arab was naturally greatly surprised at my statement. But

the Sheikh himself laughed very heartily, and inquired, with an

expression of doubt, whether there were poor people among the

Christians.

Another evening, when the Sheikh was cheerfully sitting with us round

the fire, we had an interesting conversation concerning the worship of

idols. In order to overcome the prejudice of his pupils with regard to

the greater nobility and superiority of the Arab race, and to show them

that their forefathers had not been much better than many of the

idolatrous nations at the present day, he gave them an account of the

superstitions of the ancient Arabs, and in the course of his

conversation exhibited unmistakable proofs of an enlightened and

elevated mind, of which the letter, which I shall communicate in another

place, will give further proof.

Occasionally we received here also some interesting visits from Arabs or

other people; the most conspicuous person among them being a man of the

name of Fífi, the inspector of the harbour of Yówaru, a man of cheerful

temperament, and a great friend of the Sheikh’s. He had a perfect

knowledge of the course of the river between Timbúktu and Jafarábe, the

groups of islands forming the boundary between the Mohammedan kingdom of

Másina and the Pagan kingdom of Bámbara, and very important for the

trade along the river, as the boats coming from Timbúktu must here

discharge their merchandise, which has to be conveyed hence to Sansándi

on the backs of asses; but unfortunately my informant spoke nothing but

Songhay. The state of retirement in which I was obliged to live deprived

me of the opportunity of cultivating the language of the natives; which

was moreover extremely repulsive to me on account of its deficiency in

forms and words, so that I found it next to impossible to express in it

any general idea, without having recourse to some other foreign

language. The Songhay of this region, having been deprived of all their

former independent character more than two centuries and a half ago, and

having become degraded and subject to foreigners, have lost also the

national spirit of their idiom, which, instead of developing itself, has

become gradually poorer and more limited; but I have no doubt that the

dialect spoken by those still independent people in Dargol and Kulman is

far richer, and anybody who wishes to study the Songhay language must

study it there. The Arab visitors[137] to the town at this period were

especially numerous, this being the most favourable season for the salt

trade. A few months later scarcely a single Arab from abroad frequents

the town.

The private life of the people in these encampments runs on very

tranquilly, when there is no predatory incursion, which however is often

enough the case. Most of these mixed Arabs have only one wife at a time,

and they seem to lead a quiet domestic life, very like that of the

Sheikh himself. I scarcely imagine that there is in Europe a person more

sincerely attached to his wife and children than my host was. In fact,

it might be said that he was a little too dependent on the will of his

wife. The difference which I found between the position of the wife

among these Moorish tribes, and that which she enjoys among the Tawárek,

is extraordinary, although even the Tawárek have generally but one wife;

but while the latter is allowed to move about at her pleasure quite

unveiled, the wife even of the poorest Arab or Moor is never seen

unveiled, being generally clad in a black under and upper gown, and the

wives of the richer and nobler people never leave their tents. The camp

life of course would give to coquettish women a fair opportunity of

intrigue; but in general I think their morals are pretty chaste, and the

chastisement which awaits any transgression is severe, a married wife

convicted of adultery being sure to be stoned. An incident happened

during my present stay at the tents which gave proof of love affairs not

being quite unusual here,—a Tárki, or rather Ámghi, having been murdered

from motives of jealousy, and brought into our camp. But I must confess

that I can scarcely speak of the mode of life in an Arab or Moorish

encampment; for the camp of the Sheikh, as a chief of religion, is of

course quite an exception; and moreover the neighbourhood of the Fúlbe

or Fullán, who, in their austere religious creed, view all amusements

with a suspicious eye, has entirely changed the character of these

Moorish camps around the town, and it may be in consequence of this

influence that there was no dancing or singing here.

Notwithstanding trifling incidents like these, which tended occasionally

to alleviate the tediousness of our stay, I was deeply afflicted by the

immense delay and loss of time, and did not allow an opportunity to pass

by of urging my protector to hasten our departure; and he promised me

that, as I was not looking for property, he should not keep me long.

But, nevertheless, his slow and deliberate character could not be

overcome, and it was not until the arrival of another messenger from

Hamda-Alláhi, with a fresh order to the Sheikh to deliver me into his

hands, that he was induced to return into the town.

My situation in this turbulent place now approached a serious crisis;

but, through the care which my friends took of me, I was not allowed to

become fully aware of the danger I was in. The Sheikh himself was

greatly excited, but came to no decision with regard to the measures to

be taken; and at times he did not see any safety for me except by my

taking refuge with the Tawárek, and placing myself entirely under their

protection. But as for myself I remained quiet, although my spirits were

far from being buoyant; especially as, during this time, I suffered

severely from rheumatism; and I had become so tired of this stay outside

in the tents, where I was not able to write, that, when the Sheikh went

out again in the evening of the 16th, I begged him to let me remain

where I was. Being anxious about my safety, he returned the following

evening. However, on the 22nd, I was obliged to accompany him on another

visit to the tents, which had now been pitched in a different place, on

a bleak sandy eminence, about five miles east from the town, but this

time he kept his promise of not staying more than twenty-four hours. It

was at this encampment that I saw again the last four of my camels,

which at length, after innumerable delays, and with immense expense, had

been brought from beyond the river, but they were in a miserable

condition, and furnished another excuse to my friends for putting off my

departure, the animals being scarcely fit to undertake a journey.

[Footnote 129: The chief information related to the circumstance that

all the four quarters of that town, together with two other quarters

which in a wider sense are included in the place, are situated on the

south side of the river, as has been stated already in Recueil des

Voyages, tom. ii. p. 53. Mungo Park, who states (First Journey p. 195.)

the contrary, was evidently mistaken; and from the circumstances under

which he passed by Ségo, as a despised and suspected person, his mistake

is easily intelligible. The two quarters which in a wider sense still

belong to Ségo are called Benánkoró and Bammabúgu, in the former of

which a well frequented market is held. There is, besides, a village

close by called Bebára.]

[Footnote 130: My information as to the succession of the kings of

Bámbara does not agree with that received by M. Faidherbe, the present

governor of Senegal, published in the “Revue Coloniale,” 1857, p. 279. I

shall refer to this subject in another place.]

[Footnote 131: I will here remark, although I have to speak repeatedly

of this chief, that the name seems to be an abbreviation, meaning

probably قطب الدين that is, “pillar of the faith.”]

[Footnote 132: I will give, in this place, some particulars as to the

court of Hamda-Alláhi; حَمْدَ اللَهِ the name is written by the natives.

Mohammed Lebbo ruled from A.H. 1241 to 1262; his son Sheikho (pronounced

also Seko) Áhmedu, till 1269. This is the chief whom M. Faidherbe (Revue

Col. 1857, p. 279) calls Balógo, a Mandingo name, which means nothing

but “war chief.” Sheikho Áhmedu, in spite of the opposition of a strong

party, was succeeded by his young son Áhmedu. All the members of the

royal family live together in one and the same courtyard, which has

something of a round shape, the yard of the chief himself forming the

centre, and those of the four surviving sons of Mohammed Lebbo, viz.

ʿAbd Alláhi, ʿAbd e’ Salám, Hámidu, and ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, lying opposite

each other around the wall. Of these uncles of the sheikho, ʿAbd Alláhi

is the richest, and is said to possess a great amount of gold, 1700

slaves, 1900 head of cattle, 40 horses, and 20 boats on the river.]

[Footnote 133: I recommend the reader who takes any interest in the

subject to read the whole passage of Caillié relating to this mosque,

English ed. vol. ii. p. 71. The Tawáti took the measurement with my

line.]

[Footnote 134: Caillié, Travels to Timbuctoo, vol. ii. p. 56.]

[Footnote 135: Sane-gungu means, properly, the island, or the quarter of

the whites, “kirsh el bedhán.”]

[Footnote 136: See about the Kasbah, Áhmed Bábá’s account, Journal of

the Leipsic Oriental Society, vol. ix. p. 550.]

[Footnote 137: I must here testify to the accuracy with which Mr.

Raffenel, in the plates illustrating his two journeys in Negroland, has

represented the character of these Western Arabs or Moors.]

CHAP. LXIX.

POLITICAL STATE OF THE COUNTRY. — DANGEROUS CRISIS.

In the meantime, while I was thus warding off a decisive blow from my

enemies, the political horizon of these extensive regions became rather

more turbulent than usual; and war and feud raged in every quarter.

Towards the north the communication with Morocco was quite interrupted,

the tribe of the Tájakánt, who almost exclusively keep up that

communication, being engaged in civil war, which had arisen in this way.

