_Of the planets and signs in the heavens which prognosticated our
arrival in New Spain; how these were interpreted by the Mexicans;
and of other matters._
The Mexicans relate that, shortly before our arrival in New Spain, there
appeared a figure in the heavens of a circular form, like a carriage
wheel, the colours of which were a mixture of green and red. Shortly
after a second, of a similar form, made its appearance, which moved
towards the rising of the sun, and joined the first. Motecusuma, who at
that time sat upon the throne of Mexico, assembled his priests and
soothsayers, and desired them to watch, and explain to him these
wonderful signs, which had never been seen before. The priests
accordingly communicated with their god Huitzilopochtli, who answered,
that they portended dreadful wars and horrible pestilence, and that it
was necessary to sacrifice some human beings.
Shortly after these signs had been seen in the heavens we arrived in New
Spain, and ten months after Narvaez came, and brought with him a negro,
who was ill with the smallpox. From this person the disease spread among
the inhabitants of Sempoalla, and thence, like a true pestilence,
throughout the whole of New Spain.
When, subsequently, we fought the severe battles during the night of
sorrows, and lost 550 of our men, who were either killed in our retreat
or taken prisoners, and sacrificed to the Mexican idols, the
interpretations which the priests had given of the signs were considered
perfectly correct. These signs were not seen by any of us, but I have
related this exactly as told by the Mexicans, for it is so described in
their hieroglyphic writing, which we always found correct.
The following appearance I beheld with my own eyes, which any one else
might have seen if he had taken the trouble of looking up. In the year
1527 there appeared in the heavens a sign, which had the shape of a long
sword, and seemed as if it stood between the province of Panuco and the
town of Tezcuco, and remained unchanged in the heavens for the space of
twenty days. The Mexicans and their papas declared it was a sign of some
pestilence, and certainly a few days after the measles, and another
eruptive disease, like leprosy, broke out, which was accompanied by a
very nauseous smell, and carried off numbers of persons, though it did
not prove so destructive as the smallpox.
In the year 1528 a very heavy rain fell in Guacasualco, with large clods
of earth. But this phenomena differed from what had been seen before of
the kind, for as soon as these clods touched the ground they turned into
innumerable frogs, a little larger in size than the bluebottle fly. The
earth was completely covered with these creatures, which hopped about in
various directions, to gain the river, which was not far off. As,
however, there were myriads of them, and the sun burning hot, numbers of
them perished before they could reach the water. The birds of prey
certainly devoured great numbers, yet many of them still remained on the
ground, and soon turned putrid, spreading a most dreadful stench around.
I have likewise been assured by credible persons that similar showers of
frogs fell at Sempoalla, in the neighbourhood of the sugar mills,
belonging to the accountant Albornoz.
I should not have noticed this raining of frogs if it were not something
of rare occurrence, a thing which the greater part of mankind never see;
moreover, celebrated men have said a writer should only notice those
things which are truly wonderful. I was also assured by a cavalier of
distinction, who resides in the neighbourhood of this town, named Juan
de Guzman, that he himself was once caught in a shower of this kind, on
his journey through Yucatan. He assured me that a number of such small
frogs stuck frozen to his and his companions' cloaks, and they were even
obliged to shake them off.
About the same time that this happened to Guzman, it also rained frogs
in Guatimala, as I have been assured by my fellow-townsman Cosmo Roman.
The most awful occurrence, however, took place in Guatimala, in the
month of September, of the year 1541. Here a most terrific hurricane
arose, accompanied by torrents of rain, which continued incessantly for
the space of three days, and so vast was the quantity of water that came
pouring down, that the crater of the volcano, which lies about four
miles from the town of Guatimala, literally burst, and so terrific was
the volume of water that came rolling down the mountain, that numbers of
huge stones and trees were carried along with it. Those who did not
witness it themselves will scarcely credit this, for there were masses
of rock carried down by the flood which two oxen could not move, and
these blocks of stone were left there as a memento of this fearful
tempest. Every tree was torn up by the roots, and hurried down the
precipices by the impetuosity of the torrent. The water had exactly the
colour as if it had been mixed with chalk, and by the immense power of
the hurricane it was raised into foaming billows. The noise occasioned
by the rushing of the wind and water was so terrific, that persons could
not hear each other speak, and fathers were unable to render their sons
any assistance.
