He belonged, of course, to an older time, when politics were still

respectable and even dignified, and, having begun to take root in them

much earlier in life, he felt acutely the wastage of his powers—for

he could never have office. But he was treated by the Chair as a sort

of Elder Statesman, and I shall always remember the solidity and

detail of his experience in foreign affairs. He was one of the very

few men of my time (overlapping from an older time) who knew what he

was talking about when he discussed the Continent, and who followed

the change which was taking place over all Western Europe; and he

could value the degree and the quality of it in each country, or at

least in the Germanies, in France, in Italy, and in Belgium. Spain he

discussed less, and I do not know what his measure of acquaintance was

with Spanish affairs. I always count his evidence as valuable in the

interesting discussion upon the origin of Gambetta. He knew Gambetta

well, and did not despise him. He said that he was a Jew, and that,

therefore, he was quite alien to the French temper. That, of course,

was also the thesis of many of Gambetta’s enemies (for Liberals

always seem to think that they are saying something unpleasant about

a man when they say that he is of Jewish race), but it was not the

testimony of most of his friends. Two of Gambetta’s friends I knew well

enough: one was a relative of mine, the other was that very great man,

Déroulède. I do not think Déroulède was a very accurate observer, but

at any rate he testified to the intensely national quality of Gambetta,

and swore that there was nothing Oriental about him at all. My own

relative, who was of a more cynical temper, said that he was certain of

the same thing from careful observation. Gambetta seems to have been a

man who commanded real and profound affection, but his legend will be

distorted, for it is one of the curses of the modern political chaos

that those who by accident or by their desire enter its whirlpool of

personal competition and consequent advertisement must inevitably be

betrayed by fate. Not one of them can appear as he is, and not one of

them will ever be taken by posterity to have anything of greatness

about him, however great he may be, unless he can exercise some talent

outside the wretched parliamentary business into which he has been

caught up.

There is in that life such an admixture of violence, cunning, and

bombast, quite apart from the money taint, that a man’s name becomes

a mere label for hatred and ridicule in places where the struggle is

taken seriously, as it is in France or in Ireland. It becomes a mere

label for play-acting and make-believe in a country such as ours, where

politics are not taken seriously.

No English Parliamentarian could suffer the legacy of hatred,

virulent contempt, and documented, detailed, evidenced accusation

which will prevent the name of Gambetta from taking an honourable

place in history. But, on the other hand, no English politician,

since the nineties, will cut any figure for posterity unless he can

do something outside his profession. There is nothing to prevent the

Postmaster-General, or the Leader of the Opposition, or any other of

the circus, from writing a good poem, or painting a good picture; but,

unless he does something of the sort, his name will only be one of a

hundred names, half comic and all wearisome. For the trade has lost its

dignity. It is found out.

I have delayed on this subject too long. It is public property, and

filth at that, and people are tired of it, for in their heart of hearts

they know that nothing more can be done, that public life in its

Parliamentary form is past saving.

It is possible that I exaggerate the effect of the evil; it is possible

that some novel remedy besides the obvious one of increasing the power

of the Crown may set things right. It has certainly done so in the

past; the break-up of one institution apparently necessary to society

has discovered the importance of other forces which have saved society

by bringing up new forces unsuspected. It is possible. Perhaps it is

probable. It is to be hoped. And that is all one can say.

Such thoughts are suitable for a drizzling calm, and for wet canvas

hanging useless and dead in a hopeless dawn upon a sea without life.

But with the coming of a little wind, a little northeasterly wind in

the growing light; with its blowing away of the misty rain, and its

bringing a heartening into the morning, I prefer to turn to better

things, to the realities: to the English water and to the English land.

The mist scudded off from the Folkestone waters, the light not only

brightened, but grew coloured, until at last there was a fine, flaming

dawn over the Kentish chalk and the Bastion cliffs of the Kentish

salient, and very soon she was running to it prettily, her wet canvas

holding the wind well, and, if anything, pressing her a little too

hard. My companion came on deck with the morning, woken by the new

life in the hull, and by the run of the sea along the sides. As yet

the water was smooth, for the wind was a trifle off shore, and would

so remain until we had come into the hollow bend of the flat coast,

the last of which runs almost due south, and which ends in the shingle

of Dungeness. Also we were still on the ebb and the wind followed the

stream.

