A Traveler's Narrative
by 'Abdu'l-Baha
Edition 1, (September 2006)
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CONTENTS
Baha'i Terms of Use
A TRAVELER'S NARRATIVE WRITTEN TO ILLUSTRATE THE EPISODE OF THE BAB
[Pages 1-20]
[Pages 21-40]
[Pages 41-60]
[Pages 61-80]
[Pages 81-94]
A TRAVELER'S NARRATIVE WRITTEN TO ILLUSTRATE THE EPISODE OF THE BAB
[Pages 1-20]
Touching the individual known as the Bab and the true nature of this sect
diverse tales are on the tongues and in the mouths of men, and various
accounts are contained in the pages of Persian history and the leaves of
European chronicles. But because of the variety of their assertions and
the diversity of their narratives not one is as worthy of confidence as it
should be. Some have loosed their tongues in extreme censure and
condemnation; some foreign chronicles have spoken in a commendatory
strain; while a certain section have recorded what they themselves have
heard without addressing themselves either to censure or approbation.
Now since these various accounts are recorded in other pages, and since
the setting forth thereof would lead to prolixity, therefore what relates
to the history of this matter (sought out with the utmost diligence during
the time of my travels in all parts of Persia, whether far or near, from
those without and those within, from friends and strangers), and that
whereon the disputants are agreed, shall be briefly set forth in writing,
so that a summary of the facts of the case may be at the disposal of those
who are athirst after the fountain of knowledge and who seek to become
acquainted with all events.
The Bab was a young merchant of the Pure Lineage. He was born in the year
one thousand two hundred and thirty-five [A.H.] on the first day of
Muharram,(1) and when after a few years His father Siyyid Muhammad-Rida
died, He was brought up in _Sh_iraz in the arms of His maternal uncle
Mirza Siyyid 'Ali the merchant. On attaining maturity He engaged in trade
in Bu_sh_ihr, first in partnership with His maternal uncle and afterwards
independently. On account of what was observed in Him He was noted for
godliness, devoutness, virtue, and piety, and was regarded in the sight of
men as so characterized.
In the year one thousand two hundred and sixty [A.H.], when He was in His
twenty-fifth year, certain signs became apparent in His conduct, behavior,
manners, and demeanor whereby it became evident in _Sh_iraz that He had
some conflict in His mind and some other flight beneath His wing. He began
to speak and to declare the rank of Bab-hood.(2) Now what He intended by
the term Bab [Gate] was this, that He was the channel of grace from some
great Person still behind the veil of glory, Who was the possessor of
countless and boundless perfections, by Whose will He moved, and to the
bond of Whose love He clung. And in the first book which He wrote in
explanation of the Surih of Joseph,(3) He addressed Himself in all
passages to that Person unseen from Whom He received help and grace,
sought for aid in the arrangement of His preliminaries, and craved the
sacrifice of life in the way of His love.
Amongst others is this sentence: "O Remnant of God, I am wholly sacrificed
to Thee; I am content with curses in Thy way; I crave naught but to be
slain in Thy love; and God the Supreme sufficeth as an Eternal
Protection."
He likewise composed a number of works in explanation and elucidation of
the verses of the Qur'an, of sermons, and of prayers in Arabic; inciting
and urging men to expect the appearance of that Person; and these books He
named "Inspired Pages" and "Word of Conscience." But on investigation it
was discovered that He laid no claim to revelation from an angel.
Now since He was noted amongst the people for lack of instruction and
education, this circumstance appeared in the sight of men supernatural.
Some men inclined to Him, but the greater part manifested strong
disapproval; whilst all the learned doctors and lawyers of repute who
occupied chairs, altars, and pulpits were unanimously agreed on
eradication and suppression, save some divines of the _Sh_ay_kh_i party
who were anchorites and recluses, and who, agreeably to their tenets, were
ever seeking for some great, incomparable, and trustworthy person, whom
they accounted, according to their own terminology, as the "Fourth
Support" and the central manifestation of the truths of the Perspicuous
Religion.
Of this number Mulla Husayn of Bu_sh_ruyih, Mirza Ahmad of Az_gh_and,
Mulla Sadiq Muqaddas [the Holy], _Sh_ay_kh_ Abu-Turab of I_sh_tihard,
Mulla Yusuf of Ardibil, Mulla Jalil of Urumiyyih, Mulla Mihdi of Kand,
_Sh_ay_kh_ Sa'id the Indian, Mulla 'Ali of Bastam, and the like of these
came out unto Him and spread themselves through all parts of Persia.
The Bab Himself set out to perform the circumambulation of the House of
God.(4) On His return, when the news of His arrival at Bu_sh_ihr reached
_Sh_iraz, there was much discussion, and a strange excitement and
agitation became apparent in that city. The great majority of the doctors
set themselves to repudiate Him, decreeing slaughter and destruction, and
they induced Husayn _Kh_an Ajudan-ba_sh_i, who was the governor of Fars,
to inflict a beating on the Bab's missionaries, that is on Mulla Sadiq
Muqaddas; then, having burnt his moustaches and beard together with those
of Mirza Muhammad-'Ali of Barfuru_sh_ and Mulla 'Ali-Akbar of Ardistan,
they put halters on all the three and led them round the streets and
bazaars.