This direful tempest commenced at ten o'clock on Sunday evening, of the
11th of September, and the whole body of water, stones, and trees came
rolling along over the half of the town of Guatimala, crumbling down the
houses in its progress, strongly built as they were. A great number of
men, women, and children perished in a few moments, and everything they
possessed was lost. Some houses which had withstood the torrent were
blocked up to the topmost windows by mud, pieces of rock, and large
trees. During this tempest, also, Dona Beatriz de la Cueva, the wife of
Pedro de Alvarado, perished, with several other ladies, who had fled to
the chapel, to supplicate the Almighty in prayer to preserve them from
destruction in the tempest. The water and mud rushed with such
impetuosity into the chapel, that it soon gave way, and only three
ladies escaped, one of whom was Alvarado's daughter; the names of the
two others I have forgotten. This young lady, whose name was Leonora,
was fortunately rescued from her perilous situation, between scattered
trees and heaps of stone, and is now the wife of the distinguished
cavalier Don Francisco de la Cueva, by whom she has several fine sons
and daughters.
Many persons declared that they heard during this tempest a fearful kind
of howling, yelling, and whistling, and maintained that numbers of evil
spirits came rolling along with the large pieces of rock; for it would
not have been possible for the water of itself to have moved those heavy
masses of stone and large trees. In the midst of this flood people also
said they saw a cow with one horn, and two monstrous-looking men, like
negroes, with horrible countenances, who kept crying out in a loud
voice: "_Go on! Go on! For all must be destroyed!_" If the inhabitants
looked out of their doors or windows to watch the torrent, they were
seized with such sudden dread, that they fled from their houses from one
street to another, and were at length carried off by the flood, or
sinking into the mud, were hurried with it into the neighbouring river.
The Indians who lived further down the country, in the direction in
which this mass of water, mud, stones, and trees was moving, fared much
worse, for they were all drowned. May God have mercy on their souls!
I have above related that this dreadful tempest was looked upon as a
punishment for the blasphemous expression which the disconsolate widow
of Alvarado was said to have uttered at the intelligence of her
husband's death. However, I have often been assured since I have resided
in Guatimala, that this lady never gave utterance to the sinful
expressions of which she has been accused, but that she merely said:
"She wished she had perished with her husband."
I must not omit to observe that the stones which were rolled down with
the flood are of such magnitude, that when any stranger comes to
Guatimala, they are always pointed out to him, and he is quite astounded
at the sight.
After this unfortunate occurrence the inhabitants burned all the dead
bodies they could find; but they themselves durst no longer take up
their abode in the town, and the greater part retired to their
possessions in the country, or built huts in the fields. At length,
however, they determined to build the present town, which now stands
where formerly maise was grown. But I cannot say much in praise of the
site that was chosen. It would have been much preferable if choice had
been made of Petapa, or of the valley of Chimaltenango, both of which
places are better situated for commerce. Each time the river overflows
its banks the town is in danger, while earthquakes are of very frequent
occurrence.[63]
After this destructive tempest, the late bishop, of pious memory, and
several other cavaliers instituted an annual solemn procession, which
was to take place on the 11th of September. This procession, composed of
the clergy and of all the inhabitants of the town, set out from the
principal church, under chant of sacred hymns, to the spot where the old
town stood, and then entered the church, which on this day was decorated
with green boughs and cloth, and a solemn funeral mass was performed for
those who had perished in the tempest. After which funeral ornaments
were placed on the graves of the more distinguished with lighted wax
torches, and an offering was made of bread, meat, and other things,
according to the quality of the person interred. After the funeral mass
a sermon was preached, and the late bishop not only followed in the
procession himself, but he likewise left a fund for celebrating the mass
for the dead on the anniversary of this day of sorrows. After these
religious ceremonies, those who formed the procession enjoyed themselves
in the gardens and the fields of the neighbourhood, and feasted off the
plentiful provisions which they had brought along with them, in the same
manner as it is done in Spain on similar occasions.