After the sun had risen the breeze grew stronger, and even violent;

but as I greatly desired to round the Ness before the tide should

catch me and raise a sea, I would not take in a reef. So I held on,

though with the more southerly course we were setting, and with the

wind still rising, it was not over safe; for that wind was now coming

almost due aft, her boom was right out, and I feared a gybe. To take

every advantage of any slight northing of the wind that might come, I

ran closer into the coast at a still greater risk of gybe, of course,

if the wind should hold where it did when we came to the sharp turn of

the Ness. We were now running for it very hard indeed, and the Nona,

splendidly as she lifts when properly trimmed, was burying a little

owing to too great press of mainsail, and with head sails doing no work

to support her bows. A slight sea had risen, although the tide was

still with us and with the wind, and once or twice she took it green as

she plunged forward.

Then it was, as I held the Nona with difficulty thus, right in front of

a wind that was now much too strong for her canvas, that I understood

what had long puzzled me, and that is, why the ancients, down to

the end of the Dark Ages in the Mediterranean, and to, perhaps, the

fourteenth century in the North, continued to step the masts of their

square rig so far aft. It was to prevent burying; to give the bow its

chance of lifting to the sea. For this rig sailed at its best with the

wind aft, and when their boats were running so with the great square

sail driving them into the seas, had their mast been stepped forward,

they would have buried dangerously.

And why do you think men were so long in adapting the fore-and-aft to

larger boats?

But I cannot delay to consider such things of the past, for I am at the

edge of Dungeness, and with my heart in my mouth lest at any moment

she should gybe over.

I handed the helm to my companion, who had a better eye than I had, and

a firmer hold, and he, with great skill, did just save the gybe. We had

not the luck to hold the tide; we caught the turn of it and the early

flood nearly two miles from Dungeness Point, and, as you may imagine,

it raised a short and buffeting sea, which made our task the more

perilous. My companion handled her beautifully, until I told him he

could go as near as he liked to the end of the Ness, because the land

shelves down here so steeply as to give one deep water right up against

the shore. We were, perhaps, five minutes in the worst of the ordeal

just opposite the lighthouse before we could put the helm a trifle over

and get the wind fairly on our quarter and breathe again. It seemed

about half an hour, for the strength of the tide, even against that

wind, made us forge very slowly past the land, and it was astonishing

to see the white foam racing by while the shingle, a stone’s throw

away, barely crept past us; but save the gybe he did, as I said, and

there came that placid moment when she would take a turn a little west

of south, and then fairly west of south, and the roar of the wind was

at her quarter and I had no excuse for an excessive nervousness. But

she was pressing too hard altogether, so now we threw her round (as

I ought to have done long before), took in two reefs, and then were

able to set an easy and comfortable line for the doubtful harbour of

Rye, which neither of us had yet made. We feared we might touch at the

entry, but we had at least the comfort of a wind off the land, yet far

round enough to take us in without beating, and we were on a rising

tide.

I have often thought that a boat running snug and properly reefed to

suit the wind is a model of the virtue which the theologians called

temperance, and which has nothing to do with the historical dread of

wine bred in those who have themselves suffered from, or have seen in

their families, the disease called dipsomania. For temperance does not

mean doing things half-heartedly, still less does it mean doing or

not doing things extremely. It means suiting your implements to your

motive power, and not carrying on at a risk. It is not unconnected with

dignity, and there is something profound about it; I will call it the

contralto among the virtues, and leave it at that.

We sped on (the stream against us, very slight now that we were inside

the Ness); we saw before us the broomstick, or whatever you like to

call it, which marks (or does not mark) the entry into Rye Haven, and

the last bare remnant of what was once the crowded fairway, a market

for the nations—the harbour of Rye.

The little town stood up inland, neat and beautiful, red and grey,

a pyramid thrown up towards its squat steeple; for under that keen

northeasterly air all was clear and well cut. The pilot book gave us

no comfort; it only told us that the deep changes with every gale,

and, as for the lead, there was no use for it, the shore would come

too steep; what we had to do was to look out for the outer buoy, and

round it, hoping that as we turned we should neither touch nor get into

irons, but still have the wind easterly enough to round to take us in.

