It is slow, it is true, but it is for that reason only the more safe.
Its effects are, for the most part, without observation. Hence, it
produces no irritation of the public mind. It develops the law of
sympathy on both sides in the ratio in which it unfolds the
intellectual and moral nature of the subordinate race. It raises no
visionary and fanatical hopes in the one, nor excites any morbid fears
in the other. I say, its results march forward without observation. A
_revenue tariff_, for example, affords a full support to the
government by a virtual tax upon the pockets of the people; and it
does this at a time when they would not for a moment consent to pay
that tax, if it were made a _direct_ tax, to be collected by the
authority of an exciseman. So, without observation, the domestic
element of slavery is accomplishing its results, with equal safety.
Or, more in point, perhaps, it is like the “kingdom of heaven,” which
“comes without observation.” The “kingdom of heaven,” in the form of
_principles_, diffuses itself through the mass of society, and
ultimately works, as a legitimate result, the boldest political
revolutions. But by diffusing itself quietly, or “without
observation,” it prepares the public mind for its changes in the exact
ratio in which it effects them; and thus accomplishes that, by the
popular will, the attempt to do which in another way would have razed
the foundations of civil society, and closed the history of
civilization for ages to come. So, this divine agent--for such I must
consider it--is working constant changes. It is daily modifying the
features of the system, and so developing the moral character of the
African, as to throw him up, by successive steps, higher and still
higher on the scale of civilization. But this it does so quietly,
because naturally, that it actually works a specific result on the
masters, and accomplishes its objects by the consent of their wills
and their own active coöperation.
All this, we see, is effected with entire _safety_. Even in those
instances--and they are numerous--in which the working of the domestic
element of the system results in teaching the African to read, we are
not aware that it involves, or even threatens, society, with any of
those evils which it is so obvious a more formal system of school
instruction would precipitate. Slaves who are below a certain point in
civilization, cannot be induced, by any of the influences employed by
young masters and mistresses, (and they are often specific,) to deal
with the task of learning to read. Only those who are so far raised in
the scale of civilization as to have awakened in them a hallowed
desire to learn more of the will of God, and their duty as Christians,
ever avail themselves of the opportunities afforded them by their
domestic relations, and learn to read. These devote a portion of their
spare hours to reading the Bible; and a pious African, who reads his
Bible, is always known and appreciated as a better servant, as well as
a better man. He enjoys the respect and confidence of his owner, and
is highly appreciated by all the family. I have often known the prayer
of such a slave to be more relied on in times of domestic affliction
than that of any minister whose services could be commanded.
But, more than this, the results which have been brought to view are
not only effected with safety, but also with a high degree of
satisfaction to the owners. Everywhere families may be met with, who
will call your attention with hallowed satisfaction to what they have
done for the improvement or comfort of their slaves. But it will be
found that this very good is just such that if you had attempted to
effect it by other means than the quiet influences of the _domestic_
element of this system, you would, by a universal law of our
nature--self-preservation--have converted each of those families into
a kind of Roman amphitheatre, and made the unhappy slaves the chief
victims of your rashness. Hence, it is not without the gravest reasons
that the intelligence of the South rebukes the fanatical spirit of
abolitionists, with the most solemn assurances that they know not the
things whereof they speak, when they urge upon the Southern people the
duty of schooling and emancipating their slaves.
3. But I also affirm that the feature of the system under
consideration will ultimately effect the moral elevation of the
African, so far as any means can be effectual in the accomplishment of
this object, whilst he remains in the bosom of a community with which
he cannot be admitted to a social footing.
So unobserved is the influence of this _element_, that I find but few,
even among intelligent and practical men, who, before their attention
is particularly called to the subject, are aware of what it has
already effected. But in numerous public addresses in the States of
Virginia and North Carolina, I have appealed to the oldest and most
observant men in large assemblies, and in no instance have I met with
a single individual who did not concur in my statement that the
present race of Africans were very materially improved, both in their
moral and physical condition, above what they were some twenty or
forty years ago, and that the change has been much greater with the
slaves than with the free colored population. Now, it is obvious that
this improvement will continue to go on, and in an increasing ratio.
On the same principle that labor applied to capital is productive in
an increasing ratio, the means in operation for the improvement of the
African will greatly accelerate his progress. Hence, _some_ future
period will present a generation of Africans highly improved above
what they are now. Consequently, there will arrive, at some distant
day, a period at which this people will have reached that point of
moral progress at which they will be capable of appreciating, and, in
a _suitable physical condition, adapting them to social equality_,
will be prepared to occupy and wisely improve, the privileges of civil
liberty.
It is on this principle that the laws of all civilized States confer
the privilege of political freedom on the descendants of their free
citizens. At the age of twenty-one they are made politically free.