What I have related of this deluge I have taken from the memorials of
the late bishop, who was accustomed to note down every curious phenomena
of nature which he himself witnessed in this neighbourhood; besides
which, I have heard all this confirmed by eyewitnesses. But the
procession I have been describing is no longer continued, as the fund
left by the late bishop, according to the assurances of the priests and
dignitaries of the church of Guatimala, is not sufficient to meet the
expenses.
NOTES TO THE SECOND VOLUME.
[1] Cortes, in his despatches, thus enumerates his troops, 40 horse, 550
foot soldiers, among whom there were 80 musketeers and crossbow-men; 8
or 9 field-pieces and a small supply of powder. (p. 1.)
[2] This king was also called Cohuanacotzin, subsequently he became a
convert to Christianity, and took the name of Don Fernando. (p. 3.)
[3] His Indian name was Ixtlilxuchitl, and his Spanish, Don Hernando
Pimentel, not Cortes. (p. 5.)
[4] His real name was Necahuatpiltzintli. (p. 5.)
[5] Calpullalpan. (p. 15.)
[6] Several Spanish writers make the number of Tlascallan warriors who
accompanied this transport, amount to 180,000; but this is no doubt an
excessive exaggeration. Here again the honesty of Bernal Diaz is
conspicuous, who never multiplies numbers. (p. 17.)
[7] Teutepil and Ayutecatl were their proper names. (p. 17.)
[8] Torquemada, who himself saw this canal, says it was full two miles
in length. (p. 18.)
[9] Gomara calls this place Accapichtlan; Torquemada, Yacapichtla. (p.
29.)
[10] Gomara most likely followed Cortes' despatches, where we find that
the stream was coloured with the blood of the Indians, to the distance
of four miles. (p. 30.)
[11] Indian servants. (p. 32.)
[12] Our old soldier has, "Unas bulas de senor S. Pedro," a bull of St.
Peter. (p. 32.)
[13] There were four vessels which arrived on this occasion, carrying
200 Spaniards and 80 horses. (p. 33.)
[14] According to Torquemada this garden was eight miles in
circumference, through the midst of which flowed a small rivulet, whose
banks were decorated with all kinds of shrubbery. Besides the many
beautiful buildings which it contained there were also artificial rocks,
(p. 40.)
[15] The Mexican name is Quauhnahuac, where Cortes subsequently built
himself a palace. (p. 41.)
[16] According to Cortes' despatches, the Indians made use of these
words, which are indeed more intelligible than our author's: "They had
sought our friendship thus late, because they thought they were bound
first to atone for their guilt by allowing us to inflict some punishment
upon them, after which they thought we should not be so embittered
against them." (p. 42.)
[17] According to Torquemada, who was born in Mexico, and was elected
provincial of his order by a chapter held at Xochimilco, the distance
was sixteen miles. (p. 42.)
[17*] Torquemada here relates that Cortes was saved by a Tlascallan, and
that the day following he made a fruitless search for him among the
dead. (p. 44.)
[18] The following is a free translation of the first six lines:
"Pensive and sad brave Cortes stood
Surrounded by his valiant band,
His thoughts were in the heaviest mood,
While musing on Tlacupa's land,
Grief must assume an attitude,
Forehead and side were clasped by either hand."
Of the four following lines Bernal Diaz only gives the first two, the
last two I have taken from Las Casas, (Brevissima Relacion de la
destrucyon de las Indias.) These lines were most likely applied to
Cortes after the attack he made upon the Cholullans:
On the Tarpeian rock as Nero stood
To view the flames consume th' imperial city,
Both young and old uttered their grief aloud,
But Nero neither showed remorse nor pity. (p. 52.)