A “Jakáni”[138] called ʿAbd Allah Weled Mulúd, and belonging to that

section of their tribe which is called Drʿawa, had slain a chief of the

Érgebát who had come to sue for peace, and had been killed in his turn

by the chief of his own tribe, a respectable and straightforward man of

the name of Mohammed El Mukhtár Merábet. Thus, two factions having

arisen, one consisting of the Újarát and the Áhel e’ Sherk, and the

other being formed by the Drʿawa and their allies, a sanguinary war was

carried on. But notwithstanding the unfavourable state of this quarter,

which is so important for the wellbeing of the town, on account of its

intercourse with the north, the Sheikh, who was always anxious to

establish peaceable intercourse, repeatedly told me that although he

regarded the road along the river, under the protection of the Tawárek,

as the safest for myself, he should endeavour to open the northern road

for future travellers from Merákesh, or Morocco, by way of Tafilélet,

and that he should make an arrangement to this effect with the Áʿaríb

and Tájakánt, though there is no doubt that it was the Áʿaríb who killed

Mr. Davidson, a few days after he had set out from Wádí Nún in the

company of the Tájakánt. There was just at the time a man of authority,

of the name of Hámed Weled e’ Síd, belonging to this tribe, present in

the town. On one occasion he came to pay me a visit, girt with his long

bowie knife. I had however not much confidence in these northern Moors;

and seeing him advance through my court-yard in company with another

man, I started up from my couch and met him halfway; and although he

behaved with some discretion, and even wanted to clear his countrymen

from the imputation of having murdered the above-mentioned traveller, I

thought it more prudent to beg him to keep at a respectful distance.

Just at this time a large foray was undertaken by a troop of 400

Awelímmiden against the Hogár, but it returned almost empty-handed, and

with the loss of one of their principal men. Towards the south, the

enterprising chief El Khadír, whom I have mentioned on a former

occasion, was pushing strenuously forward against his inveterate enemies

the Fúlbe, or Fullán, although the report which we heard at this time,

of his having taken the town of Hómbori, was not subsequently confirmed.

But, on the whole, the fact of this Berber tribe pushing always on into

the heart of Negroland, is very remarkable; and there is no doubt that

if a great check had not been given them by the Fúlbe, they would have

overpowered ere this the greater part of the region north of 13° N.

latitude. Great merit, no doubt, is due to the Fúlbe, for thus rescuing

these regions from the grasp of the Berber tribes of the desert,

although as a set-off it must be admitted that they do not understand

how to organise a firm and benevolent government, which would give full

security to the intercourse of people of different nationalities,

instead of destroying the little commerce still existing in these

unfortunate regions, by forcing upon the natives their own religious

prejudices.

The danger of my situation increased when, on the 17th November, some

more messengers from the prince of Hamda-Alláhi arrived in order to

raise the zekʿa[139], and at the same time we received authentic

information that the Fúlbe had made an attempt to instigate Áwáb, the

chief of the Tademékket, upon whom I chiefly relied for my security, to

betray me into their hands. News also arrived that the Welád Slímán,

that section of the Berabísh to which belongs especially the chief Hámed

Weled ʿAbéda, who killed Major Laing, had bound themselves by an oath to

put me to death. But my situation became still more critical towards the

close of the month, when, having once more left the town for the tents,

we received information that a fresh party had arrived from the capital

with the strictest orders to take me dead or alive. Being therefore

afraid that my people, whom I had left in the town, frightened by the

danger, might be induced to send my luggage out of the house where I was

lodged, I sent in the course of the night the servant whom I had with me

at the time, with strict orders not to move anything; but, before he

reached the town, my other people had sent away my two large boxes to

Táleb el Wáfi, the storekeeper of the Sheikh. But fortunately I did not

sustain any loss from this proceeding, nothing being missing from these

boxes, notwithstanding they had been left quite open.

[Sidenote: Thursday, Dec. 1st.]

Having passed a rather anxious night, with my pistols in my girdle, and

ready for any emergency, I was glad when, in the morning, I saw my boy

return accompanied by Mohammed el ʿAísh. But I learned that the people

of the town were in a state of great excitement, and that there was no

doubt but an attack would be made upon my house the next morning. Thus

much I made out myself; but, having no idea of the imminence of the

danger, in the course of the day I sent away my only servant with my two

horses, for the purpose of being watered. But my Tawáti friend seemed to

be better informed, and taking his post on the rising ground of the

sandy downs, on the slope of which we were encamped, kept an anxious

look out towards the town. About dhohor, or two o’clock in the

afternoon, he gave notice of the approach of horsemen in the distance,

and while I went into my tent to look after my effects, Mohammed el

Khalíl rushed in suddenly, crying out to me to arm myself. Upon this I

seized all the arms I had, consisting of a double-barrelled gun, three

pistols, and a sword; and I had scarcely come out when I met the Sheikh

himself with the small six-barrelled pistol which I had given him in his

hand. Handing one of my large pistols to Mohammed ben Mukhtár, a young

man of considerable energy, and one of the chief followers of the

Sheikh, I knelt down and pointed my gun at the foremost of the horsemen

who, to the number of thirteen, were approaching. Having been brought to

a stand by our threatening to fire if they came nearer, their officer

stepped forward crying out that he had a letter to deliver to the

Sheikh; but the latter forbade him to come near, saying that he would

only receive the letter in the town, and not in the desert. The

horsemen, finding that I was ready to shoot down the first two or three

who should approach me, consulted with each other and then slowly fell

back, relieving us from our anxious situation. But, though reassured of

my own safety, I had my fears as to my servant and my two horses, and

was greatly delighted when I saw them safely return from the water.

However, our position soon became more secure in consequence of the

arrival of Sídi Álawáte, accompanied by a troop of armed men, amongst

whom there were some musketeers. It now remained to be decided what

course we should pursue, and there was great indecision, Álawáte wanting

to remain himself with me at the tents, while the Sheikh returned to the

town.

But besides my dislike to stay any longer at the encampment, I had too

little confidence in the younger brother of the Sheikh to trust my life

in his hands, and I was therefore extremely delighted to find that El

Bakáy himself, and Mohammed el ʿAísh, thought it best for me to return

into the town. At the moment when we mounted our horses, a troop of Kél-

hekíkan, although not always desirable companions, mounted on mehára,

became visible in the distance, so that in their company we re-entered

Timbúktu, not only with full security, but with great _éclat_, and

without a single person daring to oppose our entrance; though Hammádi,

the Sheikh’s rival, was just about to collect his followers in order to

come himself and fight us at the tents. Frustrated in this plan, he came

to my protector in his “msíd,” or place of prayer in front of his house,

and had a serious conversation with him, while the followers of the

latter armed themselves in order to anticipate any treachery or evil

design, of which they were greatly afraid. But the interview passed off

quietly, and, keeping strict watch on the terrace of our house, we

passed the ensuing night without further disturbance.

This happened on the 1st of December; and the following morning, in

conformity with the Sheikh’s protest, that he would receive the emír of

Hamda-Alláhi’s letter only in Timbúktu, the messenger arrived; but the

latter being a man of ignoble birth called Mohammed ben Sʿaíd, the

character of the messenger irritated my host almost more even than the

tenor of the letter, which ordered him to give me and my property up

into the hands of his (the emír’s) people. After having given vent to

his anger, he sent for me, and handed me the letter, together with

another which had been addressed to the emír Kaúri, and the whole

community of the town, Whites as well as Blacks (el bedhán ú e’ sudán),

threatening them with condign punishment, if they should not capture me,

or watch me in such a manner that I could not escape.

The serious character which affairs had assumed, and the entire

revolution which my own personal business caused in the daily life of

the community, were naturally very distressing to me, and nothing could

be more against my wish than to irritate the fanatical and not powerless

ruler of Hamda-Alláhi. It had been my most anxious desire from the

beginning, to obtain the goodwill of this chief by sending him a

present, but my friends here had frustrated my design; and even if in

the beginning it had been possible, a supposition which is more than

doubtful, considering the whole character of the Fúlbe of Hamda-Alláhi,

it was now too late, as Séko Áhmedu had become my inveterate enemy, and

I could only cling with the greater tenacity to the only trustworthy

protector whom I had here, the Sheikh El Bakáy. In acknowledgment

therefore of his straightforward conduct, I sent him, as soon as I had

again taken quiet possession of my quarters, some presents to distribute

among the Tawárek, besides giving the head man of the latter a small

extra gift, and some powder and Háusa cloth to distribute among our

friends. However, my situation remained very precarious. As if a serious

combat was about to ensue, all the inhabitants tried their firearms, and

there was a great deal of firing in the whole town, while the Morocco

merchants, with ʿAbd e’ Salám at their head, endeavoured to lessen the

Sheikh’s regard for me, by informing him that not even in their country

(Morocco) were the Christians treated with so much regard, not only

their luggage but even their dress being there searched on entering the

country. But the Sheikh was not to be talked over in this manner, and

adhered to me without wavering for a moment. He then sat down and wrote

a spirited and circumstantial letter to Séko Áhmedu, wherein he

reproached him with attempting to take out of his hands by force a man

better versed in subjects of religion than he, the emír himself, who had

come from a far distant country to pay him his respects, and who was his

guest.

The following day, while I was in the company of the Sheikh, the emír

Kaúri and the kádhi San-shírfu, together with several other principal

personages, called upon him, when I paid my compliments to them all, and

found that the latter especially was a very respectable man. My friend

had provided for any emergency, having sent to the Tademékket,

requesting them urgently to come to his assistance; and, in the evening

of the 6th of December, Áwáb, the chief of the Tin-ger-égedesh, arrived

with fifty horse, and was lodged by El Bakáy in the neighbourhood of our

quarters.