The law assumes, what is found generally to be true, that previously
to this period they are incapable of using this privilege to the
advantage of themselves and of the community; but that, at this age,
their capacities are sufficiently developed to make a proper use of
this privilege; and as neither their physical condition nor any
accidents of their position operate as a bar to their social equality
with other free citizens, it is conferred on them. By analogy,
therefore, we may infer, that when the African in America shall have
reached a similar moral state, and when his physical condition and the
accidents of his position shall fit him for social equality with other
free citizens, a similar right of political freedom will inure to him.
It will be to him _the right_--that is, _the good_--which ought to be
allowed him. To withhold it would be despotism. Now, the former
condition of this problem, his moral state in this country at some
future day may fulfil; but that the latter can never be fulfilled in
this country is obvious from the facts and reasonings already
adduced. But when in future time his state shall fulfil the first
condition, it is a grave question which we may safely anticipate,
whether it will not be the duty of the superior race amongst whom the
Africans now dwell, to remove them to a land where they can enjoy
social equality. We hazard nothing in deciding this question in the
affirmative. Rights and duties are reciprocal. Then whatever it shall
be the right of the African to claim of their superiors, it will be
their duty to confer. That they would be entitled to removal in large
numbers, will appear--1. They will have contributed largely to develop
the resources of the country, as the price of their civilization. 2.
It would be to them the good, without which their civilization could
but partially avail them. Hence, it would be the duty of their
superiors to remove them in such numbers as their means of doing so
might allow. But more than this, it would be a duty which they owed
themselves, even if they were under no obligations to the inferior
race. For when a numerous population in our midst, though confessedly
inferior, shall arise to the moral condition defined, the difficulties
attending their longer continuance in a state of slavery, domestic or
otherwise, will be far too great to justify the experiment.
Hence I have long thought that there was usually a very unnecessary
expenditure of sympathy on behalf of certain enslaved nations of
Europe, as well as the African of this country. A nation, the masses
of whom have arisen to the moral condition of freedom, will assert
their political rights; and they will usually do it on practicable
grounds. It is only at this point that they challenge public sympathy.
For the mind was never before sufficiently free to make their
situation an oppressive one, assuming that their rulers do not abuse
their power. Before this period, their rights lay in being
governed--not in governing. Political freedom would be as dangerous
intrusted to them, as a razor would be in the hands of a child, and
should, for the same general reasons, be withheld from them. But
withheld by whom? asks the philosophy of Dr. Wayland. I answer, By
those who have the intelligence to do it. Both the principle of
benevolence and the law of reciprocity require this; and that
intelligence which imposes this duty, can never fail to supply the
means for the restraint of brute force.
Of the truth of this general position no people appear to be more
sensible than the aristocracy of Europe. De Tocqueville clearly
asserts this on their behalf, when he states that the object of his
tour through the United States arose from the necessity of becoming
acquainted with the spirit and character of democracy, that a proper
direction might be given to it in Europe. To direct it wisely might be
done; but to crush it was utterly impossible. Now if this author be
correct in supposing that the spirit of democracy is truly awake among
the masses of European population, and that consequently they are
asserting their right to freedom--not from the abuse of legitimate
power, which calls for _reform_ merely, but from the power _itself_,
which their improved moral and social condition has rendered no longer
appropriate, and which, therefore, they now sensibly feel to be an
oppression, calling for revolution--they are following the indications
of nature, and there is no power in those nations that can shut the
door of Providence against them. An obedient child will cheerfully
submit to the reasonable though _stringent despotism_ exercised over
him by his parent, and even look back upon it in after life with the
highest pleasure. Nevertheless, on reaching his maturity, he will
refuse to submit to it any longer, and even feel an attempt to force
it upon him as an oppression too intolerable to be borne. So, by
parity of reasoning, will the masses of these nations demand an entire
abolition of the existing modes of government, and claim such as are
adapted to their state of maturity. But, on the other hand, if the
movements in question are the work of only a few master-spirits who
have mistaken the actual condition of the masses, who have not yet
risen to the moral condition of freedom, they will be found to be
fighting against God. The door of his providence is closed against
them. There are no means in the compass of their power by which they
can force an entrance through this door. They may shed oceans of
blood, but it shall not avail. So, in the former case, the aristocracy
may exhaust alike their treasures and their diplomatic resources, but
it can only be to fill the land with desolation and mourning. The
enlightened popular mind and will must prevail. “Verily,” a premature
resistance in either case “has its reward”--great suffering, and a
vast accumulation of guilt, but not success.
