_How Narvaez, Christobal de Tapia, the pilot Umbria, and the soldier
Cardenas, bring heavy accusations against Cortes, at the instigation
of the bishop of Burgos, and what judgment his majesty pronounced._
After the pope and the emperor, as I have just related, had pronounced
judgment in favour of Cortes, Pamfilo de Narvaez and Christobal de Tapia
arrived in Spain. They were accompanied by the soldier Cardenas and the
pilot Umbria, and immediately repaired to the bishop of Burgos at Toro,
and begged of him to aid in the accusations which they had determined to
bring against Cortes before his majesty. As nothing could be more
welcome to the bishop than this, he promised to lend them every support,
and upon his advice they joined Velasquez's agents, named Bernardino
Velasquez, Benito Martin, and Manuel de Rojas, and presented themselves
to his majesty, before whom they preferred the following charges against
Cortes:
Firstly. Diego Velasquez had sent out three several armaments for the
discovery and colonization of New Spain, in which he had expended large
sums of money. Of one of these expeditions he had appointed Cortes
commander-in-chief, but the latter had deserted with the whole armament
and had refused all further obedience to him.
Secondly. When Diego Velasquez upon this despatched Narvaez with
eighteen vessels, 1300 foot, a considerable body of horse, musketeers,
and crossbow-men to New Spain, Cortes not only refused to acknowledge
the papers in which the president of the council of the Indies conferred
the government of the country on Narvaez, but he had even attacked the
latter with his troops, killed several of his officers, and then, after
Narvaez had lost an eye in the battle, took him and the whole of his men
prisoners.
Thirdly. When upon this the bishop of Burgos conferred the appointment
of governor of New Spain upon Christobal de Tapia, and the latter
repaired in person thither to enter upon the government in the name of
his majesty, Cortes again refused all obedience and forced Tapia to
leave the country.
Fourthly. Cortes had demanded in the name of his majesty large
quantities of gold from all the townships throughout New Spain, which
the inhabitants accordingly had brought him, but he had put the whole of
it in his private purse.
Fifthly. Cortes had taken an equal fifth with his majesty of the booty
found in Mexico, which had created great discontent among the men.
Sixthly. He had tortured Quauhtemoctzin and other caziques, in order to
extort more gold from them.
Seventhly. Cortes never divided any of the gold among his troops, but
kept all to himself.
Eighthly. Cortes was building himself palaces and houses with
fortifications, which had the extent of whole townships; the inhabitants
of the surrounding districts were compelled to labour in the
construction of the edifices, and were obliged to fetch large cedar
trees and enormous blocks of stone from the most distant parts.
Ninethly. He had poisoned Francisco de Garay in order that he might get
possession of his vessels and of his troops.
Besides these they brought many similar charges against Cortes, so that
his majesty was excessively annoyed, imagining that all they said was
true, and he would not listen to any more, telling them that these
accusations were quite sufficient.
During this audience, Narvaez, with his stentorian voice, was heard to
express himself as follows: "Your majesty can easily imagine how matters
went with me on the night that Cortes attacked and defeated me; for when
his men thrust out one of my eyes, and I found my quarters all in
flames, I quickly secreted the deed by which I held my appointment from
your majesty, between my cuirass; but one of Cortes' officers took these
papers forcibly from me, nor could I obtain possession of them again.
They even spread the rumour that I had no appointment at all, but that
the papers they took from me were bonds of some kind or other."
The emperor could not help laughing at what Narvaez said, but promised
that he and the others should have justice done them. His majesty then
appointed a commission from the gentlemen of his court and of his privy
council, in whose honesty he could place the most implicit confidence to
make inquiries into the several charges, and to pronounce judgment upon
them. The names of the gentlemen who composed this commission were:
Mercurio Catarinario,[39] high chancellor of Italy; senor la Chau; the
doctor de la Rocha; Hernando de Vega, who was lord of Grajales and
comendador-mayor of Castile; the doctor Lorenzo Galindez de Caravajal,
and the licentiate Vargas, who was treasurer-general of Castile. His
majesty desired these gentlemen to make the most minute investigation
respecting the dispute between Velasquez and Cortes, and also into the
present charges which were preferred against the latter; and
particularly recommended them to have no regard to persons, but to give
their decision in conformity with strict justice. These gentlemen then
assembled in the house of the high chancellor, and ordered Narvaez, with
his three companions and the agents of Velasquez into their presence. In
the same way they cited before them Martin Cortes, the licentiate Nunez,
Montejo, and Ordas. These latter gentlemen being made acquainted with
the several charges which had been prepared against Cortes, replied to
the following effect:
That with regard to the assertion, that Velasquez was the first
discoverer of New Spain, and that he had expended large sums of money in
the discovery, it was entirely false, as the whole merit of it was due
to Cordoba, who had fitted out the armament at his own expense.