[19] According to Torquemada there were 300 concerned in this
conspiracy, and their intention was to elect Francisco Verdugo,
brother-in-law to the governor of Cuba, captain-general in Cortes'
stead; but adds that Verdugo, who was very courageous and highly
esteemed, was not let into the conspiracy. (p. 55.)
[20] According to Cortes, this canal was two miles long, twice the
breadth of a man's length, and as deep. It was completed in fifty days
by 8000 Indians. (p. 55.)
[21] Herrera (Historia Gen. de las Indias) gives another reason for the
younger Xicotencatl's return to Tlascalla. He says, that Alonso Ojeda
had given a relation of Xicotencatl, named Piltectetl, who had been
shamefully ill-used by the Spaniards, leave to return home, but as
Xicotencatl was jealous of this man on account of some love affair, he
also secretly decamped for Tlascalla. (p. 61.)
[22] Torquemada remarks that, though the younger Xicotencatl was a man
of uncommon bravery, his courage failed him when he saw the hour of
death approaching. However, this is hardly to be credited, for it is
quite contrary to the Indian character. (p. 62.)
[23] Cortes, in his despatches, tries to throw all the blame of this
unfortunate attack upon the royal treasurer. (p. 81.)
[24] Respecting this slimy substance, called by the Mexicans Tecuitlatl,
see a former note, first vol. (p. 95.)
[25] Bernal Diaz further remarks, (which we thought better to insert
here,) that his complexion was fairer than that of the Indians in
general; that he was above twenty-three years of age, and that he had a
beautiful wife, daughter of his uncle Motecusuma. (p. 98.)
[26] So the Spaniards called the famous general Gonsalo de Cordova. Our
old soldier is generally very satirical when he speaks about the boasted
campaigns of Italy. (p. 106.)
[27] The battle of Garigliano, by which Cordova decided the fate of the
kingdom of Naples. (p. 106.)
[28] Yet Torquemada assures us that mothers had eaten of the flesh of
their own offspring. (p. 112.)
[29] The Spaniards at length, it would appear, took little notice of
this barbarous custom of eating human flesh, so common among the
Indians. Even here we see it is mentioned very coolly by Bernal Diaz.
Human flesh certainly formed part of the provisions which Indian
warriors carried with them when going out to battle. Both Gomara and
Torquemada mention, that when Sandoval had defeated the warriors of
Matlaltzinco, he found among their baggage a quantity of maise and
numbers of roasted children. (p. 114.)
[30] All accounts agree in laying the guilt of this inhuman act to the
door of the crown officers. Cruelty formed no part of Cortes' character,
yet he will always be reproached for having yielded up his better
feelings on this occasion to satisfy the rapacity of others. To the
honour of the Spanish name, I must here add, that Torquemada most
distinctly remarks, that the whole of Cortes troops openly showed their
disgust of this infamous deed. (p. 117.)
[31] We have mentioned in a former note that this wine was made from the
Agava Americana. To this day it is the common drink of the inhabitants
of New Spain. (p. 129.)
[32] Most likely the Chalchicoeca river, for under this name Torquemada
comprehends the coast district south of the Islas de Sacrificios.
Monarch. Ind. iv. (p. 140.)
[33] Hibueras and not Higueras. Honduras and Hibueras were the original
names given to the coast districts along the bay of the same name. For
further information, see Monarch. Ind. iii, 41. (p. 173.)
[34] Christobal de Oli set sail from Vera Cruz early in April of the
year 1523. (p. 175.)
[35] Bernal Diaz calls this pope Andriano de Lobayna, but he was not
elected to the papal throne until the year following. (p. 195.)
[36] The author calls this Flemish nobleman, Monsieur de Lasoa, the same
who performed so conspicuous a part during the early part of the young
emperor's reign. (p. 195.)
[37] The emperor arrived in Spain in the month of June 1522, at the same
time that Pope Adrian the Sixth repaired to Rome to take possession of
the papal throne. (p. 197.)
[38] This nobleman the emperor had appointed commander-in-chief of his
troops in Spain; but all his operations were attended with little
success, and he lost all influence at court. (p. 198.)