The next morning the Sheikh sent for me to pay my compliments to this

chief. I found him a very stately person of a proud commanding bearing,

clad in a jellába tobe, striped red and white, and ornamented with green

silk, his head adorned with a high red cap, an article of dress which is

very rarely seen here, either among the Tawárek or even the Arabs.

Having saluted him, I explained to him the reason of my coming, and for

what purpose I sought imána; and when he raised an objection on account

of my creed, because I did not acknowledge Mohammed as a prophet, I

succeeded in warding off his attack, by telling him that they themselves

did not acknowledge Mohammed as the only prophet, but likewise

acknowledged Músa, ʿAísa, and many others; and that, in reality, they

seemed to acknowledge in a certain degree the superiority of ʿAísa, by

supposing that he was to return at the end of the world; and that thus,

while we had a different prophet, but adored and worshipped one and the

same God, and, leaving out of the question a few divergencies in point

of diet and morals, followed the same religious principles as they

themselves did, it seemed to me that we were nearer to each other than

he thought, and might well be friends, offering to each other those

advantages which each of us commanded.

We then came to speak about their history. I told him that I had visited

their old dwelling-places in Aír, Tíggeda, and Tádmekka; but he was

totally unaware of the fanciful derivation which the Arab authors have

given to the latter name, viz. “likeness of Mekka,”[140] which probably

never belonged to one town in particular, but has always been the name

of a tribe. He felt, however, very much flattered by this piece of

information, and seemed extremely delighted, when I told him how old the

Islám was in his tribe. My little knowledge of these historical and

religious matters was of invaluable service to me, and particularly in

this instance, for obtaining the esteem of the natives and for

overcoming their prejudices; for while this chief himself scarcely

understood a single word of Arabic, so that I could only speak with him

in very broken Temáshight or Tárkíye, his brother, El Khattáf, was well

versed in that language, and spoke it fluently.

Having left the people to converse among themselves, I returned to the

Sheikh in the afternoon, taking with me a present for Áwáb, consisting

of a chequered tobe (such as I have described on a former occasion[141],

and which are great favourites with these people), two túrkedí, and two

black tesílgemíst, or shawls, besides another shawl and a handkerchief

for his messenger, or mʿallem, who is the confidential factotum of every

Tárki chief. He was as thankful as these barbarians can be, but wished

to see something marvellous, as characteristic of the industry of our

country; but I begged him to have patience, till, on some future

occasion, some other person belonging to our nation should come to pay

him a visit.

While I was staying there, a Púllo chief arrived from Gúndam with two

companions, and reproached the Sheikh in my presence for having shown so

much regard for an unbeliever, whose effects at least ought to have been

delivered up to the chief of Hamda-Alláhi: but I imposed silence upon

him, by showing him how little he himself knew of religious matters in

calling me an unbeliever; and telling him, that if he had really any

knowledge of, and faith in, his creed, his first duty was to try to

convert those of his own countrymen who were still idolaters. At the

same time I told the Tárki chief Áwáb, that it seemed to me as if they

were afraid of the Fúlbe, or else they would certainly not allow them to

molest travellers who visited this place with friendly intentions, while

they could not even protect the natives. In reply he alleged that they

were by no means afraid of them, having vanquished them on a former

occasion, but that they only awaited the arrival of their kinsfolk to

show them that they were the real masters of Timbúktu.

To add to the conflict of these opposing interests, a great number of

strangers were at this time collected in the town, most of whom were of

a far more fanatical disposition than the inhabitants themselves, who,

on the whole, are very good-natured. The Berabísh alone, who had come

into the town with about one thousand camels carrying their salt,

mustered one hundred and twenty horse, prepared, no doubt, to fight the

Fullán, if the latter should attempt to levy the “ʿashúr,” or the tithe,

but still more hostilely disposed towards the Christian stranger who had

intruded upon this remote corner, one of the most respected seats of the

Mohammedan faith, and against whom they had a personal reason of

hostility, as they were commanded by ʿAlí, the son of Hámed Weled

ʿAbéda, the acknowledged murderer of Major Laing; and, of course, the

news of my residence in the town, and of the hostile disposition of the

Fúlbe, who had now been two months attempting in vain to drive me out of

it, had spread far and wide.

This great influx of strangers into the town raised the price of all

sorts of provisions, particularly that of Negro corn and rice, in a

remarkable degree, the latter rising from 6000 to 7500 shells the

“suníye,” while the former, which a few days before had been sold for

3750, equal at that time to one and a half “rás” of salt, rose to the

exorbitant price of 6000 shells.

In the evening of the 7th, a slave suddenly arrived with the news that a

letter had reached my address from the north. He was followed a short

time afterwards by Mohammed el ʿAísh, who brought me the parcel, in

question, which, however, had been opened. The letter was from Mr.

Charles Dickson, Her Majesty’s Vice-Consul in Ghadámes, dated June 18th,

and enclosing, besides some recommendations to native merchants, a

number of “Galignani,” which informed me of the first movements of the

Russians on the Danube. The Ghadámsíye people, who were the bearers of

the letter, had already spread the news of a dreadful battle having been

fought between the Turks and the Russians, in which 30,000 of the latter

had been slain, and 40,000 made prisoners.

The following day Áwáb, who himself had arrived with fifty horsemen, was

joined by his cousin Fandaghúmme with fifty more. This was very

fortunate, for, about dhohor, the Fúlbe held a conference, or

“kéndegáy,” in the Géngeré-bér, or Jámʿa el Kebíra, where Hámed Weled

Fʿaamme, the malignant and hostile kádhi, made a violent speech before

the assembly, exhorting the people to go immediately and carry out the

order of their liege lord the Sheikho Áhmedu, even if they were to fight

conjointly against El Bakáy, Áwáb, and the emír Kaúri, whom he

represented as disobedient, and almost rebellious to his liege lord. A

friend of the latter, who knew the cowardly disposition of the speaker,

then rose in the assembly, and exhorted the kádhi to lead the van, and

proceed to the attack, when every one would follow him. But the kádhi

not choosing to expose his own person to danger nothing was done, and

the assembly separated, every one going quietly to his home.

Meanwhile the two Tawárek chiefs, with their principal men, were

assembled in the house of the Sheikh, where I went to meet them, but

found them not quite satisfied with the part which they were acting.

They entered into a warm dispute with me upon the subject of religion,

but soon found themselves so perplexed, that they left it to the Sheikh

to answer all my objections. A Protestant Christian may easily defend

his creed against these children of the desert, as long as they have not

recourse to arms.

Next morning we left the narrow lanes of Timbúktu, and entered upon the

open sandy desert, accompanied by the two Tawárek chiefs, each of whom

had fifteen companions. The tents being now further removed from the

town, near the border of the inundations of the river, the camping

ground was pleasant, and well adorned with trees; and having taken my

own tent with me, where I could stretch myself out without being

infested by the vermin which swarm in the native carpets, I enjoyed the

open encampment extremely. Leathern tents had been pitched for the

Tawárek, who in a short time made themselves quite at home, and were in

high spirits. They became very much interested in a map of Africa which

I showed to them, with the adjoining shores of Arabia, and they paid a

compliment to their prophet by kissing the site of Mekka.

Being thus on good terms with my barbaric veiled friends the Molathemún,

I enjoyed extremely, the following morning, the half-desert scenery,

enlivened as it was by horses, camels, cattle, and interesting groups of

men; but about noon a serious alarm arose, a great many horses being

seen in the distance, and the number being exaggerated by some people to

as many as two hundred. In consequence, we saddled our horses with great

speed, and I mounted with my servants, while the Tawárek also kept their

animals in readiness; but the advancing host appeared rather of a

peaceable character, consisting of about twenty-five of the most

respectable inhabitants of the town, with Muláy ʿAbd e’ Salám and

Fasídi, the latter a very noble old man, at their head. They came,

however, on a very important errand, based on the direct order as

promulgated by the emír of Hamda-Alláhi, and addressed to the whole

community, being in hopes that, through their personal authority, they

might obtain from my host, in a friendly manner, what he had denied to

the display of force. They had two requests, both aimed against myself:

first, that El Bakáy should give them a copy of the letter which I was

said to have brought with me from Stambúl; and the second, which was

more explicit, that I should not return into the town. Now my firmán

from Stambúl was my greatest trouble, for having anxiously requested Her

British Majesty’s Government to send such a document after me, I always

expected to receive it by some means or other; but I was not less

disappointed in this respect, than in my expectation of receiving a

letter of recommendation from Morocco; nevertheless, as I had some other

letters from Mohammedans, the Sheikh promised to comply with the first

demand of these people, while he refused to pay any attention to the

second. After some unsuccessful negotiation, the messengers retraced

their steps rather disheartened.

In order to attach more sincerely to my interest the Tawárek chiefs, who

were my only supporters, I gave to Fandaghúmme a present equal to the

one I had given to Áwáb. Next morning there arrived a troop of fugitives

who were anxious to put themselves under the protection of the Sheikh.