Velasquez, on the contrary, in many circumstances connected with this
expedition, had laid himself open to the imputation of guilt, as he had
tried all in his power to induce Cordoba and his companions, for certain
considerations, to land at the Guanajas islands, in order to carry away
forcibly from thence a great number of the inhabitants as slaves, to
work his mines in Cuba; of all of which our agents produced undeniable
proofs. Neither could Velasquez, they continued, claim any merit to
himself when he subsequently despatched his relative Grijalva to New
Spain, as he had not commissioned him to form any settlements, but he
merely desired him to carry on a trade of barter with the Indians. Nor
had Velasquez put himself to any great expense on this occasion, as the
greater part of the expenses in fitting out the armament had been borne
by the officers and soldiers themselves, one of whom, Francisco de
Montejo, now stood before the honorable commission. From this expedition
Grijalva had returned to Cuba with 20,000 pesos worth of gold, of which,
however, Velasquez had not paid one farthing into the royal treasury,
but claimed the whole amount for himself, and sent it to the bishop of
Burgos, to obtain further favours from him. In the same way he had
bestowed upon the bishop great numbers of Indians to work his gold mines
in Cuba, without his ever so much as thinking to set any of the
townships apart for the crown. Of all this they likewise produced
undeniable proofs.
If Velasquez, continued our agents, did give Cortes the chief command of
the armament he afterwards fitted out, his appointment was certainly by
divine ordinance, and it proved most fortunate for the emperor's
interest, as every other general must have succumbed to the immense
bodies of the enemy which everywhere opposed his march into the interior
of the country. However, Velasquez's intention in fitting out this
expedition was not to make any conquests, or form any settlements, but
merely to carry on a trade of barter with the Indians; in proof of
which, they could produce the original papers, containing his
instructions. Cortes had remained in that country, and founded a colony
there, because his troops had insisted on it, and because he himself was
convinced that it would be both serviceable to God and to his majesty.
Respecting all these circumstances, Cortes' troops drew up an account,
which they had despatched to his majesty, with all the gold they had
collected up to that moment; indeed Cortes and his men were never for a
moment forgetful of the deep veneration and the dutiful obedience which
they owed to their monarch. Our agents then gave a long description of
the great partiality which the president of the council of the Indies
had undisguisedly shown on every occasion for Velasquez; how he had
taken all the gold, with our despatches, from our agents, and put half
of the former into his own pocket; how he had calumniated us to his
majesty, purposely omitted to mention what great services we had
rendered to the crown, suppressed real facts, and altogether placed
things in a false light. But this was not all; for when our agents
wished to repair in person to Flanders, in order to throw themselves at
his majesty's feet, and give him a faithful account of all the
circumstances, the bishop cast one of those gentlemen, named
Puertocarrero, a relative of the earl of Medellin, into prison, where he
died. With the same hostile feeling and party spirit the bishop had
issued peremptory orders that neither ammunition, troops, nor anything
else destined for Cortes, should leave the port of Seville, and every
obstacle was to be laid in his way to thwart his designs. He had not
hesitated to term Cortes and the whole of his men a pack of traitors;
and the only cause of his hatred was his own interested connexion with
Velasquez, and the intended marriage of his niece with Christobal de
Tapia, in consideration of which the latter was to receive the
appointment of governor of New Spain.
In proof of this and other matters, our agents produced copies of
letters we had written to his majesty, besides other important
documents; so that Velasquez's party were unable to confute them on any
point.