[39] Bernal Diaz means the emperor's chancellor, Mercurin Arborio de
Gattinara, who subsequently became a cardinal. (p. 200.)
[40] Most likely in the year 1523. (p. 207.)
[41] A town of Estremadura, and the native place of Cortes. (p. 212.)
[42] Gomara, who had been domestic chaplain in Cortes' family, says,
that Cortes sent his father on this occasion 25,000 castellanas de oro,
and 800 pounds weight of silver, but that it was seized by the emperor.
(p. 219.)
[43] According to Gomara, several others had tried their wits to compose
a verse for this field-piece, until Cortes himself engaged and hit upon
those lines. Andreas de Tapia by way of joke proposed the following:
A questo tiro a mi ver
Muchos necios a de hazer.
[44] The liberties which Cortes granted to all those who built houses in
Mexico, drew such vast crowds to the spot, that pestilential diseases
broke out, which carried off numbers of human beings. The labourers,
while at work, were enlivened by vocal and instrumental music. (p. 221.)
[45] The real name of this excellent man was Toribio de Benavente. When
he first arrived in New Spain, the Indians thought his outward garments
so mean that they continually cried out when they saw him, "Poor man!
poor man!" As he was then unacquainted with their language, he inquired
the meaning of the word "Motolinia," which they so often repeated; and,
on being told what it was, he said, "Well, since this is the first word
of the language which I learn, it shall in future be my name!" This monk
was unremitting in his exertions to promote the welfare of the Indians,
and he alone baptized above 400,000. (p. 222.)
[45*] According to Gomara and Herrera, Cortes left Mexico in October,
1524. (p. 235.)
[46] Herrera, who has otherwise merely transcribed Gomara's account of
this expedition, has the following passage, which we do not find
elsewhere: "Medrano, the hoboist," he says, "declared that, in order to
still his hunger during this campaign, he ate of the brain and inside of
Bernardo Caldero, and of those of a nephew of his, who was also a
musician, and had died of hunger." I must here take the opportunity,
owing to an omission in the print, of offering a few remarks on the
execution of Quauhtemoctzin, and the king of Tlacupa.
Gomara, in his account of the expedition to the Honduras, positively
asserts that Quauhtemoctzin and the other chiefs were guilty of this
conspiracy, and says that they confessed it themselves, and were then
tried by a court-martial, which passed sentence of death upon them.
Torquemada, however, differs widely with Gomara; and, in speaking of the
unfortunate end of Quauhtemoctzin, he has the following: "So this matter
is related by Gomara and Herrera, but I find it differently represented
in a history written in the Mexican language, and which I believe to be
perfectly correct. While Cortes (the Mexican author says) was quartered
in a certain township, the Mexican chiefs one evening began to discourse
among themselves about the recent hardships they had suffered, and
Cohuanacotzin said to Quauhtemoctzin, to Tetlepanquetzaltzin, and to
other distinguished Mexicans, 'Thus you see, gentlemen, from kings we
are become slaves, and we suffer ourselves to be led about by Cortes and
this handful of Christians. If we were other people than we are, and
would break through the promise we have made these Spaniards, we could
play them a pretty trick here, and revenge ourselves upon them for all
they have done to us, and the ill-treatment my cousin Quauhtemoctzin has
suffered at their hands.' To this the Mexican monarch replied, 'I beg of
you Cohuanacotzin to drop this subject, lest some one should overhear
us, and imagine we were in earnest.' It appears (continues Torquemada)
that they were indeed overheard, for the whole of this discourse was
reported to Cortes by a low-minded Mexican of the lower classes." (p.
244.)
[47] With respect to the running or melting of the fat in the body
causing instant death, it was most likely a notion entertained by the
medical men of that day; the remark is, therefore, very excusable in an
old soldier. (p. 255.)
[48] Probably the iguana, a species of lizard common to St. Domingo,
where it is eaten, and considered delicate food. (p. 255.)