They belonged to the tribe of the Surk, who, from being the indigenous

tribe on that part of the Niger which extends on both sides of the lake

Debu, had been degraded, in the course of time, to the condition of

serfs, and were threatened by the fanatical Sheikho Áhmedu with being

sold into slavery. Of course it is the Sheikh El Bakáy’s policy to

extend his protection to whatever quarter is threatened by the Fúlbe;

but, in this case, sympathy with the miserable fate of these poor people

led him to interfere.

It was near sunset when we mounted in order to return into the town; and

on the way I kept up a conversation with Áwáb, till the time of the

mughreb prayer arrived, when the whole of my friends went to pray on the

desert ground, while I myself, remaining on horseback, went a little on

one side of the track. My companions afterwards contended that it was

from motives of pride and arrogance that I did not humble myself in the

dust before the Almighty. I should certainly have liked to kneel down

and thank Providence for the remarkable manner in which my life had

hitherto been preserved; but I did not deem it politic to give way to

their mode of thinking and worship in any respect; for I should have

soon been taken for a Mohammedan, and once in such a false position,

there would have been no getting out of it.

We then entered the town amidst the shouts of the people, who, by the

appearance of the moon, had just discovered, as is very often the case

in these regions, that they had been a day out in their reckoning, and

that the following day was the festival of the Mulúd, or the birthday of

Mohammed; and I was allowed to take quiet possession of my quarters.

The same evening I had an interesting conversation with the chief Áwáb,

who paid me a long visit, in company with his mʿallem, and gave me the

first account of the proceedings of that Christian traveller Mungo Park

(to use his own words), who, about fifty years ago, came down the river

in a large boat; describing the manner in which he had been first

attacked by the Tawárek below Kábara, where he had lost some time in

endeavouring to open a communication with the natives, while the Tin-

ger-égedesh forwarded the news of his arrival, without delay, to the

Igwádaren, who, having collected their canoes, attacked him, first near

Bamba, and then again at the narrow passage of Tósaye[142], though all

in vain; till at length, the boat of that intrepid traveller having

stuck fast at Ensýmmo (probably identical with Ansóngo), the Tawárek of

that neighbourhood made another fierce and more successful attack,

causing him an immense deal of trouble, and killing, as Áwáb asserted,

two of his Christian companions. He also gave me a full account of the

iron hook with which the boat was provided against hippopotami and

hostile canoes; and his statement altogether proved what an immense

excitement the mysterious appearance of this European traveller, in his

solitary boat, had caused among all the surrounding tribes.

This chief being very anxious to obtain some silver, I thought it best,

in order to convince all the people that I had no dollars left (although

I had saved about twenty for my journey to Háusa), to give him my silver

knife and fork, besides some large silver rings which I had by me; and

he was very glad to have obtained a sufficient quantity of this much-

esteemed metal for adorning his beloved wife.

These Tawárek chiefs who had thus become well disposed towards me,

through the interference of the Sheikh, wrote an excellent letter of

franchise for any Englishman visiting this country, thus holding out the

first glimmer of hope of a peaceable intercourse. But my own experience

leaves no room for doubt that these chiefs are not strong enough of

themselves to defend a Christian against the attacks of the Fúlbe in the

upper course of the river above Timbúktu, besides the fact that Áwáb is

too nearly connected with the latter to be entirely trusted. It was on

this account that my host esteemed his cousin Fandaghúmme much higher,

and placed greater reliance on him, although the actual chieftainship

rested with Áwáb. All this business, however, together with the writing

of the letter to the chief of Hamda-Alláhi, which was rejected in

several forms, and caused a great many representations from the chief

men of the town, proved extremely tedious to me. My health, too, at that

time was in a very indifferent condition, and I suffered repeatedly from

attacks of fever. In a sanitary point of view, Timbúktu can in no wise

be reckoned among the more favoured places of these regions. Both

Sansándi and Ségo are considered more healthy. But, notwithstanding my

sickly state, I had sufficient strength left to finish several letters,

which, together with a map of the western part of the desert, I intended

sending home by the first opportunity.

As the waters increased more and more, and began to cover all the

lowlands, I should have liked very much to rove about along those many

backwaters which are formed by the river, in order to witness the

interesting period of the rice harvest, which was going on just at this

time. It was collected in small canoes, only the spikes of the upper

part of the stalks emerging from the water. But new rice was not brought

into the town till the beginning of January, and then only in small

quantities, the sʿaa being sold for 100 shells.

[Sidenote: December 19th.]

This was an important day: important to the Mohammedans as the ʿAíd e’

subúwa, and celebrated by them with prayers and séddega, or alms; and

not unimportant for myself, for my relation to the town’s-people had

meanwhile assumed a more serious character. Sheikho (Séko) Áhmedu had

threatened, that if the inhabitants of Timbúktu did not assist in

driving me out of the town, he would cut off the supply of corn. This

induced the emír Kaúri to undertake a journey to the capital, in order

to prevent the malicious intrigues of the kádhi Weled Fʿaamme, who was

about to embark for that place, from making matters worse.

I have stated before, that, together with the caravan of the Berabísh

(the plural of Berbúshi), which had arrived on the 12th with a

considerable armed host, ʿAlí, the son of the old sheikh Áhmed, or

Hámed, Weled ʿAbéda, had come to Timbúktu; and, seeing that I was a

great friend of the Sheikh El Bakáy, he had not come to pay his

compliments to the latter, but had pitched his camp outside the town,

and his people manifested their hostility towards me on several

occasions. But, by a most providential dispensation, on the seventeenth

the chief fell suddenly sick, and in the morning of the nineteenth he

died. His death made an extraordinary impression upon the people, as it

was a well-known fact that it was his father who had killed the former

Christian who had visited this place; and the more so, as it was

generally believed that I was Major Laing’s son.

It was the more important, as the report had been generally spread that,

as I have observed before, the Welád Slímán, the principal and most

noble section of the Berabísh, had sworn to kill me; and the people

could not but think that there was some supernatural connection between

the death of this man, at this place and at this period, and the

murderous deed perpetrated by his father: and, on the whole, I cannot

but think that this event exercised a salutary influence upon my final

safety. The followers of the chief of the Berabísh were so frightened by

this tragical event that they came in great procession to the Sheikh El

Bakáy, to beg his pardon for their neglect, and to obtain his blessing;

nay, the old man himself, a short time afterwards, sent word, that he

would in no way interfere with my departure, but wished nothing better

than that I might reach home in safety. The excitement of the people on

account of my stay here thus settled down a little, and the party of the

Fúlbe seemed quietly to await the result produced by the answer which

the Sheikh had forwarded to Hamda-Alláhi.

On the 21st December we again went in the afternoon to the tents. For

the first time since my arrival in this town, I rode my own stately

charger, which, having remained so many months in the stable, feeding

upon the nutritive grass of the býrgu, had so completely recruited his

strength that in my desperately weak state I was scarcely able to manage

him. The desert presented a highly interesting spectacle. A considerable

stream, formed by the river, poured its waters with great force into the

valleys and depressions of this sandy region, and gave an appearance of

truth to the fabulous statement[143] of thirty-six rivers flowing

through this tract. After a few hours’ repose, I was able to keep up a

long conversation with the Sheikh in the evening, about Paradise and the

divine character of the Kurán. This time our stay at the tents afforded

more opportunity than usual for interesting conversation, and bore

altogether a more religious character, my protector being anxious to

convince his friends and followers of the depth of the faith of the

Christians; and I really lamented that circumstances did not allow me to

enter so freely into the details of the creed of these people, and to

make myself acquainted with all its characteristics, as I should have

liked.

Part of the day the Sheikh read and recited to his pupils chapters from

the hadíth of Bokhári, while his young son repeated his lesson aloud

from the Kurán, and in the evening several surát, or chapters, of the

holy book were beautifully chanted by the pupils, till a late hour of

the night. There was nothing more charming to me than to hear these

beautiful verses chanted by sonorous voices in this open desert country,

round the evening fire, with nothing to disturb the sound, which softly

reverberated from the slope of the sandy downs opposite. A Christian

must have been a witness to such scenes in order to treat with justice

the Mohammedans and their creed. Let us not forget that, but for the

worship of images and the quarrels about the most absurdly superstitious

notions which distracted the Christian Church during the seventh

century, there would have been no possibility of the establishment of a

new creed based on the principles of Monotheism, and opposed in open

hostility to Christianity. Let us also take into account that the most

disgusting feature attaching to the morals of Mohammedans has been

introduced by the Mongolish tribes from Central Asia, and excited the

most unqualified horror in the founder of the religion.

Peace and security seemed to prevail in this little encampment. In

general the whole of this region to the north of the river is entirely

free from beasts of prey, with the exception of jackals; but at present,

together with the rising water, which had entirely changed the character

of these districts, a lion had entered this desert tract, and one day

killed three goats, and the following one two asses, one of which was

remarkable for its great strength.