With respect to the armament of Narvaez, continued our agents, Velasquez
had fully deserved punishment of death, as he had fitted it out against
Cortes without any authority from his majesty, and against the wishes
and express orders of the royal court of audience at St. Domingo, and of
the Hieronymite brotherhood, whom the emperor had appointed viceroys of
the West Indies. Diego Velasquez had, upon the whole, troubled himself
very little about his majesty, but had always applied to the president
of the council of the Indies. In his hatred he had forgotten the true
interests of the crown, for which reason he had continually bred
disturbances among the troops in New Spain, though it was so necessary
towards the conquest of the country, and the conversion of the
inhabitants, to maintain the strictest union among the men. Velasquez
had gone so far in his refractory and disrespectful behaviour towards
the authorities of St. Domingo, that he had ordered to be imprisoned and
sent back to Cuba the licentiate Vasquez de Aillon, whom the royal court
of audience had expressly despatched to New Spain to admonish Narvaez
not to commence hostilities with Cortes. As Narvaez was now himself
present, and had had the audacity to accuse Cortes and his troops of
_crimen laesae majestatis_, they must retort this charge upon him, and
they demanded that punishment of death might be pronounced against him,
as the moment he landed in New Spain he sent word to Motecusuma that his
only object for visiting his dominions was to liberate him from prison,
and to hang Cortes, with the whole of his men, as traitors. By this he
had caused an insurrection throughout the whole country, which up to
that moment had enjoyed perfect tranquillity. This conduct was the less
excusable in him, since Cortes, immediately upon Narvaez's arrival in
Vera Cruz, had written a most polite letter to him, and requested him to
produce his appointment, as, if he possessed such an instrument, signed
by his majesty, Cortes was ready to acknowledge his authority. To this
Narvaez not only refused to reply, but had called Cortes and the whole
of his men traitors, proclaimed war against them, and even declared them
outlaws. Notwithstanding all this, Cortes had repeatedly offered Narvaez
peace, and earnestly requested him not to create a rebellion in the
country; for this was threatened by his conduct, and New Spain would
certainly be lost again to the Spanish crown. Cortes had even offered to
share the government of New Spain between himself and Narvaez, and to
allow the latter his choice of the provinces. But even to this Narvaez
had returned no answer; so that Cortes found himself compelled to pursue
a more determined course, and to demand satisfaction of him for having
imprisoned a royal auditor. Cortes at length proposed a personal
interview with him, which Narvaez had certainly accepted, but this never
took place, for his intentions were to seize Cortes during the
conference. This could be proved by Duero, who now stood before the
honorable commissioners, as at that time he held a command under
Narvaez, and had himself warned Cortes of the latter's treacherous
designs against his life.
Neither could Velasquez's agents confute any part of these statements;
our agents therefore continued: With regard to the expedition of Garay,
Cortes had not been the cause of its failure, but the inhabitants of
Panuco, who had risen up in arms against the troops, the whole of whom,
with Garay, would certainly have been cut off to a man, if the latter
had not, in the imminent danger in which he was placed, begged
assistance of Cortes; for which purpose Garay had repaired in person to
Mexico, where he met with the kindest reception from Cortes; but that a
few days after he caught a violent cold, of which he died, and not of
poison, as had been imputed to Cortes, who could have had no cause
whatever to adopt such a course, even if he had in any way feared Garay,
as the latter did not possess the requisite talents for command, and had
himself caused great discontent among his troops, who even rebelled
against him, on account of his having marched them immediately upon
landing to a pestilential part of the country, full of swamps and
uninhabitable, on account of the vermin with which it swarmed. When his
men therefore heard of the riches of Mexico and the liberality of
Cortes, they dispersed of their own accord, and traversed the country
like so many banditti, plundered and burned the townships, and forcibly
carried off the females, until the natives rose up against them in a
body. Cortes' only reason for despatching several of his officers to
Garay was that they might assist him with their advice and authority; to
peruse his papers, and see how far they interfered with the powers which
Cortes had obtained from his majesty. When Garay found that the whole of
his men had deserted, and that the greater number of his vessels were
lost, he repaired in person to Mexico, to beg assistance from Cortes. On
his road thither he everywhere met with the heartiest reception; in
Tezcuco a splendid banquet took place in his honour, and when he had
approached within a short distance of Mexico, Cortes himself came out to
meet him, and quartered him in one of his own palaces. They became so
friendly with each other, that the preliminaries of a marriage were
settled between a daughter of Cortes and the eldest son of Garay, and in
consideration of this union it was particularly stipulated that Cortes
was to assist Garay in an expedition to the river Palmas. But because
Garay soon after fell suddenly ill, and it pleased the Almighty in his
wisdom to call him to another world, Velasquez's agents had thought
proper to reproach Cortes with his death! who, however, had given
sufficient proofs of the deep sorrow he felt at his untimely end, by the
funeral pomp with which he honoured his last remains, and the mourning
which he put on; besides which, the surgeons had stated on oath that
Garay died of pleurisy.