Now since the doctors of Persia have no administrative capacity, they
thought that violence and interference would cause extinction and silence
and lead to suppression and oblivion; whereas interference in matters of
conscience causes stability and firmness and attracts the attention of
men's sight and souls; which fact has received experimental proof many
times and often. So this punishment caused notoriety, and most men fell to
making inquiry.
The governor of Fars, acting according to that which the doctors deemed
expedient, sent several horsemen, caused the Bab to be brought before him,
censured and blamed Him in the presence of the doctors and scholars, and
loosed his tongue in the demand for reparation. And when the Bab returned
his censure and withstood him greatly, at a sign from the president they
struck Him a violent blow, insulting and contemning Him, in such wise that
His turban fell from His head and the mark of the blow was apparent on His
face. At the conclusion of the meeting they decided to take counsel, and,
on receiving bail and surety from His maternal uncle Haji Siyyid 'Ali,
sent Him to His house forbidding Him to hold intercourse with relations or
strangers.
One day they summoned Him to the mosque urging and constraining Him to
recant, but He discoursed from the pulpit in such wise as to silence and
subdue those present and to stablish and strengthen His followers. It was
then supposed that He claimed to be the medium of grace from His Highness
the Lord of the Age (upon Him be peace); but afterwards it became known
and evident that His meaning was the Gatehood [Babiyyat] of another city
and the mediumship of the graces of another Person Whose qualities and
attributes were contained in His books and treatises.
At all events, as has been mentioned, by reason of the doctors' lack of
experience and skill in administrative science, and the continual
succession of their decisions, comment was rife; and their interference
with the Bab cast a clamor throughout Persia, causing increased ardor in
friends and the coming forward of the hesitating. For by reason of these
occurrences men's interest increased, and in all parts of Persia some [of
God's] servants inclined toward Him, until the matter acquired such
importance that the late king Muhammad _Sh_ah delegated a certain person
named Siyyid Yahya of Darab, who was one of the best known of doctors and
Siyyids as well as an object of veneration and confidence, giving him a
horse and money for the journey so that he might proceed to _Sh_iraz and
personally investigate this matter.(5)
When the above-mentioned Siyyid arrived at _Sh_iraz he interviewed the Bab
three times. In the first and second conferences questioning and answering
took place; in the third conference he requested a commentary on the Surih
called Kaw_th_ar(6) , and when the Bab, without thought or reflection,
wrote an elaborate commentary on the Kaw_th_ar in his presence, the
above-mentioned Siyyid was charmed and enraptured with Him, and
straightway, without consideration for the future or anxiety about the
results of this affection, hastened to Burujird to his father Siyyid
Ja'far, known as Ka_sh_fi, and acquainted him with the matter. And,
although he was wise and prudent and was wont to have regard to the
requirements of the time, he wrote without fear or care a detailed account
of his observations to Mirza Lutf-'Ali the chamberlain in order that the
latter might submit it to the notice of the late king, while he himself
journeyed to all parts of Persia, and in every town and station summoned
the people from the pulpit-tops in such wise that other learned doctors
decided that he must be mad, accounting it a sure case of bewitchment.
Now when the news of the decisions of the doctors and the outcry and
clamor of the lawyers reached Zanjan, Mulla Muhammad-'Ali the divine, who
was a man of mark possessed of penetrating speech, sent one of those on
whom he could rely to _Sh_iraz to investigate this matter. This person,
having acquainted himself with the details of these occurrences in such
wise as was necessary and proper, returned with some [of the Bab's]
writings. When the divine heard how matters were and had made himself
acquainted with the writings, notwithstanding that he was a man expert in
knowledge and noted for profound research, he went mad and became crazed
as was predestined: he gathered up his books in the lecture-room saying,
"The season of spring and wine has arrived," and uttered this sentence:
"Search for knowledge after reaching the known is culpable." Then from the
summit of the pulpit he summoned and directed all his disciples [to
embrace the doctrine], and wrote to the Bab his own declaration and
confession.
The Bab in His reply signified to him the obligation of congregational
prayer.
Although the doctors of Zanjan arose with heart and soul to exhort and
admonish the people they could effect nothing. Finally they were compelled
to go to Tihran and made their complaint before the late king Muhammad
_Sh_ah, requesting that Mulla Muhammad-'Ali might be summoned to Tihran.
So the royal order went forth that he should appear.
Now when he came to Tihran they brought him before a conclave of the
doctors; but, so they relate, after many controversies and disputations
naught was effected with him in that assembly. The late king therefore
bestowed on him a staff and fifty tumans for his expenses, and gave him
permission to return.
At all events, this news being disseminated through all parts and regions
of Persia, and several proselytes arriving in Fars, the doctors perceived
that the matter had acquired importance, that the power to deal with it
had escaped from their hands, and that imprisonment, beating, tormenting,
and contumely were fruitless. So they signified to the governor of Fars,
Husayn _Kh_an, "If thou desirest the extinction of this fire, or seekest a
firm stopper for this rent and disruption, an immediate cure and decisive
remedy is to kill the Bab. And the Bab has assembled a great host and
meditates a rising."