Remaining here a couple of days, on the evening of the 25th we had again

a long conversation, which was very characteristic of the different

state of mind of the Christian in comparison with that of the

Mohammedan. While speaking of European institutions, I informed my host

of the manner in which we were accustomed to insure property by sea as

well as on land, including even harvests, nay, even the lives of the

people. He appeared greatly astonished, and was scarcely able to believe

it; and while he could not deny that it was a good “debbára,” or device,

for this world, he could not but think, as a pious Moslim, that such

proceedings might endanger the safety of the soul in the next. However,

he was delighted to see that Christians took such care for the welfare

of the family which they might leave behind; and it was an easy task to

prove to him that, as to making profits in any way whatever, his co-

religionists, who think any kind of usury unlawful, were in no way

better than the Christians; for, although the former do not openly take

usury, they manage affairs so cleverly that they demand a much higher

per centage than any honest Christian would accept. I had a fair

opportunity of citing, as an instance, one of those merchants resident

in Timbúktu, to whom I had been recommended by Mr. Dickson, and who had

consented to advance me a small loan, under such conditions that he was

to receive almost triple the sum which he was to lend.

[Sidenote: December 25th.]

This day was also an important epoch for the inhabitants of the place,

the water having entered the wells, which are situated round the

southern and south-western part of the town; and this period, which is

said to occur only about every third year, obtains the same importance

here as the “lélet e’ nuktah” possesses with the inhabitants of

Cairo[144]; viz. the day or night on which the dyke which separates the

canal from the river is cut. The whole road from Kábara was now so

inundated that it was no longer passable for asses, and small boats very

nearly approached the town.

When my host made his appearance on the morning of the 26th, he was not

as usual clad in a black tobe, but in a red kaftán, with a white cloth

bernús over it. He began speaking most cheerfully about my approaching

departure, and had the camels brought before me, which now looked

infinitely better than when they were last conveyed from the other bank

of the river; but as I had become fully aware of his dilatory character,

I did not place much reliance upon the hope which he held out to me of

soon entering upon my home journey. We had heard of the messenger whom

he had sent to the Awelímmiden, in order to induce the chief of that

tribe to come to Timbúktu and to take me under his protection, having

reached the settlements of that tribe; but I was aware that the opposite

party would do all in their power to prevent the chief from approaching

the town, as they were fully conscious that the Sheikh wanted to employ

him and his host of warlike people, in order to subdue the Fullán and

the faction opposed to his own authority.

[Sidenote: December 27th.]

Feeling my head much better, and having recruited my strength with a

diet of meat and milk, I began to enjoy the rehála life, and, it being a

beautiful morning, I took a good walk to an eminence situated at some

distance north of my tent, from whence I had a distant view of the

landscape. The country presented an intermediate character between the

desert and a sort of less favoured pasture ground, stretching out in an

undulating surface, with a sandy soil tolerably well clad with middle-

sized acacias and with thorny bushes, where the goat finds sufficient

material for browsing. The streams of running water which, with their

silvery threads, enlivened these bare desert tracts, now extended a

considerable distance farther inland than had been the case a few days

before; and the whole presented a marvellous and delightful spectacle,

which, no doubt, must fill travellers from the north who reach Timbúktu

at such a season with astonishment. Hence, on their return home, they

spread the report of those numerous streams which are said to join the

river at that remarkable place, while, on the contrary, these streams

issue _from_ the river, and after running inland for a short time,

return to join the main trunk, though of course with decreased volume,

owing to absorption and evaporation.

All the people of the town who did not belong to any trade or

profession, together with the inhabitants of the neighbouring districts,

were still busily employed with the rice harvest; and this was a serious

affair for my horses, a much smaller quantity of býrgu, that is to say,

of that excellent nutritious grass of the Niger, which I have had

repeatedly occasion to mention, being brought into the town. Meanwhile

the price of the merchandise from the north went on increasing. A piece

of khám, or malti (unbleached calico), now sold for 5700 shells (at

least on the 26th of January), but in the beginning of February it rose

to 7200; this fluctuation in the prices constitutes the profit of the

merchants, who buy their supplies on the arrival of a caravan and store

it up.

The commercial activity of the town had received some further increase,

owing to the arrival of another caravan from Tawát, with black Háusa

manufactures, tobacco, and dates, so that I was able to lay in a good

store of this latter luxury, which is not always to be got here, but

which, in the cold season, is not at all to be despised. Besides

receiving a handsome present of dates from my noble Tawáti friend

Mohammed el ʿAísh, I bought two measures (neffek) and a half of the kind

called tin-áser for 4000 shells; for the “tin-akór,” the most celebrated

species of dates from Tawát, were not to be procured at this time.[145]

As for tobacco, I did not care a straw about it, and in this respect I

might have been on the very best terms with my fanatical friends, the

Fúlbe of Hamda-Alláhi, who offer such a determined opposition to smoking

upon religious principles. In a commercial respect, however, tobacco

forms a more important article in the trade of Timbúktu than dates,

although refined smokers here prefer the tobacco of Wádí-Nún to that of

Tawát. But even these had an opportunity of gratifying their inclination

at this season, for only two days after the arrival of the Tawáti

caravan, a small troop of Tájakánt traders, with eighty camels, entered

the town. The feud which raged between the different sections of this

tribe, which, as I stated before, chiefly keeps up the commercial

relations of Timbúktu with the north, on the one hand, and the war

raging between the whole of this tribe and the Érgebát on the other,

interrupted at this time almost entirely the peaceable intercourse

between Timbúktu and the southern region of Morocco.

The arrival of these people enabled me to purchase half a weight of

sugar, equal to six pounds and a quarter, with a corresponding quantity

of tea (viz. half a pound), for three dollars; for, as I have said

before, there had been no sugar previously in the market. Even when

there is plenty, neither tea nor sugar can be bought separately. These

articles must be bought together. It is remarkable that a similar custom

is still prevalent in many parts of Europe, and even in this country.

The arrival of these Tájakánt procured me also the luxury of a couple of

pomegranates, which had been brought by them from the Gharb, and which

gave me an opportunity of expostulating with the Sheikh on the

disgraceful circumstance, that such fruits as these are now only

procurable from the north, while this country itself might produce them

quite as well, and had in reality done so in former times. Even limes

are not at present grown hereabouts, and it was only from Jenni that I

had obtained some days previously a few specimens of this delicious kind

of fruit, which grows in such plenty in Kanó, and which might be raised

in almost any part of this region. Thus closed the year 1853, leaving me

in a most unsettled position in this desert place.

[Footnote 138: That is the singular form of the name Tájakánt.]

[Footnote 139: Of the amount of the zekʿa, I shall speak in another

chapter.]

[Footnote 140: El Bekrí, ed. de Slane, p. 181. ومعنى تادمكة هية مكة. See

Cooley, “Negroland of the Arabs,” p. 30, n. 52.]

[Footnote 141: See Vol. II. p. 129.]

[Footnote 142: The Tawárek must have attacked Park either far above or

below this narrow passage, where, as I afterwards found, the current is

very strong; and, as I shall relate further on, he seems to have passed

quietly by Tin-sherífen.]

[Footnote 143: See one of these native reports in Duncan’s account of

his exploration in Dahome. Journal Geog. Soc. vol. xvi. p. 157.]

[Footnote 144: Lane’s Modern Egyptians, ed. 1836, vol. ii. p. 255.]

[Footnote 145: The other kinds of dates of Tawát are: Áhartán, Tigáze,

Tazarzay, Tin-waríggelí, Tedemámet, Bú-Makhlúf, Tin-kásseri, Tin-dokán,

Tin-nijdel, Tilímsu, Timbozéri, Adíkkeli, Gófagús, Dággelet-núr. The

district of Aúléf is the most famous for its dates.]

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX I.

PRESENT CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE OF ZÁNFARA.

The province of _Zánfara_ in former times was far more extensive than at

present, its ancient capital being situated half a day (hantsi) east

from Sansánne ʿAísa on the road to Tóze, and this is perhaps Birni-n-

Zánfara, founded by the powerful chief Babári about a century ago. At

that time the province was a powerful kingdom; but at present it is in

the most distracted condition, half of the places belonging to it being

still under the rule of the Fúlbe, while the other half have revolted

successfully, and are strictly allied with the Góberáwa.

Under the rule of the Fúlbe or Fullán, are the following places:—

Zýrmi, with three governors: one, Ábu Hámid, who has ruled (in 1853)

seven, another Tarna, who has ruled fifteen years, and a third one, a

younger brother of Tarna, but who has exercised power for thirty

years[146]; Káuri-n-Namóda, at present governed by Mahamúdu, a younger

brother of the warlike and far-famed chief Namóda, who has ruled for the

last twelve years; Búnka, Bóka, Góga, Yánkaba, Dába, Banga, Birni-n-

Máddera, Módiki, Moríki with Ne-ébbúsuwa, Koré with Makauru, Dunfáwa,

Dúchi, Badaráwa, Katúru, Kanna, Dan Ísa, Waúnaka-n-Féllani (in order to

distinguish it from another town of the same name, which is allied with

the Góberáwa), Yangwoy, Kiáwa, Rúra, Waúni, Jirgába, Gabáke, Kangwa,

Kadámusá, Yanbúkki, Také-adoy, Birni-n-Mágaji, Birni-n-Torówa or

Márekay, with Dan Korgú, Tuddu Makángerí, Ráwiya, Bidáji, Chíbiri.