Cortes had likewise been reproached for subtracting an equal fifth with
the emperor from all the gold that was collected; but to this the answer
was, that the troops had unanimously agreed to allow him such a share of
the gold when they elected him captain-general and chief justice of New
Spain, with the proviso, however, that this should only remain in force
until his majesty should otherwise dispose. For the rest, Cortes was in
every way entitled to this portion, as he had embarked his whole fortune
in the service of his majesty, and on different occasions had paid large
sums out of his own private purse, as, for instance, in the expedition
against Panuco alone he had expended above 60,000 pesos; moreover, it
would have been impossible for Cortes to have sent those valuable
presents for his majesty to Spain unless the troops had allowed him this
fifth.
Against this justification of Cortes' conduct, Velasquez's agents were
also unable to bring in a word, and our agents continued:
Cortes had likewise been reproached for giving his men so trifling a
share of the gold; but how was it possible for him to give more than he
possessed; for the conquest of the city of Mexico had produced very
little gold, as the Tlascallans and other auxiliaries had carried off
the greater part of the booty. It was likewise a false accusation
against Cortes to say he had put Quauhtemoctzin and other caziques to
the torture, in order to extort more gold from them. Cortes indeed had
been quite averse to this inhuman act, but the officers of the crown had
insisted on it, in order to force from them a confession as to where
they had concealed Motecusuma's treasure.
It was certainly true, continued our agents, that Cortes was building
extensive and splendid mansions, but in this he had the emperor's
interest entirely at heart, for they were all built in his majesty's
name. It was, however, altogether false that he ordered the wood and
stone to be brought to Mexico from distant parts, for the wood grew near
to the city, and was conveyed thither by water; and as for the stones,
they had, in all truth, a sufficient supply in the place itself, from
the numerous temples which had been pulled down. Velasquez's agents had
altogether misrepresented things, with regard to the system of building
in Mexico. Cortes had certainly one great advantage with regard to
labourers, for he had only to say the word, and Quauhtemoctzin readily
furnished him with the necessary workmen from the surrounding townships;
but this was quite in accordance with the custom of the country, where
the subjects are always obliged to build the houses for their chiefs.
Narvaez's accusation, said our agents, is equally unfounded, when he
says that Alonso de Avila took the papers from him containing his
appointment, and had refused to return them, or that he had said these
papers were nothing but bonds. Cortes never saw Narvaez's appointment,
or gave any one orders to demand it of him; though it is a fact that all
the papers which were found upon Narvaez were three bonds or securities
for some horses which he had sold upon trust.
The complaints of the pilot Umbria and of the soldier Cardenas were mere
fabrications, continued our agents. The first had not had his feet cut
off without cause, but conformably to a just sentence, for having, with
two of his companions, who had suffered death for it, deserted his
general, and seized one of the vessels, with the intention of running
off with her to Cuba.
Cardenas, who complains that he had no share of the first gold we
collected, which was sent to his majesty, had himself, with several
others, signed his name to a certain document, by which he yielded up
all claim to his share, in order that the whole of the gold might be
forwarded as a present to the emperor. Nevertheless, Cortes had given
him 300 pesos from his own private purse, in order to induce him to
return with his wife and family to New Spain. With this sum of money he
had been richly renumerated, for he was quite unfit for military
service, and besides this was not altogether right in his head.