On the plan I had by me the fairway was marked dangerously near the

point from which the wind was coming, but I trusted to luck, and still

kept her to her course.

Any man making Rye Haven must first resign himself to the will of

God, and consider, especially if the boat is running and a little

over-canvassed, that death is but a mighty transition; that it is

all sand hereabouts, with no cruel rocks to tear the tender body with

their horrid fangs; that nothing is worth calculating in life, because

things happen by fate anyhow, or by chance, but certainly not by our

direction; and that if, or when, she strikes, it will not be his

fault. There is no man living that can ever tell you the deep into Rye

Harbour, for it shifts with every wind, and at the best it is of the

narrowest. As for me, I have made it four times in my life, each time I

have touched and never have I struck, and how the thing was done no one

knows. Nevertheless, they still build ships in Rye, and the tradition

of the sea is all about it, though what used to be the old haven is now

a field.

I remember sitting up to a very late and clear sunset of a Whit-Monday,

gazing, under the sharp northeast breeze (the Nona moored at last

to the wooden quay), at the pyramid of red roofs, and the highly

successful walls and battlements of Rye, and considering within my mind

many things.

First I considered within my own dear mind how marvellously this place

had been preserved, seeing what modern England is, and what modern

travel is. It is, of course, a stage-scenery town, such as I have heard

that Rothenburg is in Germany, and, therefore, there is an interest

in preserving it; but I never heard that any such pains were taken to

prevent its destruction by increase or rebuilding, or by any of those

courses which bring death to beauty, such as a good train service,

clubs, large and torturing hotels. Rye manages to live on. I suppose

there is a spell. At any moment it may be broken, and the flood will

pour in.

Being what it is, you cannot begin thinking about Rye without finding

yourself dragged on to consider preciosity, and from that to the

business of letters is but half a step.

Here at Rye did I meet and speak with Henry James, who was in the

very heart of letters. Here also did I meet his brother, William

James, whose business in life it was to write about philosophy,

but whose conversation when I met him turned principally upon the

subtle diplomatic genius of the King of England then reigning;

upon the stability of English institutions; the excellence of the

English police, and the singular faculty shown by our institutions of

permitting differences without conflict. Also the piercing wit of the

paper ‘Punch,’ and the profound wisdom of ‘The Times.’ I had just come

back with a companion from foreign parts; I had been sleeping rough,

and I was in no condition to take part in polite conversation, so I did

all the listening, and, as I listened, I still considered how literary

was Rye. And so now, years after, looking at Rye from my boat, was I

led on to consider the trade or business of letters.

When a writing man approaches that subject, he feels—at least I

feel—like a man before a jumbled heap of material of all kinds—one of

those refuse-heaps in which you may pick up stray bits of machinery,

or salve a little fuel, or find what you will. Or again, it is like

being in one of those shops—there are few of them left, alas!—where

an old half-wit has collected all manner of things, so that one knows

not whether to begin by the furniture, or the glass, or the pictures,

or the second-hand telescopes, or the books. For there is an indefinite

number of ways of considering letters.

To those who have had to pursue letters as a trade (and to this I have

been condemned all my life since my twenty-fifth year) it certainly is

the hardest and the most capricious, and, indeed, the most abominable

of trades, for the simple reason that it was never meant to be a trade.

A man is no more meant to live by writing than he is meant to live

by conversation, or by dressing, or by walking about and seeing the

world. For there is no relation between the function of letters and the

economic effect of letters; there is no relation between the goodness

and the badness of the work, or the usefulness of the work, or the

magnitude of the work, and the sums paid for the work. It would not be

natural that there should be such a relation, and, in fact, there is

none.

This truth is missed by people who say that good writing has no market.

That is not the point. Good writing sometimes has a market, and very

bad writing sometimes has a market. Useful writing sometimes has a

market, and writing of no use whatsoever, even as recreation, sometimes

has a market. Writing important truths sometimes has a market.