The independent places are the following:—

Ánka, residence of ʿAbdú, the rebel chief of Zánfara (Serkí-n-Zánfara);

Máffara, residence of Serkí-n-Tléta; Gummi, residence of the chief

Banyári; Zóma, residence of ʿAlí, and close by Gólli; Sabónbirni Dáragá,

residence of Bánagá; Marádu, residence of Serkí-n-Káya; Gáumaché and

Góra close by; Mátusgí, residence of Ajía; Gárbadú and Kággará, Munré,

Bokúra, residence of Serkí-n-Báwa; Damrí, Sabóngarí, Dúffwa Máffará, a

district, with the chief place, Rúwa-n-bóre; Dankó, Úya.

In order to arrange these places topographically, I shall first give _an

itinerary from Kanó to Sókoto_, by way of Káuri-n-Namóda:—

1st day. Rími-n-Gadó.

2nd. Shá-nóno, a large walled place, having passed Yángadá.

3rd. Kúrkejám or Kúrkejángo, first place of the province of Kátsena,

having passed Sábberé.

4th. Músáwa, a large walled town, with a market; short march.

5th. Yá-mántemáki, with a watercourse on its east side, running south;

having passed Úngwa Sámia.

6th. Sáwi, having passed Yá-músa, Shawáre, and Jigáwa.

7th. Ajja, a walled place of middle size.

8th. Kiáwa, very large walled place, formerly the capital of Zánfara, at

present rather thinly inhabited.

9th. Káuri-n-Namóda, residence of Namóda (brother of Mahamúdu), with a

market held every Monday and Tuesday, and a considerable watercourse on

the west side, once a very large and populous place. A short day’s march

south, a little west from this place, lies Riyáwa (not Ránia), and west

from it Búngundú, at present said to be the largest place in Zánfara

among those which belong to the faction of the Féllani; to its district

or territory belong the smaller places of Alíbawá, Bidáji, Kasaráwa,

Módomáwa, Fáddamáwa, Kontambáni, and the settlements of the Féllani-n-

Dáwaki, and the Féllani-n-Také-adoy.

10th. Birni-n-Góga, on the east side of the same watercourse.

11th. Kúsará, a small place inhabited by Fúlbe.

12th. Gwára, large walled place, having crossed a watercourse.

13th. Bakúra, large walled place, formerly residence of ʿAtíku, the son

of Hámedu, till the town was taken by the Góberáwa. To the territory of

this town belong the places: Sabóngarí, Dámmerí, Sála, Dogóje.

Bakúra from Ánka one long day south, farther than Gándi from Wurnó;

Bakúra from Gándi one good day south, passing by Gáumaché. The river

forms a large bend west of Bakúra, and at the angle lies Týmba.

14th. Týmba, walled place on the west side of the Gúlbi-n-Bakúra, at

present in the hands of the Ázena. Between Týmba and Bakúra lie the

towns Birni-n-Dámbo and Birni-n-Riyáde, and hereabouts are the places

Alíbawá, Bidáji, Kasaráwa, Féllani-n-Dáwaki, Féllani-n-Také-adoy,

Módomáwa, Fáddamáwa, Kontambáni.

15th. Galádi or Danfa, large place, with a pond of stagnant water.

16th. A place of elephant hunters.

17th. Sókoto.

I shall now connect Bánagá, or rather Sabónbirni Dáragá, as it is more

properly called, with a few other places, and shall then conclude this

Appendix, reserving for Appendix III. an enumeration of the towns and

villages situated along the course of the Gúlbi-n-Zóma to where it joins

the Gúlbi-n-Sókoto.

From Bánagá to Ánka is one long day north, just as from Gándi to Wurnó;

from Bánagá to Gúmmi three days W.N.W.

1st day. Adébka, Garí-n-serkí-Kiyáwa.

2nd. Birni-n-Týddu, on the south side of the Gúlbi-n-Zóma.

3rd. Gúmmi, passing by the town of Kaiwa.

From Bánagá to Kotórkoshé six moderate days’ march.

1st. Bíni or Béna.

2nd. Mutúmji.

3rd. Mágami.

4th. Samrí.

5th. Cháfe.

6th. Kotórkoshé.

N.B. Besides Bíni and Mutúmji, there are in the same quarter, the

district enclosed between Bánagá, Kotú-n-kúra—Kotú-n-kúra being from

Bánagá two days S.W.,—and Gwári, the small principalities of Machéri,

Bána, Morébbu, and Kumbáshi, all residences of petty chiefs, dependent

in some degree on the governor of Kátsena.

Between Bakúra and Zóma lie Damrí, Sabóngarí, Sála, Takáre; further on,

entering the territory of Zóma, Dangarúnfa, Másu, Matsáfa, Gúsará,

Bókuyum, Solli.

From Sókoto to Zóma, south, three days:—first day, Dan-chádi, the same

as from Sókoto to Wurnó; then a long night’s march, reaching in the

morning Birni-n-Mágaji, distance the same as that from Zékka to Búnka;

from Mágaji to Zóma short march. From Gandó the distance is shorter.

Zóma lies about half way between Ánka and Gúmmi, on a river called after

it, Gúlbi-n-Zóma; but I shall give all the particulars with regard to

the towns lying along this valley further on in Appendix IV., as this

river, which, lower down, is called Gúlbi-n-Gíndi, unites with the

Gúlbi-n-Sókoto within the boundaries of Kebbi.

I here subjoin a list of the places situated along the watercourse,

which lower down is called “Gúlbi-n-Sókoto,” between Sansánne-ʿAísa and

Dímbisó, but at present almost all of them are destroyed and deserted:

first, Tóze on the south side; Gawángasó, where the branch of Marádi and

Chéberi joins the greater trunk valley; Alkaláwa (written Alkadháwa),

the former capital of Góber, destroyed by the Fúlbe, Laijínge, both

south; Páday, north; Tsámay, north; Tsíche, north; Bóre, south; Kakákia,

north; Márennú, south; Maráfa, south; Kiráre, north; Shináka, south;

Giyáwa, Dímbisó. The valley, which probably has a very winding course,

must therefore approach Giyáwa a little nearer than it has been laid

down on the map.

[Footnote 146: Formerly there was in Zýrmi a powerful governor belonging

to the faction of the Góberáwa, called Dan Jéka, who ruled twenty years,

when he was murdered by Mámmedu (Mohámmedu).]

APPENDIX II.

A FEW HISTORICAL FACTS RELATING TO GÓBER AND ZÁNFARA.

(_a._) _Princes of Góber._

Sóba residing in Magále, one day west from Chébiri, made war against

Gurma and Barba (Bargu), beyond the river Kwára, wherein he discovered a

ford.

Úba Ashé succeeded to Sóba.

Babári, King of Góber, reigned about fifty years, was introduced by the

chief men of Zánfara into Birni-n-Zánfara, then a wealthy place, and the

centre of an important commerce (1764), which he conquered and

destroyed; whereupon he founded Alkaláwa, which then became the capital

of Góber. This was the origin of the national hatred which exists

between the Góberáwa and Zánfaráwa.

Dángudé, killed by the Ásbenáwa.

Báwa, with the surname Mayákí, the warrior, on account of his restless

and warlike character. During the eight years of his reign he only

remained forty days in Alkaláwa, waging war the whole time.

Yákoba, a younger brother of Báwa, reigned seven years, was killed by

Agoréggi, the ruler of Kátsena, which place appears at that time to have

reached its highest degree of power.

Búnu reigned seven years, died in Alkaláwa.

Yúnfa reigned forty-four years.

Dáne or Dan Yúnfa reigned six years, made war against ʿOthmán the

Reformer, son of Fódiye, when he was killed by Bello, son of ʿOthmán at

the taking of Alkaláwa.

Sálehu dan Babáliwá resided in Mázum, reigned two years, till killed by

Bello.

Gómki, seven years, slain by Bello.

ʿAlí, eighteen years, according to others twelve, slain by the Fúlbe,

together with Ráuda serkí-n-Kátsena.

Jibbo Táwuba reigned seven years, according to others three years,

residing in Marádi.

Báchiri seven months.

The present King of Góber, generally known under the name of Mayáki, the

warrior, on account of his martial disposition, son of Yákoba, has ruled

since 1836.

(_b._) _A few data with reference to the ruling families in Sókoto and

Gandó._

Bello built Sókoto, while ʿOthmán was residing in Gandó; from hence the

latter went to Sifáwa, or Shifáwa, thence to Sókoto, where he resided

ten years more.

_Rulers of Sókoto._

ʿOthmán died 3 Jumád II. 1817 (A.H. 1233), aged sixty-four years, having

resided thirteen years in Gandó and Sifáwa, and ten in Sókoto.

Bello, twenty-one years, died 25 Rejeb, 1837 (A.H. 1253), aged fifty-

eight years.

ʿAtíku, another son of ʿOthmán, succeeded him, reigned five years three

months, died in the beginning of 1843.