So Husayn _Kh_an ordered 'Abdu'l-Hamid _Kh_an the high constable to attack
the house of the Bab's maternal uncle at midnight on all sides, and to
bring Him and all His followers handcuffed. But 'Abdu'l-Hamid _Kh_an and
his hosts found no one in the house save the Bab, His maternal uncle, and
Siyyid Kazim of Zanjan; and as it chanced that on that night the sickness
of the plague and the extreme heat of the weather had compelled Husayn
_Kh_an to flee, he released the Bab on condition of His quitting the city.
On the morning after that night the Bab with Siyyid Kazim of Zanjan set
out from _Sh_iraz for Isfahan. Before reaching Isfahan He wrote a letter
to the Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih, the governor of the province, requesting a
lodging in some suitable place with the sanction of the government. The
governor appointed the mansion of the Imam-Jum'ih. There He abode forty
days; and one day, agreeably to the request of the Imam, He wrote without
reflection a commentary on [the Surih of] V'al-'Asr before the company.(7)
When this news reached the Mu'tamid he sought an interview with Him and
questioned Him concerning the "Special Mission." At that same interview an
answer proving the "Special Mission" was written.
The Mu'tamid then gave orders that all the doctors should assemble and
dispute with Him in one conclave, and that the discussion should be
faithfully recorded without alteration by the instrumentality of his
private secretary, in order that it might be sent to Tihran, and that
whatever the royal edict and decree should ordain might be carried out.
The doctors, however, considering this arrangement as a weakening of the
Law, did not agree, but held a conclave and wrote, "If there be doubt in
the matter there is need of assembly and discussion, but as this person's
disagreement with the most luminous Law is clearer than the sun therefore
the best possible thing is to put in practice the sentence of the Law."
The Mu'tamid then desired to hold the assembled conference in his own
presence so that the actual truth might be disclosed and hearts be at
peace, but these learned doctors and honorable scholars, unwilling to
bring the Perspicuous Law into contempt, did not approve discussion and
controversy with a young merchant, with the exception of that most erudite
sage Aqa Muhammad-Mihdi, and that eminent Platonist Mirza Hasan of Nur. So
the conference terminated in questionings on certain points relating to
the science of fundamental dogma, and the elucidation and analysis of the
doctrines of Mulla Sadra. So, as no conclusion was arrived at by the
governor from this conference, the severe sentence and harsh decision of
the learned doctors was not carried out; but, anxious to abate the great
anxiety quickly and prevent a public tumult effectually, he gave currency
to a report that a decree had been issued ordering the Bab to be sent to
Tihran in order that some decisive settlement might be arrived at, or that
some courageous divine might be able to confute [Him].
He accordingly sent Him forth from Isfahan with a company of his own
mounted bodyguard; but when they reached Mur_ch_ih-_Kh_ar he gave secret
orders for His return to Isfahan, where he afforded Him a refuge and
asylum in his own roofed private quarters; and not a soul save the
confidential and trusty dependents of the Mu'tamid knew aught of the Bab.
A period of four months passed in this fashion, and the Mu'tamid passed
away to the mercy of God. Gurgin _Kh_an, the Mu'tamid's nephew, was aware
of the Bab's being in the private apartments, and represented the matter
to the Prime Minister. Haji Mirza Aqasi, that celebrated minister, issued
a decisive command and gave instructions that they should send the Bab
secretly in disguise under the escort of Nusayri horsemen to the capital.
When He reached Kinar-Gird a fresh order came from the Prime Minister
appointing the village of Kulayn as an abode and dwelling-place. There He
remained for a period of twenty days. After that, the Bab forwarded a
letter to the Royal Presence craving audience to set forth the truth of
His condition, expecting this to be a means for the attainment of great
advantages. The Prime Minister did not admit this, and made representation
to the Royal Presence: "The royal cavalcade is on the point of starting,
and to engage in such matters as the present will conduce to the
disruption of the kingdom. Neither is there any doubt that the most
notable doctors of the capital also will behave after the fashion of the
doctors of Isfahan, which thing will be the cause of a popular outbreak,
or that, according to the religion of the immaculate Imam, they will
regard the blood of this siyyid as of no account, yea, as more lawful than
mother's milk. The imperial train is prepared for travel, neither is there
hindrance or impediment in view. There is no doubt that the presence of
the Bab will be the cause of the gravest trouble and the greatest
mischief. Therefore, on the spur of the moment, the wisest plan is this:
to place this person in the Castle of Maku during the period of absence of
the royal train from the seat of the imperial throne, and to defer the
obtaining of an audience to the time of return."
Agreeably to this view a letter was issued addressed to the Bab in his
Majesty's own writing, and, according to the traditional account of the
tenor of this letter, the epitome thereof is this:
(After the titles). "Since the royal train is on the verge of departure
from Tihran, to meet in a befitting manner is impossible. Do you go to
Maku and there abide and rest for a while, engaged in praying for our
victorious state; and we have arranged that under all circumstances they
shall show you attention and respect. When we return from travel we will
summon you specially."
After this they sent Him off with several mounted guards (amongst them
Muhammad Big, the courier) to Tabriz and Maku.