Our agents further continued to say, that they were quite surprised
accusations should be preferred against Cortes and his troops for having
marched against Narvaez, defeated his army, taken his officers
prisoners, and burnt his quarters to the ground! They had sufficiently
explained above what Narvaez's conduct had been in New Spain, and no
person could deny that he had compelled Cortes to take up arms against
him: and it appeared like a judgment from heaven that Cortes, with only
266 men, without cavalry, or cannon, or muskets, should have overthrown
Narvaez, with a body of 1300 men, who were fully equipped for war,
besides having a fine park of artillery. New Spain would undoubtedly
have been lost again to the Spanish crown, if Narvaez had entered upon
the government of that vast territory. It would have been the same case
if Christobal de Tapia had been allowed to assume that dignity, who,
however, had had sufficient common sense to see the difficulty of his
position, and had considered himself very fortunate in selling off to
Cortes the horses and negroes which he brought over with him for a good
price, and to return from whence he came. However, if he had repaired to
Mexico, and had shown his appointment to Cortes, the latter would
certainly have obeyed him; but the cavaliers and the authorities of the
different towns would never have consented to the chief command of New
Spain passing from the hands of Cortes into those of an individual, whom
every one at the first sight could see had not the requisite talents to
fill an office of so much importance. Those cavaliers and distinguished
personages had even drawn up petitions to his majesty, in which they
humbly supplicated him to withdraw the appointment of Tapia.
Here our agents closed the defence; and as the complainants had nothing
further to say, and the pleadings of both parties had lasted five days,
the commission closed the court, and retired to deliberate on their
verdict, which ran as follows:
The commissioners were of opinion that Cortes and the other true and
only Conquistadores of New Spain had on every occasion proved themselves
loyal and faithful servants of his majesty. Great good fortune had
certainly attended all their undertakings, but the courage and
intrepidity which they had displayed in the terrible and bloody battles
with the Indians, the victory which they gained over the large body of
troops under Narvaez with a handful of men, fully merited this good
fortune. The commissioners declared that Velasquez was not justified in
commencing his suit respecting the government of New Spain; but that he
was at liberty to sue Cortes in the proper law courts for the monies he
had expended in fitting out the armament.
They confirmed the pope's appointment of Cortes as governor of New
Spain; every division of land which he had made should stand good, and
further power should be granted to him to distribute the lands in
future, according to the best of his judgment; as it was quite evident
that in everything he had done up to the present moment he had strove to
promote the service of God, and the best interests of his majesty; and
it was therefore to be supposed he would continue to do so in future.
With respect to the accusations brought against Cortes concerning
Garay's death, the commissioners could not pronounce judgment at
present, but would thoroughly investigate this matter on some future
occasion: neither could they at present come to any decision with regard
to Narvaez's charge that his papers had been taken away from him, as the
defendant Alonso de Avila was then a prisoner in France; but they would
apply to the French king for his release in order to examine him. With
respect to the pilot Umbria and the soldier Cardenas, the commissioners
would petition his majesty to grant them each a commendary in New Spain
that would produce them an annual rent of 1000 pesos.
With regard to the Conquistadores themselves, they would propose that
lucrative commendaries should be bestowed upon them all, and that they
should take precedence in the churches and in all other places.
These several decisions were then drawn up in proper form, and
despatched to the royal court at Valladolid to receive his majesty's
confirmation.
His majesty not only confirmed the decision to which the commissioners
had come, but issued other royal letters by which Cortes was empowered
to banish from New Spain all deserters and those Spaniards who strolled
about the country like vagabonds, as they obstructed the conversion of
the Indians to Christianity. Further, all lawyers were forbidden to
settle in New Spain for a certain number of years to come, for they only
created lawsuits, quarrels, and dissensions among the inhabitants.
These royal letters were given at the court of Valladolid on the 17th of
May, in the year one thousand five hundred and so many years,[40]
countersigned by the above commissioners, by Don Garcia de Padilla, and
by the royal secretary Don Francisco de los Cobos, who subsequently
became comendador-mayor of Leon. Besides all this, his majesty wrote
letters to Cortes and all of us the veteran Conquistadores, in which he
expressed his unqualified satisfaction with the great and excellent
services we had rendered the crown.
About this time also, Ferdinand king of Hungary and king of the Romans
wrote a letter to Cortes, in which he thanked him for the beautiful
present of gold ornaments and jewels which he had sent him, adding, that
he had heard, with much pleasure, of the great services he had above all
things rendered to God, and then to his master and brother the emperor,
and to the whole of Christendom, and that he should feel happy at all
times to promote his interests with the emperor. Thus much he thought
himself indebted to a man who possessed so many noble qualities, and who
had rendered himself so meritorious; in like manner he wished to express
his high esteem for his brave companions in arms.
This letter besides passed many high encomiums on the Conquistadores,
and I still remember that it was signed with the words, _I the king and
Infante of Castile_, countersigned by the private secretary Castillejo.