ʿAlíyu, son of Bello, had reigned ten (lunar) years four months in

April, 1853.

_Rulers of Gandó._

Abd Alláhi died 1827, Wednesday, A.H. 20 Moharrem, 1245.

Mohammed Wáni died 1836, A.H. 4 Ramadhán, 1250.

Khalílu was, A.D. 1853, in the eighteenth year of his reign.

_Children of Fódiye son of Mohammed._

ʿAlí, father of Módibo ʿAlí, }

}

Sheikh ʿOthmán, }

}

ʿAbd-Alláhi, } all born of one mother.

}

Hotíhun Máunuma, }

}

Enhatákko, a daughter, }

Mameñáro, }

}

Elfá ʿOmáro, }

} born of different mothers.

Mamma Júma, still alive, }

}

Bakódda, }

_Children of ʿOthmán dan Fódiye._

Mohammed Bisáda.

Sambo Wulíy.

Bello.

ʿAtíku.

Mohammed Bokhári, a very learned man died 1840, A.H. the 23 Háj, 1255,

aged fifty-five years three months.

Hassan, father of Khalílu dan Hassan.

Mohammed Hájo.

ʿAbd el Kádiri.

Hámed el Rufáy, }

} alive still, the former residing in Tózo.

ʿIsa, }

ʿAlí Jédi, the father of Ábú ’l Hassan, serkí-n-yáki; Moéji, an

influential chief of the tribe of the Wolóbe; and the serkí-n-Syllebáwa,

were the three principal advisers of ʿOthmán dan Fódiye, and were the

persons who placed his successor, Bello, upon the throne.

(_c._) _Fúlbe Tribes._

_Divisions of the Féllani-n-Sókoto._

Torunkáwa, Toróde, or Tórobe.

Torunkáwa Sabúni, thus called, because, when as yet nothing but

mʿallemín, or learned men, they prepared much soap in order to keep

their dress of the purest white.

Wolárbe, in Kebbi.

Féllani-n-Konne.

Úda, herdsmen.

Kasaráwa, in Zóma.

ʿAlebáwa, in Zýrmi.

ʿAláwa, in Kámmané.

Bidazáwa, in Dánkogí.

Féllani-n-danéji, in Kátsena.

Féllani-n-Delláji, in Kátsena.

Féllani-n-Bebéji.

Féllani-n-Yandótu.

Gezáwa.

Gátari, Féllani-n-Rúma.

Féllani-n-Takabáwa.

Jaúbe, dengi-n-ʿOthmán (the family of ʿOthmán).

_Féllani-n-Ádar._

Mansúbin Mohammedáni.

Bálerankoyen.

Ránerankoyen.

Baréngankoyen, dengi-n-ʿAbd el Kádiri.

Tamankoye.

Kugga.

Tánagamáwa.

Sunsunkoyen.

Kofayenkoyen.

Hirlábe.

Chiláwa.

Alínkoyen.

Alkámunkoyen.

Gúmborankoyen.

Bórotankoyen.

Sékke.

Mábberankoyen.

Sísankoyen.

Wewébe.

Bororoye.

Gurgábe.

_The Governors of Ádar._

To the N.E. of Sókoto lies the province of Ádar, with the chief market-

place Konni, ruled by four different chiefs or sáraki:—

Serkí-n-Ádar Hámidu, belonging to the Tauzamáwa, in Ázaw, a place four

days north from Wurno, fortified with a keffi or stockade.

Serkí-n-Ádar Mʿallem, likewise of the Tauzamáwa, in Illéle, five days

from Wurno, with keffi; one day from Ázaw.

Serkí-n-Ádar Yákoba, also Tauzamáwa, in Táwa, six days from Wurno, one

from Illéle.

Serkí-n-Ádar Sheríf, in Tsambo, four days from Wurno, one S.W. from

Ázaw.

APPENDIX III.

GÍMMUL SÉKHO ʿOTHMÁNO. SONG OF SHEIKH ʿOTHMÁN.

----- -----

ALLÁHO lámido dum essaláto burdo GOD, the Lord, he excels all in

fukka: superiority:

Domáda yá Áhmedu jenído lesde He is greater than you, Áhmed

fukka. (Mohammed); His light illumines

the whole earth.

Alláho gettaini omóje omojínde I praise the Lord God, who sent

neïmmo fukka. his blessing [mercy?].

Neloimo Áhmedu hinne kúbdo He sent Áhmed to all his

takélle fukka. creatures.

Annóro makko yokám wóni ásseli His light shines over all his

tákeli fukka: creatures:

Annóro hakkíllo non annóro gíde the light of intelligence, as

fukka: well as that of sight, all-

comprising;

Annóro Imáni Mumeníye toháute the splendour of the Imám of the

fukka; Faithful reaches everywhere;

Annóro yímbe Wiláya ka ánnaba kó all the splendour of the Weli

fukka: [holy men] and of the prophets:

Nange he lë́uru he móbgel and when sun and moon unite all

jenatódi fukka, that is splendid,

Fandáki ússuru jellimmádo fukka. their light does not reach His

resplendence.

Alláho búrnerí Íbrahíma tákele God blessed Abraham among the

fukka. whole of his creatures.

Bolídel wolwíde Músa der togéfe Moses obtained eloquence among

fukka. mankind.

Ahókki Ísa bosémbido roibo róho To Jesus was given strength and

fukka. spirit.

Amóbda mágiki bóluki non boyíde Thou hast obtained a sight of Him

fukka. (of God); thou hast obtained

eloquence and authority.

Alláho kamsódi Ádamu der togéfe God has distinguished Adam among

fukka. all mankind.

Nan súbtedí Núhu Íbrahíma woddu Thus Noah and Abraham were

fukka; distinguished in all their

dealings;

Kuréshe Háshimo der baléje makko Kurésh and Háshem in their

fukka. dwellings.

Wolláhe ansúbtida hesobbábe Alla By God thou hast been

fukka. distinguished over all God’s

creatures.

Toggéfo Alla bedó bébelés All the creatures of God, in

hekalfiníma: heaven and on earth, bless thee:

Toggéfo Alla bedó bébelés all the creatures of God, in

hetammihíma: heaven and on earth, praise thee:

Toggéfo Alla bedó bébelés bebé all the creatures of God, in

chappeníma: heaven and on earth, salute thee:

Toggéfo Alla bedó bébelés all the creatures of God, in

hedótaníma: heaven and on earth, do homage to

thee:

Kaunay halfeníma awesíle tákele all that is blessed in creation

fukka: is blessed through thee.

Subábe der takélle fú ídemá all those who have been

gamídemá bechúbba: distinguished among the

creatures, have been

distinguished on thy account:

Libábe der takélle fú gam all that has been created, has

gaingumá belíba. been created through thy grace.

Ajéjiam ojúdiam gardoimi dótoma On account of thy blessing have I

nonémbo: come to thee:

Gam nómbo hajá mererrétadúm tomá. for such a purpose have I

addressed thee.

Gam derje mábe [mada?] deǘm May God hear my prayer through

turoye dwaíjima. thy grace.

APPENDIX IV.

PARTITION OF KEBBI.

KEBBI, ACCORDING TO ITS PARTITION BETWEEN THE EMPIRE OF SÓKOTO AND THAT

OF GANDO.

_Garúrua-n-Kebbi, rába-n-ʿAlíyu._

That portion of Kebbi which belongs to ʿAlíyu.

Jekáwadú, Tózo (the residence of Rufáy, a younger brother of Bello),

Dánkala, Siláme, Gandí, Koido, Kalámmi, Birni-n-Gungu, Bubúche,

Aúgi[147], Tiggi, Lelába, Fadisúnko, Méra, all along the gulbi-n-Sókoto,

Dundáy, B. Gómashé, Sébera (close by the latter), Punári, Dangádi, B.

Gamínda, Bakále, B. Rúwa, Bínji, Gammagamma, Lokkëáwa or Lukuyáwa,

Bodínga, B. Magebéshi, Jarédi, B. Dandi, Danchádi, Wabábi, Bádo, Fóro,

Sirgi, Asáre, Gangam, B. Buldi, Shagári, Gadaráre, Bulonáki, Kajíji,

Jábo, Yábo (two towns of the name), Sañína, Kalángu, Saláhu, Mandéra,

Baiwa, Dankal or Dánkala, Gudáli, Dukké, Bangáwa, Gudúm, Réré, Tiggi,

Bágura on the N. shore of gulbi-n-Kebbi, Nátsini, Kalílladán, Deména

(near Aúgi), Túwo-n-sóro (W. near Aúgi), Bangáwa, Kaláng (W. of Sañína),

Matánkarí, Illéla, Gajáre, Dútsi-n-Kúra, Gankay (E. from Aúgi),

B.-n-Chéra, B. Yaréndi, Sassagíre, Bónkarí, Díddibá, Gannajáë, Arába,

Daráye, Túmmuní (E. of Aúgi), two towns of the name of Físsena, one of

them inhabited by Syllebáwa, Gallujíul garí-n-Syllebáwa, Gínnega, Baúje

G. Syllebáwa, Óri, Báäró, Kubódo, Laini, Gerterána (E. of Dánkala),

Tuddú-Mankéri, Denke (Syllebáwa,) Girábshi, Kalambéna (W. of Sókoto), B.