Besides this the followers of the Bab recount certain messages conveyed
[from Him] by the instrumentality of Muhammad Big (amongst which was a
promise to heal the foot of the late king, but on condition of an
interview, and the suppression of the tyranny of the majority), and the
Prime Minister's prevention of the conveyance of these letters to the
Royal Presence. For he himself laid claim to be a spiritual guide and was
prepared to perform the functions of religious directorship. But others
deny these accounts.
At all events in the course of the journey He wrote a letter to the Prime
Minister saying, "You summoned Me from Isfahan to meet the doctors and for
the attainment of a decisive settlement. What has happened now that this
excellent intention has been changed for Maku and Tabriz?"
Although He remained forty days in the city of Tabriz the learned doctors
did not condescend to approach Him and did not deem it right to meet Him.
Then they sent Him off to the Castle of Maku, and for nine months lodged
Him in the inaccessible castle which is situated on the summit of that
lofty mountain. And 'Ali _Kh_an of Maku, because of his excessive love for
the family of the Prophet, paid Him such attention as was possible, and
gave permission [to some persons] to converse with Him.
Now when the accomplished divines of A_dh_irbayjan perceived that in all
the parts round about Tabriz it was as though the last day had come by
reason of the excessive clamor, they requested the government to punish
the [Bab's] followers, and to remove the Bab to the Castle of _Ch_ihriq.
So they sent Him to that castle and consigned Him to the keeping of Yahya
_Kh_an the Kurd.
Glory be to God! Notwithstanding these decisions of great doctors and
reverend lawyers, and severe punishments and reprimands--beatings,
banishments, and imprisonments--on the part of governors, this sect was
daily on the increase, and the discussion and disputation was such that in
meetings and assemblies in all parts of Persia there was no conversation
but on this topic. Great was the commotion which arose: the doctors of the
Perspicuous Religion were lamenting, the common folk clamorous and
agitated, and the Friends rejoicing and applauding.
But the Bab Himself attached no importance to this uproar and tumult, and,
alike on the road and in the castles of Maku and _Ch_ihriq, evening and
morning, nay, day and night, in extremest rapture and amazement, He would
restrict Himself to repeating and meditating on the qualities and
attributes of that absent-yet-present, regarded-and-regarding Person of
His.(8) Thus He makes a mention of Him whereof this is the purport:
"Though the ocean of woe rageth on every side, and the bolts of fate
follow in quick succession, and the darkness of griefs and afflictions
invade soul and body, yet is My heart brightened by the remembrance of Thy
countenance and My soul is as a rosegarden from the perfume of Thy
nature."
In short, after He had remained for three months in the Castle of
_Ch_ihriq, the eminent doctors of Tabriz and scholars of A_dh_irbayjan
wrote to Tihran and demanded a severe punishment in regard to the Bab for
the intimidation and frightening of the people. When the Prime Minister
Haji Mirza Aqasi beheld the ferment and clamor of the learned doctors in
all districts of Persia, he perforce became their accomplice and ordered
Him to be brought from _Ch_ihriq to Tabriz. In the course of His transit
by Urumiyyih the governor of the district Qasim Mirza treated Him with
extraordinary deference, and a strange flocking together of high and low
was apparent. These conducted themselves with the utmost respectfulness.
When the Bab reached Tabriz they brought Him after some days before the
government tribunal. Of the learned doctors the Nizamu'l-'Ulama, Mulla
Muhammad-i-Mamaqani, Mirza Ahmad the Imam-Jum'ih, Mirza 'Ali-As_gh_ar the
_Sh_ay_kh_u'l-Islam, and several other divines were present. They asked
concerning the claims of the Bab. He advanced the claim of Mihdi-hood;
whereon a mighty tumult arose. Eminent doctors in overwhelming might
compassed Him on all sides, and such was the onset of orthodoxy that it
had been no great wonder if a mere youth had not withstood the mountain of
Elburz. They demanded proof. Without hesitation He recited texts, saying,
"This is the permanent and most mighty proof." They criticized His
grammar. He adduced arguments from the Qur'an, setting forth therefrom
instances of similar infractions of the rules of grammar. So the assembly
broke up and the Bab returned to His own dwelling.
The heaven-cradled Crown-Prince was at that time governor of
A_dh_irbayjan. He pronounced no sentence with regard to the Bab, nor did
he desire to interfere with Him. The doctors, however, considered it
advisable at least to inflict a severe chastisement, and beating was
decided on. But none of the corps of farra_sh_es would agree to become the
instruments of the infliction of this punishment. So Mirza 'Ali-As_gh_ar
the _Sh_ay_kh_u'l-Islam, who was one of the noble Siyyids, brought Him to
his own house and applied the rods with his own hand. After this they sent
the Bab back to _Ch_ihriq and subjected Him to a strict confinement.