These principles are not without their application to the Africans in
this country. Should the remote period arrive when the state of the
Africans fulfils the first condition of the problem laid down, they
will certainly feel their political condition in this country to be an
oppressive one, and, if necessary, assert their right to remove. I
say, assert their right to remove; for in the mental condition
assumed, they would have far too much good sense to do what many less
qualified to judge than they would then be have done--ask for
_political_ equality amongst a people with whom they could never be
on a footing of _social_ equality. I am equally satisfied that they
would be under no necessity to ask this. The intelligence and virtue,
no less than the interest, of that age, will forestall such a
necessity, by the measures which justice and humanity will dictate as
proper to meet the circumstances of the case.
For my own part, I have no doubt that, under that wise superintending
Providence which has so signally marked the progress of African
civilization, by introducing so large a portion of the race into this
country, that distant day, when it arrives, will provide for itself.
Anxious solicitude on the part of the present age is not demanded.
Neither the intelligence nor the benevolence of _that_ remote age will
be unequal to the task of providing for the necessities of its times.
Already, indeed, “coming events cast their shadows before.” The
elements have been long combining, both to usher in and to dispose of
those events. The _domestic_ element of slavery is, as we have seen,
quietly and effectually doing its work. God is raising up a vast
government on the coast of Africa, which promises to reach a
respectable station among the civilized nations of the earth--in moral
and physical resources. In the progress of events, there is no ground
to doubt that the abolition spirit, abroad in so large a portion of
our country, will have had its day, and run its course through all the
usual stages and phases of fanaticism, and, giving place to a sounder
philanthropy and a purer benevolence, those who now advocate it will
be prepared to unite with the philosophy of the South, and availing
themselves of the vast resources of this great country, and of those
of the new government in Africa, will _transport_ large numbers to a
community in which their social equality will enable them to enjoy the
freedom for which they were fitted in this country. Many of those who
remain will, no doubt, amalgamate with the whites, however it may be
in violation of the laws of civilization. Those barriers which
free-soilism is now erecting on our Southern border, will ultimately
yield to a sounder policy, and many of our slaves will find their way
to the remote South, where the state of civilization will admit of a
more general amalgamation, and be lost in the Mexican races; whilst
the remainder--perhaps a large number--will continue in the United
States, but in a highly improved condition, and under a form of civil
government which will not be felt by them as a political oppression,
and continue to bless the country. I have no idea that the race will
ever become extinct in this country, or cease to exist under a
subordinate government of some kind.
I would not claim entire accuracy for these views of the distant
future; but of their general accuracy I have no doubt. Future history
will, doubtless, challenge the gratitude of the Christian world for
that wonderful providence by which the residence of the African in
this country was made as the sojourn of Joseph in Egypt. As God sent
him before his brethren “to preserve life,” so it will be found that
he permitted the introduction of the pagan African into this country,
that he might be raised by contact with civilization, redeemed by the
genius of the gospel, and returned to bless his kindred and his
country. Thus all Africa shall, sooner or later, share the blessings
of civilization and religion. I am not able to see any thing that can
or will embarrass the progress of this great work, but the spirit of a
premature abolition. The doctrines of emancipation and school
instruction may keep up an irritated state of the public mind, that
must act as a serious check to the civilizing tendencies of the
_domestic_ element of the system; for the long-continued agitation of
these questions may excite fanatical aspirants to attempt to pass
limits which God has declared to be impassable--that is, to procure
political freedom for a people who are not prepared for it, and that
in the midst of another people with whom they can never generally
amalgamate. All attempts of this sort, it is well known, are
extremely hurtful to the progress of the African in civilization.
Every consideration, therefore, of policy and of humanity forbids that
these doctrines should receive the slightest encouragement from an
enlightened people. The race is not prepared for the operation of
either of these schemes. No better evidence need be required by those
not personally acquainted with the character of the Africans, than the
fact that they have never once attempted to assert a right to
political freedom. The fact that, nowhere throughout the Southern
States, can it be said of even a respectable minority of the race,
that they have given the slightest indication of such a disposition,
_is proof_ that they have not yet risen to that mental state, and
hence are not entitled to the political privileges which are
appropriate to it. It is vain to point to the few attempts at local
insurrection which have occurred. The highest conception which the
masses have ever yet formed of political freedom is simply _liberty to
do nothing_. To win this cherished object of _barbarism_--not of
_civilization_--a bare handful, on a few occasions, have concocted
plans as hopeless as the spirit in which they were conceived was
barbarian, and as visionary as the dreams of Miller that he could make
an intelligent Christian people believe his vagaries; or the leaders
of the Mormon folly and wickedness, that they could impose their
grossly stupid imposture upon the civilized world.
In view, therefore, of these facts and reasonings, we conclude that
the Southern people are not obnoxious to the charge of keeping the
Africans in a state of barbarism, by their policy, either on the
subject of emancipation or of school instruction; but that they are
following the indications of Divine Providence, and serving the cause
of humanity in the civilization of the African in America, and the
redemption of his fatherland.