[49] Here our author has evidently erred, for Cortes left Mexico in the
month of October, 1524, and the author repeatedly says that two years
and three months were spent in this expedition; thus he cannot have
returned until the year 1526. (p. 302.)
[50] Cortes must either have worn mourning for an uncommon length of
time for his wife, or our author must have been misinformed when he says
that she died a few months after her arrival in New Spain. (p. 327.)
[51] Bernal Diaz had forgotten the precise year, and says he arrived
there in the month of May, 1536 or 1537. (p. 352.)
[51] The psydium pyriferum or pomiferum of Linnaeus. (p. 352.)
[53] Bernal Diaz has fallen into an error here, for the meeting of the
two monarchs at Aigues-Mortes was accidental, the emperor having been
cast on the shore of Provence on a sea-voyage to Barcelona, and Francis
the First, who happened to be in the neighbourhood at the time, kindly
invited him to the place above mentioned. Neither was there any treaty
of peace concluded between the two monarchs on this occasion, but an
armistice for ten years had been agreed upon between them shortly
beforehand, on the 18th of June, 1538. (p. 355.)
[54] This chapter 202 we may distinguish as the most uninteresting of
all; it seems a mere jumble of facts thrown in anyhow; but the author
himself remarks at the end of the chapter, "I relate all this merely
from hearsay." (p. 357.)
[55] A little below, Bernal Diaz particularly mentions Cojohuacan. (p.
364.)
[56] Gomara agrees with Bernal Diaz as to the day of Cortes' death, (the
2d day of December, 1547,) but says he was sixty-three years of age. (p.
364.)
[57] Our author omits to mention anything about the third daughter. In
these passages we cannot sufficiently admire the excellent feeling of
the old soldier, which was charitable to a degree; for though he had
great reason to complain of the neglect he suffered from his hero
Cortes, yet, after his death, he tries to raise him in your estimation,
and he lets him die an honest man. (p. 365.)
[58] The famous general Gonsalo Hernandez de Cordoba. (p. 373.)
[59] The inns in Spain, which stand along the high roads at great
distances from any town, are called ventas, and are mostly built by
government. (p. 378.)
[60] This passage proves volumes for the honesty, judiciousness, and
education of the author; for uneducated minds are fond of large numbers
to create astonishment, but he takes the least number, while the so
termed learned historians have not hesitated to employ ridiculous
exaggerations. Gomara, for instance, says that 20,000 human beings were
annually sacrificed to the idols within the circle of Cortes' conquests;
according to others, 50,000. Herrera goes further, for he says that
frequently from 5000 to 20,000 human beings were sacrificed in one day
at Mexico and in the surrounding neighbourhood. (p. 388.)
[61] Respecting this celebrated artist, see a former note. (p. 391.)
[62] The inland trade of New Spain was considerable as early as in the
year 1531. In the market of Tlascalla alone there were annually
slaughtered from 14,000 to 15,000 sheep, 4000 oxen, and 2000 pigs. See
Herrera.
The Spaniards must have been remarkably active in those days, for Cortes
first arrived at San Juan de Ulloa in the year 1519; in August, 1521, he
took the city of Mexico, which was converted into a heap of ruins by the
siege; in the month of June, 1526, he returned from the Honduras, and
there stood a new city, with many churches, cloisters, palaces,
fortifications, and most probably also an amphitheatre for bull-fights.
(p. 393.)
[63] Bernal Diaz had good reasons for his fears. The three volcanoes
which lay in the vicinity, termed volcan de Agua, volcan de Fuego, and
volcan de Pacaya, rendered the ground very unsafe, and the metropolis of
this province was several times removed by the Spaniards. The present
town of Guatimala, called La Nueva Guatemala de la Asuncion, lies in the
plain of Mixco. For a further account of this town and the eruptions of
the above-mentioned volcanoes, we must refer the reader to the work of
Domingo Juarros, entitled, 'Compendio de la Historia de la Ciudad de
Guatemala,' published at the latter place, 1809-1818. (p. 409.)
FINIS.
C. AND J. ADLARD, PRINTERS, BARTHOLOMEW CLOSE.