Now when the news of this beating, chastisement, imprisonment, and rigor
reached all parts of Persia, learned divines and esteemed lawyers who were
possessed of power and influence girt up the loins of endeavor for the
eradication and suppression of this sect, exerting their utmost efforts
therefore. And they wrote notice of their decision, to wit "that this
person and his followers are in absolute error and are hurtful to Church
and State." And since the governors in Persia enjoyed the fullest
authority, in some provinces they followed this decision and united in
uprooting and dispersing the Babis. But the late King Muhammad _Sh_ah
acted with deliberation in this matter, reflecting, "This Youth is of the
Pure Lineage and of the family of him addressed with 'were it not for
thee.' So long as no offensive actions which are incompatible with the
public peace and well-being proceed from him, the government should not
interfere with him." And whenever the learned doctors appealed to him from
the surrounding districts, he either gave no answer, or else commanded
them to act with deliberation.
Notwithstanding this, between eminent doctors and illustrious scholars and
those learned persons who were followers of the Bab opposition,
discussion, and strife did so increase that in some provinces they desired
[to resort to] mutual imprecation; and for the governors of the provinces,
too, a means of acquiring gain was produced, so that great tumult and
disturbance arose. And since the malady of the gout had violently attacked
the king's foot and occupied his world-ordering thought, the good judgment
of the Chief Minister, the famous Haji Mirza Aqasi, became the pivot of
the conduct of affairs, and his incapacity and lack of resource became
apparent as the sun. For every hour he formed a new opinion and gave a new
order: at one moment he would seek to support the decision of the doctors,
accounting the eradication and suppression of the Babis as necessary: at
another time he would charge the doctors with aggressiveness, regarding
undue interference as contrary to justice: at another time he would become
a mystic and say, "All these voices are from the King,"(9) or repeat with
his tongue, "Moses is at war with Moses,"(10) or recite, "This is nought
but Thy trial."(11) In short this changeable minister, by reason of his
mismanagement of important matters and failure to control and order the
affairs of the community, so acted that disturbance and clamor arose from
all quarters and directions: the most notable and influential of the
doctors ordered the common folk to molest the followers of the Bab, and a
general onslaught took place. More especially when the claim of Mihdi-hood
reached the hearing of eminent divines and profound doctors they began to
make lamentation and to cry and complain from their pulpits, saying, "One
of the essentials of religion and of the authentic traditions transmitted
from the holy Imams, nay, the chief basis of the foundations of the church
of His Highness Ja'far, is the Occultation of the immaculate twelfth Imam
(upon both of them be peace). What has happened to Jabulqa? Where has
Jabulsa gone? What was the Minor Occultation? What has become of the Major
Occultation? What are the sayings of Husayn ibn Ruh, and what the
tradition of Ibn Mihriyar? What shall we make of the flight of the
Guardians and the Helpers? How shall we deal with the conquest of the East
and the West? Where is the Ass of Antichrist? When will the appearance of
the Sufyan be? Where are the signs which are in the traditions of the Holy
Family? Where is that whereon the Victorious Church is agreed? The matter
is not outside one of two alternatives: either we must repudiate the
traditions of the Holy Imams, grow wearied of the Church of Ja'far, and
account the clear indications of the Imam as disturbed dreams; or, in
accordance with the primary and subsidiary doctrines of the Faith and the
essential and explicit declarations of the most luminous Law, we must
consider the repudiation, nay, the destruction of this person as our chief
duty. If so be that we shut our eyes to these authentic traditions and
obvious doctrines universally admitted, no remnant will endure of the
fundamental basis of the Church of the immaculate Imam: we shall neither
be Sunnites, nor shall we be of the prevalent sect to continue awaiting
the promised Saint and believing in the begotten Mihdi.(12) Otherwise we
must regard as admissible the opening of the Gate of Saintship, and
consider that He Who is to arise of the family of Muhammad possesses two
signs: the first condition, Holy Lineage; the second, [that He is
divinely] fortified with brilliant verses. What can we do with these
thousand-year-old beliefs of the delivered band of _Sh_i'ites, or what
shall we say concerning their profound doctors and preeminent divines?
Were all these in error? Did they journey in the vale of transgression?
What an evidently false assertion is this! By God, this is a thing to
break the back! O people, extinguish this fire and forget these words!
Alas! woe to our Faith, woe to our Law!"
Thus did they make complaint in mosques and chapels, in pulpits and
congregations.
But the Babi chiefs composed treatises against them, and set in order
replies according to their own thought. Were these to be discussed in
detail it would conduce to prolixity, and our object is the statement of
history, not of arguments for believing or rejecting; but of some of the
replies the gist is this: that they held the Proof as supreme, and the
evidence as outweighing traditions, considering the former as the root and
the latter as the branch, and saying, "If the branch agree not with the
root it serves not as an argument and is unworthy of reliance; for the
reported consequence has no right to oppose itself to the established
principle, and cannot argue against it." Indeed in such cases they
regarded interpretation as the truth of revelation and the essence of true
exegesis: thus, for instance, they interpreted the sovereignty of the
Qa'im as a mystical sovereignty, and His conquests as conquests of the
cities of hearts, adducing in support of this the meekness and defeat of
the Chief of Martyrs (may the life of all being be a sacrifice for him).