I read the letter myself two or three times at Mexico, for Cortes shewed
it to me in order to convince me of the great esteem in which we the
true Conquistadores were held by his majesty.
As soon as these royal mandates and letters had been put into the hands
of our agents, they despatched them in all haste to Mexico by a cousin
of Cortes named Rodrigo de Paz, who was accompanied by Francisco de las
Casas, a nobleman of Estremadura, and also a relative of our general.
These gentlemen embarked in an excellent sailing vessel, and had a most
favorable voyage. They stopped on their way at Cuba, and there, under
sound of trumpet, published the decision which his majesty had come to
in favour of Cortes, and they then demanded of Velasquez an account of
the monies which had been expended in fitting out the armament. The
governor of Cuba, however, took the unfavorable termination of his suit
so to heart, that he fell ill and died shortly after very poor and
unhappy.
In order to save myself the trouble of recurring to these matters, I
must observe that Francisco de Montejo and Diego de Ordas did not forget
to profit by their stay at the imperial court, and their endeavours
proved very successful. Montejo was appointed governor and chief-justice
of Yucatan and Cozumel, and was allowed to assume the Don before his
name; and Diego de Ordas was confirmed in his New Spanish possessions,
received a commendary of the order of St. Jago, and was allowed to
assume the volcano of Huexotzinco in his escutcheon.
After these high honours had been conferred upon them, both these
gentlemen returned to Mexico, though Ordas, after a lapse of three
years, again returned to Spain, and obtained permission from the emperor
to subdue the country on the river Marannon; he accordingly fitted out
an armament for this purpose, but lost both his property and his life in
the expedition.
When the bishop of Burgos found that everything had terminated in our
favour, and heard of the great honours which his majesty had bestowed
upon Cortes and upon all the Conquistadores, he naturally concluded that
the gentlemen who had formed the commission of inquiry must have soon
seen through all his doings with the governor of Cuba, and have been
convinced that he had kept back all the gold which we had sent for his
majesty to Spain, and that he had suppressed all mention of the great
services we had rendered to the crown. These reflections preyed so hard
upon his mind, that, like his creature Diego Velasquez, he fell
dangerously ill, in which miserable state he had the additional vexation
to see his nephew Don Alonso de Fonseca appointed to the archbishopric
of Santiago, on which he had himself calculated.
I must now return to Rodrigo de Paz and Francisco de las Casas, who were
sent to New Spain with the despatches containing Cortes' appointment of
governor. They made their entry into Mexico in the most splendid manner,
after which feasts and rejoicings took place, and couriers were
despatched to every part of the country where Spaniards resided, to
spread the happy news.
The gentlemen who had brought these despatches, and other persons who
had accompanied them from Medellin were not forgotten by Cortes.
Francisco de las Casas he appointed a captain, and afterwards bestowed
upon him the productive township of Anguitlan. Rodrigo de Paz was
likewise presented with extensive and lucrative commendaries, besides
that Cortes appointed him his private secretary and major-domo. This man
gained so much influence that he ruled all those about him, and even
Cortes himself. There was not a single person who had come to New Spain
with Rodrigo de Paz on this occasion that was not handsomely rewarded;
even the captain of the vessel in which they had arrived received so
large a sum of money from Cortes that he returned to Spain a rich man.
I must now answer some questions which were put to me by a few gentlemen
who had read this account; namely, how I, who was at that time in the
interior of New Spain, and certainly occupied very differently than in
relating what was going on in the other hemisphere, could vouch for the
truth of what I had written of the occurrences which then took place in
Spain; of the declaration of his holiness, of the accusations which
were preferred against Cortes, and his defence before the royal
commission by our agents, and of other matters?
My answer to them was, that, besides myself, the whole of my companions
the veteran Conquistadores were duly informed of every circumstance. We
had only to read the four or five accounts which our agents despatched
to us in New Spain, to convince us how warmly they had our interest at
heart; though I indeed remarked, as soon as I had perused these
despatches, that all the endeavours of our agents were only exerted in
behalf of Cortes and of themselves, and that we others, who had
undergone all the fatigues and perils to place Cortes in that high and
meritorious position, would have to toil to the last day of our lives.
However, we must pray to God mercifully to remember us, and to instil
the thoughts into our emperor's mind likewise of rewarding us according
to our merits, which we may fully hope for from his majesty, who is so
good a catholic.