Gésseré (Syllebáwa), Hausáwa, Díngadí (Syllebáwa), Badáwa, Gúmbi,

Arkílla, B. Wásaké (Toronkáwa), Danajíwa, B. Séfe, Akátukú, Rékiná,

Shúni, Damba, Ríyo Sínsirgá, Bagaráwa, Báregay, Sangaláwa (Syllebáwa),

Basoyí (or Bajoyí), Bámgi, B.-n-Bodáye, B. Wagérro, Dange, Rúdu,

Sabadáwa, Sesséda, Gájará, Gántamó, Lámbo, Dangéda, Sárufé, Kutútturú,

B.-n-Gínnegá, Sifáwa, Jarédi, Gingáwa, Kimba, Chilgóri, Alkalíji, Ádiga,

Dandángel, B.-n-Musúro, Dagáwa, Rumde-maunde (the great slave hamlet),

Faká, Dóno, Búlbulí, Woäké (baki-n-dáji: on the border of the

wilderness), Zanzómo, B.-n-Sárahó, Danehádi, B.-n-Fóro (between Sókoto

and Zóma: mountainous), B.-n-Gírgirí, Gájerá, Dángoré, Bádo, B.-n-Fakku

(on the rock), B. Pangalalla, B. Móza, Yakurútu (all W. from Sókoto),

Gudáli, Labáni, Gédembé, Girébshi, Baidi, Gáwazé (garí-n-Bonkáno),

B.-n-Mamman Gabdú (W. of Gajúre), Löagóbi, Máchisí (garí-n-Róba),

Innáme, Ajóge, B.-n-Gungúnge, Kámbamá, Gertarána, Suráme, Léka,

B.-n-Fílfilé, B.-n-Kókilo (now deserted), Lokóko.

I here enumerate the towns and villages along the _gulbi-n-Zóma_,

although only part of them belong to Kebbi. This is a branch which joins

the gulbi-n-Sókoto at the town of Gindí, about eight miles S.E. from and

opposite Bunza, and is equal to it in the quantity of water, although

the whole valley (or fáddama) is said not to be of the same width.

Commencing from Bámaga you pass on the S. side of the river the town of

Zóma, which has given its name to the river, and is situated half-way

between Ánka and Gummi, and three good days S. from Sókoto—starting from

Sókoto you reach Danchádi, at the same distance as Wurno; thence to

Mágaji, a long night’s march the same distance as from Zekka to Bunka;

from here Zóma, the same distance as Rába from Wurno; then you pass Dan

Garúnfa, Jáka, Birni-n-Féllelé, B. Kaiwa (on the S. side of the river),

B. Tuddú (still in the territory of Zóma), B. Kágalí; B. Gummi (S.W.

from the river, with a small territory of its own), Gelénge, B. Gússurá

(in the territory of Gummi), B. Adábka, B. Gairi, Girkau (the first town

of Kebbi), Zabga, Dánganám, Birni-n-Kebbe (different from Kebbi). Along

the N. side of the river,—again beginning with B. Zóma: Takáre,

Sabónbirni, B. Mágaji, B. Gazúrra (where ʿAtíku the predecessor of

ʿAlíyu made a foray), Búkkuru, B. Solli, B. Fanda, B. Kunda (belonging

to the territory of Gummi) B. Falamgúngu (N. of Gairi); from hence Gindí

W. at a short distance. It is impossible to lay down the river from

these data with accuracy. Probably not all the towns have been given in

their natural order. According to other information, between Ánka and

Takáre, which lie on the N. bank, there are Birni-n-Tuddú káramí and

Bunkádo, and between Takáre and Gazúrra, Dan garúnfa and B. Mázu.

At Birni-n-Zondu, 25 m. from Gindí the máyo-rannéo, or dhannéo (a very

general name, also to be recognised in Clapperton’s Maiyarro), or fári-

n-rúwa, joins the gulbi-n-Sókoto, and is said to be larger than the G.

Zóma.

_Garúrua-n-Kebbi, rába-n-Khalílu._

Towns of Kebbi belonging to Khalílu, as far as they are inhabited by

Hausáwa and Fúlbe (or Féllani).

The chief places besides Argúngu, the residence of the rebel chief, and

the centre of the pagan worship with the holy tree (a tamarind-tree)

called “tunka,” are Gando, Birni-n-Kebbi, Támbawel[148], and Jéga[149];

the following list observes a certain topographical order. The direction

(W.S.) refers to Gando.

Madádi, Kóchi, Fágha, Mágaji-n-káda, Kaúri-n-ladán, K. Mammañédi,

Mangádi, Géfuru, Margay, Ráfi-n-bauna, Kangíwa, B. Báme, Dodá-n-gússuma,

Masáma, Kósgará, B. Bagári, Gumbaye (E. of Gando), Yelóngu, B. Mágu, B.

Kóldi (W.), Lígi (W.); Góra-n-Daháwa (S.), Góra-n-Kúttudú, B. Lalle,

Gurzaw, Shímferí, B. Másu, Bágidá, Ráfi-n-dorówa (all of them S.);

Gerge, Razáy, Chimbílka (between Alíru and Jéga), Gumbi-n-dári (between

Alíru and Alélu), Málissa, Dancha (close to it Dógo-n-dáji), Mamangóma

(all of them S. between Gondu and Gindí); Kóriyá, Marúda, Kosári,

Babanídi (E.), Lokerénga, Rúgga-n-dáwa, Rumbúki, B. Ráwa, Kalambaina

sófwa (between Gondu and Támbawel, at present deserted), Kalambaina

sábwa; Yóle (W., to the E. of Kámbasa), B. Yámamá (W. of Gondu, close to

Kalgo), Kamba garí-n-ʿAbd e’ Salámi, Sambáwa, Bákayá (close to Mádochi

on the river Gindí, E. of Birni-n-Gindí), Letséda (near Gondu), Sobáki

(between Gondu and Argúngu), Ambúrsa (between Argúngu and Zóro), Dútsiel

(E. of Gondu), Dálijam (N.), Dináu (N. on the fáddama-n-Argúngu, Ujáriyó

(E. of Ambúrsa, between this and Argúngu), B. Kósoró (between Argúngu

and Zóro), Zóro or Jéggara (W. of Gondu), Kallíul-ladán (E. of Gulma),

Gulma (on the gulbi-n-Kebbi), Kallíul Mamma Yídi, Birni-n-Gatágo, B.

Mádara (close to Gulma), Sówa (N. of Gondu), Zazagáwa, Kókosé (on the

border of the territory of ʿAlíyu and Khalílu, and commanding the ford

between Gulma and Argúngu—therefore called “serkí-n-rúa”), Ádamangutta

(W. of Sówa), B. Bunga, B. Mornánga (where natron is gathered), Súru (E.

of Bunza, on the gulbi, with a very white kind of salt); B. Geggi, B.

Kúka, Tilli, Zogírma, Gotómo, Aluwása, Félindé, Lígi (two towns of the

name), Kámbasa, Ambúrsa, B. Tári, Gúlumbé, B. Lága, Kardi, Zóro,

Hammáhi, Dógo-n-dáji, Randáli, Fulmungáni, Kermi, Gíwa-tazó, Maizumma,

Kéra, B. Gindí, Kimba, Alélu, Jadádi, Kalgo, Maddochí, Rómo, Dammádi, B.

Kaya, Bargá, Úmbutú, Girkau, Zabga (close to the frontier of Zóma); back

from Kebbi, Kóla, Júggurú, Díggi, Mutubári, Bangánna, Samáu, Maidehíni,

Gáradi, Rába, Sabó-n-birni, Basáura, Matánkarí (all these on the

fáddama-n-Kebbi).

Sections of the Féllani-n-Kebbi:

Njábtangkoyen, Jógadánkoyen, Magájiankoyen, Beyínkoyen, Terébbe,

Jarángankoyen, Kálinkoyen, Díkankoyen (the first tribe of the Fúlbe who

immigrated into Kebbi), Módibankoyen, Gúndarunkoyen, Tárasankoyen,

Kámakankoyen (regarded as the most warlike among these tribes),

Gúmborunkoyen, Dégelankoyen, Tafárankoyen (from Tafára near Gandi),

Tammankoyen, Jennankoyen.

[Footnote 147: Aúgi and Méra, the principal towns of Kebbi, together

with Koido, were destroyed by ʿAlíyu. Aúgi was situated N. from Señína,

the same distance as from Gáwasú to Sókoto, from Argúngo E.N.E. eight or

ten miles. Opposite Aúgi the dallul Gamínda joins the gulbi-n-Kebbi from

the N., and along it lie the following places: Birni-n-Gamínda, B. Rúwa,

Bakále, Alkalíji, Bizzer, Sakibiyáre, B. Buldi, Múza, Baiyáwa, Dankal,

Bubúche, close to the junction, and about eight or ten miles from

Argúngu.]