For he was the true manifestation of the blessed verse "And verily our
host shall overcome for them,"(13) yet, notwithstanding this, he quaffed
the cup of martyrdom with perfect meekness, and, at the very moment of
uttermost defeat, triumphed over his enemies and became the most mighty of
the troops of the Supreme Host. Similarly they regarded the numerous
writings which, in spite of His lack of education, the Bab had composed,
as due to the promptings of the Holy Spirit; extracted from books contrary
sayings handed down by men of mark; adduced traditions apparently agreeing
with their objects; and clung to the announcements of certain notables of
yore. They also considered the conversion of austere and recluse doctors
and eminent votaries of the Perspicuous Religion [of Islam] as a valid
proof, deemed the steadfastness and constancy of the Bab a most mighty
sign, and related miracles and the like; which things, being altogether
foreign to our purpose, we have passed by with brevity, and will now
proceed with our original topic.
At the time of these events certain persons appeared amongst the Babis who
had a strange ascendancy and appearance in the eyes of this sect. Amongst
these was Mirza Muhammad-'Ali of Mazindaran, who was the disciple of the
illustrious Siyyid (may God exalt his station) Haji Siyyid Kazim of
Ra_sh_t, and who was the associate and companion of the Bab in His
pilgrimage journey. After a while certain manners and states issued from
him such that all, acting with absolute confidence, considered obedience
to him as an impregnable stronghold, so that even Mulla Husayn of
Bu_sh_ruyih, who was the leader of all and the arbiter appealed to alike
by the noble and the humble of this sect, used to behave in his presence
with great humility and with the self-abasement of a lowly servant.
This personage set himself to exalt the word of the Bab with the utmost
steadfastness, and the Bab did full justice to speech in praising and
glorifying him, accounting his uprising as an assistance from the Unseen.
In delivery and style he was "evident magic," and in firmness and
constancy superior to all. At length in the year [A.H.] 1265 at the
sentence of the chief of lawyers the Sa'idu'l-'Ulama' the chief divine of
Barfuru_sh_, he yielded his head and surrendered his life amidst extremest
clamor and outcry.
And amongst them was she who was entitled Qurratu'l-'Ayn the daughter of
Haji Salih, the sage of Qazvin, the erudite doctor. She, according to what
is related, was skilled in diverse arts, amazed the understandings and
thoughts of the most eminent masters by her eloquent dissertations on the
exegesis and tradition of the Perspicuous Book, and was a mighty sign in
the doctrines of the glorious _Sh_ay_kh_ of Ahsa. At the Supreme Shrines
she borrowed light on matters divine from the lamp of Kazim, and freely
sacrificed her life in the way of the Bab. She discussed and disputed with
the doctors and sages, loosing her tongue to establish her doctrine. Such
fame did she acquire that most people who were scholars or mystics sought
to hear her speech and were eager to become acquainted with her powers of
speculation and deduction. She had a brain full of tumultuous ideas, and
thoughts vehement and restless. In many places she triumphed over the
contentious, expounding the most subtle questions. When she was imprisoned
in the house of [Mahmud] the Kalantar of Tihran, and the festivities and
rejoicings of a wedding were going on, the wives of the city magnates who
were present as guests were so charmed with the beauty of her speech that,
forgetting the festivities, they gathered round her, diverted by listening
to her words from listening to the melodies, and rendered indifferent by
witnessing her marvels to the contemplation of the pleasant and novel
sights which are incidental to a wedding. In short in elocution she was
the calamity of the age, and in ratiocination the trouble of the world. Of
fear or timidity there was no trace in her heart, nor had the admonitions
of the kindly-disposed any profit or fruit for her. Although she was of
[such as are] damsels [meet] for the bridal bower, yet she wrested
preeminence from stalwart men, and continued to strain the feet of
steadfastness until she yielded up her life at the sentence of the mighty
doctors in Tihran. But were we to occupy ourselves with these details the
matter would end in prolixity.
Well, Persia was in this critical state and the learned doctors perplexed
and anxious, when the late Prince Muhammad _Sh_ah died, and the throne of
sovereignty was adorned with the person of the new monarch. Mirza Taqi
_Kh_an Amir-Nizam, who was Prime Minister and Chief Regent, seized in the
grasp of his despotic power the reins of the affairs of the commonwealth,
and urged the steed of his ambition into the arena of willfulness and sole
possession. This minister was a person devoid of experience and wanting in
consideration for the consequences of actions; bloodthirsty and shameless;
and swift and ready to shed blood. Severity in punishing he regarded as
wise administration, and harshly entreating, distressing, intimidating,
and frightening the people he considered as a fulcrum for the advancement
of the monarchy. And as His Majesty the King was in the prime of youthful
years the minister fell into strange fancies and sounded the drum of
[Pages 21-40]
absolutism in [the conduct of] affairs: on his own decisive resolution,
without seeking permission from the Royal Presence or taking counsel with
prudent statesmen, he issued orders to persecute the Babis, imagining that
by overweening force he could eradicate and suppress matters of this
nature, and that harshness would bear good fruit; whereas [in fact] to
interfere with matters of conscience is simply to give them greater
currency and strength; the more you strive to extinguish the more will the
flame be kindled, more especially in matters of faith and religion, which
spread and acquire influence so soon as blood is shed, and strongly affect
men's hearts. These things have been put to the proof, and the greatest
proof is this very transaction. Thus they relate that the possessions of a
certain Babi in Ka_sh_an were plundered, and his household scattered and
dispersed. They stripped him naked and scourged him, defiled his beard,
mounted him face backwards on an ass, and paraded him through the streets
and bazaars with the utmost cruelty, to the sound of drums, trumpets,
guitars, and tambourines. A certain gabr who knew absolutely naught of the
world or its denizens chanced to be seated apart in a corner of a
caravansary. When the clamor of the people rose high he hastened into the
street, and, becoming cognizant of the offence and the offender, and the
cause of his public disgrace and punishment in full detail, he fell to
making search, and that very day entered the society of the Babis, saying,
"This very ill-usage and public humiliation is a proof of truth and the
very best of arguments. Had it not been thus it might have been that a
thousand years would have passed ere one like me became informed."