Writing the most ridiculous errors and false judgments sometimes has

a market. The point is that the market has nothing to do with the

qualities attached to writing. It never had and it never will. There

is no injustice about it, any more than there is an injustice in the

survival of beauty or ugliness in human beings, or the early death

of the beautiful or the ugly. There is no more injustice about it

than there is in a dry year hurting a root crop, and a wet harvest

hurting a corn crop. The relationship between the excellence or the

usefulness of a piece of literature, and the number of those who will

buy it in a particular form, is not a causal relationship, it is a

purely capricious one; and I, for my part, have never complained of the

absence of a market, nor flattered myself upon the presence of one when

a market turned up, though I have certainly been astonished at the way

the market would behave.

For some few months thousands upon thousands—at one moment sixty

thousand a week—of the articles I wrote upon the war were demanded by

the public. Some months later the same articles, of the same value, or

lack of value, were no longer demanded. There was no particular reason,

the articles were clear, and based upon such insufficient knowledge as

I shared with all my fellow citizens. I had no private information save

upon the point of numbers, and that was the very point upon which the

public grew most easily fatigued, and were at last most sceptical.

Mr. Hutchinson, for whose work I personally have (though I am afraid my

judgment is not worth much in these things) a great liking, wrote among

other books a book called ‘Once Aboard the Lugger.’ It was exceedingly

amusing, fresh, and, as I should have said, well worth anybody’s

buying. I do not know how many copies he sold of it, but I should

imagine nothing very astonishing. A little while after he wrote a book

called ‘If Winter Comes,’ and it sold by the stack, and by the ton. One

could see it piled up man-high upon the counters of shops in America,

and it sold, and it sold, and it sold.

Mr. Wells wrote a book which is most remarkable, and will probably

make a mark in English literature. It was called ‘The Time Machine.’

When Henley (I think it was) was bringing it out by instalments, the

appearance of each was, for me at least, and for very many others,

the chief event of the month. I do not know how many copies he sold,

but there again I will swear nothing comparable to the numbers

he has sold of later books which certainly will not stand out in

English literature. That one which I hear has sold most largely has

always seemed to me to be a mere repetition of what his audience

already thought they knew, and of a philosophy which they already

held: I mean his ‘Outline of History.’ It was mainly a repetition of

the popular mythology of to-day, of antiquated scientific jargon,

full of the popular errors, but it was clear, well-proportioned and

vivacious, showing a rare economy in the use and placing of words.

It was also (and that is high minor praise for any book purporting

to deal with history) astonishingly accurate in details. The names

were properly spelt; south was never written for north, nor east for

west; the dates were all right. Any one who has attempted the writing

of history will not belittle such a feat: I, least of all, because I

am constitutionally inaccurate in such things, and I will write left

for right and north for south as a matter of course, and the word

‘Tyre’ for the word ‘Acre,’ and so on. At any rate, the book, with

all its good and bad qualities, is obviously not of the first class,

and equally obviously is not destined to endure, while ‘The Time

Machine’ is quite certainly of the first class, and is quite likely to

endure. But I believe that the huge ephemeral demand for the ‘Outline

of History’ created no special, certainly no very great, demand for

the more permanent ‘The Time Machine.’ In general, I am assured by

publishers, that when there is a sudden boom in a writer’s work, they

hardly ever manage to float on that boom a resale of earlier works;

while if these earlier works are unknown, it is almost impossible to

give them a popular fame on the strength of the later works. Witness

the late Mr. Hudson’s ‘Crystal Age.’ I came across it as a young man

in a bookshop in the Euston Road on a winter evening. I took it up and

began reading it, and I read it so long that the bookseller told me I

must buy it, which I did. Now, towards the end of Mr. Hudson’s life,

he became deservedly famous as a writer upon the things of the natural

world, and especially upon animals. But what made him famous was not

his subject, though he was both accurate and learned; it was his manner

of writing. One would have expected, therefore, that the ‘Crystal Age’

would, upon his fame tardily arising, have a quiet and equal fame. It

did not. I say that there are no laws governing these movements. They

are capricious and incalculable.

Sometimes one hears that a great demand for a book, or for a set of

newspaper articles, is due to something touching a common feeling in

a particular fashion, something which great bodies of men necessarily

feel together. There is a sense, of course, in which that is a mere

truism, for it is clear that obscure stuff, or stuff dealing with

matters that could not interest great numbers, will never sell. Why

should it? But if the statement is intended to mean (as it usually is)

that whatever sells in great numbers does so through this quality of

a common appeal, that anything having this quality will always sell

in great numbers, and that this quality is in some way a rare thing

discoverable only in ‘best-sellers,’ then the statement is manifestly

false. A great deal of matter which possesses this appeal—enormously

the greater part of such matter—remains unknown, and that which is

best known is often rather weak in such an appeal. There are a great

many factors entering into the result of a great popular demand which

people forget because they are irrational: fashion is one, routine

is another, inertia is a third. I know one man whose name, for the

honour I bear it (he is now dead), I would not publish, since what I

am about to say of his work is not flattering. He wrote a great number

of stories, all of them with exactly the same plot and exactly the

same characters. There was a beautiful chocolate-box girl, there was

a villain, there was a hero who became rich after being poor, there

were parents who objected to the match, and there was a racehorse.

Had he departed from the formula, he would not have sold. As it was,

he sold by the million. He was not only as modest a man as you could

find, but exceedingly generous. He put on no airs; he made no error as

to the nature of his success; he is already forgotten. Nothing shall

persuade me that any one of many thousand men could not have written

exactly the same; but a certain vast public got used to that particular

insipid food, and wanted it unchanged, just as you and I get used to a

particular kind of breakfast, and eat it every day of our lives.

Of course, there is a different set of factors operating in different

phases of society. The popular best-seller of to-day depends upon the

existence of our great towns with their machine-made citizens, all

working blindly in little grooves, lacking any common direction—a dust

of individuals. He depends also on that new-fangled, mechanical, and,

let us hope, ephemeral, institution called ‘popular education.’ If you

tell millions of boys and girls (nearly all the citizens of the state),

at the age when they receive unquestioning any dogmatic teaching, that

their ancestors were repulsive savages, first actually bestial, later

exceedingly vile, and that these ancestors passed through certain

stages, and were ‘Cavemen,’ and men of the ‘Stone Age,’ and of the

‘Bronze Age,’ and so forth; then, obviously, writers using such terms,

and taking for granted such a mythology, will fit in with the popular

market. The demand for books, or for writing in any form, is created

by minds already moulded, and any kind of writing which tends to break

the mould is resented and left on one side. In older phases of society,

judgment upon writing was passed by a few well-trained and leisured

people, who handed down their judgments to a larger class, but still a

small class compared with the whole state; and it is clear that in such

a condition of society—which was that of England from the last third

of the eighteenth century to the last third of the nineteenth—there

would be no best-sellers in our modern sense, and that there would be

a nearer approach between the demand for a book and its excellence.

But there also the mould had to be considered. Macaulay’s false

rhetoric sold well, because it agreed with the religion of his day. No

historical work telling the truth about James II would have sold in his

day, nor for that matter would any such matter sell in ours.

For religion is here, as elsewhere, at the root of effect. Robert Louis

Stevenson was an excellent writer, but his popularity reposed not upon

his excellence alone, but also upon the consonance of his religion

with that of his readers. A man who was perpetually telling you that

it was your duty to be cheerful, that you must take pleasure in God’s

creation, that you had a ‘task of happiness’ would cut no ice with the

Irish, or with the Italians, or, in general, with the Catholic culture

of Europe, but he rings true in the ears of the Protestant culture.

Conversely, what the French powerfully call the ‘bitter taste of

reality’ has very little chance with the crowd of the North. It is a

spur and a relish to the crowd of the South. You could not sell Barrie

in Arles nor Baudelaire in Pudsey.

The truth remains that the relation, or the lack of relation, between

the economic result of a literary effort and its success as a piece of

craft is of very much less importance than the consideration of the

canon, the attempt to achieve a standard. To get a canon is the first

requirement of letters. For though it is said that time will test

literature for us in any case, this is not universally true; and, even

in so far as it is true, it is better to have the good things to our

hand than to wait for time to establish them. Such a canon requires

not only intelligent analysis, but a common philosophy into which our

rules must fit. It is, therefore, with great difficulty arrived at, or

perhaps not to be arrived at at all, in a period of confusion like

ours. But the attempt to arrive at it never loses interest—no, not

even to-day.

One of the things which always seem to me best worth saying in

connection with letters is that prose should be distinguished, not only

from verse, but also from rhetoric; and that prose in itself, mere

lucid, economic, unornamented prose, is the foundation of good letters.

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