At all events the minister with the utmost arbitrariness, without
receiving any instructions or asking permission, sent forth commands in
all directions to punish and chastise the Babis. Governors and magistrates
sought a pretext for amassing wealth, and officials a means of [acquiring]
profits; celebrated doctors from the summits of their pulpits incited men
to make a general onslaught; the powers of the religious and the civil law
linked hands and strove to eradicate and destroy this people.
Now this people had not yet acquired such knowledge as was right and
needful of the fundamental principles and hidden doctrines of the Bab's
teachings, and did not recognize their duties. Their conceptions and ideas
were after the former fashion, and their conduct and behavior in
correspondence with ancient usage. The way of approach to the Bab was,
moreover, closed, and the flame of trouble visibly blazing on every side.
At the decree of the most celebrated of the doctors, the government, and
indeed the common people, had, with irresistible power, inaugurated rapine
and plunder on all sides, and were engaged in punishing and torturing,
killing and despoiling, in order that they might quench this fire and
wither these [poor] souls. In towns where these were but a limited number
all of them with bound hands became food for the sword, while in cities
where they were numerous they arose in self-defense agreeably to their
former beliefs, since it was impossible for them to make inquiry as to
their duty, and all doors were closed.
In Mazindaran amongst other places the people of the city of Barfuru_sh_
at the command of the chief of the lawyers the Sa'idu'l-'Ulama' made a
general attack on Mulla Husayn of Bu_sh_ruyih and his followers, and slew
six or seven persons. They were busy compassing the destruction of the
rest also when Mulla Husayn ordered the a_dh_an to be sounded and
stretched forth his hand to the sword, whereupon all sought flight, and
the nobles and lords coming before him with the utmost penitence and
deference agreed that he should be permitted to depart. They further sent
with them as a guard _Kh_usraw of Qadi-Kala with horsemen and footmen, so
that, according to the terms of the agreement, they might go forth safe
and protected from the territory of Mazindaran. When they, being ignorant
of the fords and paths, had emerged from the city, _Kh_usraw dispersed his
horsemen and footmen and set them in ambush in the forest of Mazindaran,
scattered and separated the Babis in that forest on the road and off the
road, and began to hunt them down singly. When the reports of muskets
arose on every side the hidden secret became manifest, and several
wanderers and other persons were suddenly slain with bullets. Mulla Husayn
ordered the a_dh_an to be sounded to assemble his scattered followers,
while Mirza Lutf-'Ali the secretary drew his dagger and ripped open
_Kh_usraw's vitals. Of _Kh_usraw's host some were slain and others
wandered distractedly over the field of battle. Mulla Husayn quartered his
host in a fort near the burial-place of _Sh_ay_kh_ Tabarsi, and, being
aware of the wishes of the community, relaxed and interrupted the march.
This detachment was subsequently further reinforced by Mirza Muhammad-'Ali
of Mazindaran with a number of other persons, so that the garrison of the
fort numbered three hundred and thirteen souls. Of these, however, all
were not capable of fighting, only one hundred and ten persons being
prepared for war. Most of them were doctors or students whose companions
had been during their whole life books and treatises; yet, in spite of the
fact that they were unaccustomed to war or to the blows of shot and sword,
four times were camps and armies arrayed against them and they were
attacked and hemmed in with cannons, muskets, and bomb-shells, and on all
four occasions they inflicted defeat, while the army was completely routed
and dispersed. On the occasion of the fourth defeat Abbas-Quli _Kh_an of
Larijan was captain of the forces and Prince Mihdi-Quli Mirza commander in
the camp. The _Kh_an above mentioned used at nights to conceal and hide
himself in disguise amongst the trees of the forest outside the camp,
while during the day he was present in the encampment. The last battle
took place at night and the army was routed. The Babis fired the tents and
huts, and night became bright as day. The foot of Mulla Husayn's horse
caught in a noose, for he was riding, the others being on foot. Abbas-Quli
_Kh_an recognized him from the top of a tree afar off, and with his own
hand discharged several bullets. At the third shot he threw him from his
feet. He was borne by his followers to the fort, and there they buried
him. Notwithstanding this event [the troops] could not prevail by superior
force. At length the Prince made a treaty and covenant, and swore by the
Holy Imams, confirming his oath by vows plighted on the glorious Qur'an,
to this effect: "You shall not be molested; return to your own places."
Since their provisions had for some time been exhausted, so that even of
the skins and bones of horses naught remained, and they had subsisted for
several days on pure water, they agreed. When they arrived at the army
food was prepared for them in a place outside the camp. They were engaged
in eating, having laid aside their weapons and armor, when the soldiers
fell on them on all sides and slew them all. Some have accounted this
valor displayed by these people as a thing miraculous, but when a band of
men are besieged in some place where all avenues and roads are stopped and
all hope of deliverance is cut off they will assuredly defend themselves
desperately and display bravery and courage.
In Zanjan and Nayriz likewise at the decree of erudite doctors and notable
lawyers a bloodthirsty military force attacked and besieged. In Zanjan the
chief was Mulla Muhammad-'Ali the mujtahid, while in Nayriz Siyyid Yahya
of Darab was the leader and arbiter. At first they sought to bring about a
reconciliation, but, meeting with cruel ferocity, they reached the pitch
of desperation; and, the overpowering force of the victorious troops
having cut off every passage of flight, they unclosed their hands in
resistance. But although they were very strong in battle and amazed the
chiefs of the army by their steadfastness and endurance, the overwhelming
military force closed the passage of flight and broke their wings and
feathers. After numerous battles they too at last yielded to covenants and
compacts, oaths and promises, vows registered on the Qur'an, and the
wonderful stratagems of the officers, and were all put to the edge of the
sword.
Were we to occupy ourselves in detail with the wars of Nayriz and Zanjan,
or to set forth these events from beginning to end, this epitome would
become a bulky volume. So, since this would be of no advantage to history,
we have passed them over briefly.
During the course of the events which took place at Zanjan the Prime
Minister devised a final and trenchant remedy. Without the royal command,
without consulting with the ministers of the subject-protecting court, he,
acting with arbitrary disposition, fixed determination, and entirely on
his own authority, issued commands to put the Bab to death. This befell in
brief as follows. The governor of A_dh_irbayjan, Prince Hamzih Mirza, was
unwilling that the execution of this sentence should be at his hands, and
said to the brother of the Amir, Mirza Hasan _Kh_an, "This is a vile
business and an easy one; anyone is capable and competent. I had imagined
that His Excellency the Regent would commission me to make war on the
Afghans or Uzbegs or appoint me to attack and invade the territory of
Russia or Turkey." So Mirza Hasan _Kh_an wrote his excuse in detail to the
Amir.
Now the Siyyid Bab had disposed all His affairs before setting out from
_Ch_ihriq towards Tabriz, had placed His writings and even His ring and
pen-case in a specially prepared box, put the key of the box in an
envelope, and sent it by means of Mulla Baqir, who was one of His first
associates, to Mulla 'Abdu'l-Karim of Qazvin. This trust Mulla Baqir
delivered over to Mulla 'Abdu'l-Karim at Qum in presence of a numerous
company. At the solicitations of those present he opened the lid of the
box and said, "I am commanded to convey this trust to Baha'u'llah: more
than this ask not of me, for I cannot tell you." Importuned by the
company, he produced a long epistle in blue, penned in the most graceful
manner with the utmost delicacy and firmness in a beautiful minute
_sh_ikastih hand, written in the shape of a man so closely that it would
have been imagined that it was a single wash of ink on the paper. When
they had read this epistle [they perceived that] He had produced three
hundred and sixty derivatives from the word Baha. Then Mulla 'Abdu'l-Karim
conveyed the trust to its destination.
Well, we must return to our original narrative. The Prime Minister issued
a second order to his brother Mirza Hasan _Kh_an, the gist of which order
was this: "Obtain a formal and explicit sentence from the learned doctors
of Tabriz who are the firm support of the Church of Ja'far (upon him be
peace) and the impregnable stronghold of the _Sh_i'ite faith; summon the
Christian regiment of Urumiyyih; suspend the Bab before all the people;
and give orders for the regiment to fire a volley."
Mirza Hasan _Kh_an summoned his chief of the farra_sh_es, and gave him his
instructions. They removed the Bab's turban and sash which were the signs
of His Siyyid-hood, brought Him with four of His followers to the barrack
square of Tabriz, confined Him in a cell, and appointed forty of the
Christian soldiers of Tabriz to guard Him.
Next day the chief of the farra_sh_es delivered over the Bab and a young
man named Aqa Muhammad-'Ali who was of a noble family of Tabriz to Sam
_Kh_an, colonel of the Christian regiment of Urumiyyih, at the sentences
of the learned divine Mulla Muhammad of Mamaqan, of the second
ecclesiastical authority Mulla Mirza Baqir, and of the third
ecclesiastical authority Mulla Murtada-Quli and others. An iron nail was
hammered into the middle of the staircase of the very cell wherein they
were imprisoned, and two ropes were hung down. By one rope the Bab was
suspended and by the other rope Aqa Muhammad-'Ali, both being firmly bound
in such wise that the head of that young man was on the Bab's breast. The
surrounding housetops billowed with teeming crowds. A regiment of soldiers
ranged itself in three files. The first file fired; then the second file,
and then the third file discharged volleys. From the fire of these volleys
a mighty smoke was produced. When the smoke cleared away they saw that
young man standing and the Bab seated by the side of His amanuensis Aqa
Siyyid Husayn in the very cell from the staircase of which they had
suspended them. To neither one of them had the slightest injury resulted.