M. Labori.--“Bravo!”

The Attorney-General.--“So, M. Labori, you give the signal for these

bravos?”

M. Labori.--“It is true, I said ‘Bravo;’ but frankly, it was the cry of

my conscience.”

M. Albert Clemenceau.--“There is one point beyond dispute,--that we

are authorized to prove that M. Zola has accused the council of war of

having committed an illegality. Well, I ask you how it is possible for

us to prove this, if we do not begin by establishing that an illegality

has been committed.”

The court denied the motion of M. Labori, and the second witness was

called,--M. Leblois, a lawyer of the appellate court.

_Testimony of M. Leblois._

The Judge.--“M. Labori, what question do you desire me to put to the

witness?”

M. Labori.--“Will you ask M. Leblois at what date and under what

circumstances he came into possession of the facts now within his

knowledge concerning the Esterhazy case?”

The court interposing no objection, M. Leblois made the following

statement:

“I have been for many years the friend of Colonel Picquart. We made all

our studies together, and we have remained faithful to this friendship.

In 1890 Colonel Picquart was made professor in the School of War, and

since then I have seen him more or less frequently. Then he entered

the war department, to which he had already been attached for several

years, and finally, about the middle of 1895, if I am not mistaken,

he was appointed chief of the bureau of information. It would have

been natural at that time for him to consult me occasionally upon the

legal difficulties that he met, since I was his intimate friend and had

belonged to the magistracy for ten years. Nevertheless he spoke to me

of only two cases,--a case of criminal procedure that was under way at

Nancy, and a batch of documents relating to carrier pigeons, which was

nothing but a collection of ministerial decrees upon that question.

When, on November 16, 1896, Colonel Picquart was suddenly obliged to

quit the war department, he had never said a word to me, either of the

Dreyfus case or of the Esterhazy case, and I was absolutely unaware

that he was concerning himself with either of them. All who know

Colonel Picquart will not be astonished at this reserve.

“In June, 1897, I received a visit from Colonel Picquart, who had come

to pass a fortnight’s leave of absence in Paris. On June 3, he had

received at Sousse a threatening letter, which had been written to him

by one of his former subordinates, and thus he found himself under the

necessity of consulting a lawyer. For purposes of his defence he made

known to me some of the facts in the cases of Dreyfus and Esterhazy. I

say, gentlemen, some of the facts, for Colonel Picquart never revealed

to me any military secret, in that sense of the term secret in which it

is employed in military language. Colonel Picquart had become convinced

of the innocence of Captain Dreyfus, and he explained to me the facts

upon which his conviction rested. I had too much confidence in his

intelligence and honesty not to admit the materiality of the facts

that he made known to me, and from them I came to the same conclusion

that he had arrived at. I was profoundly disturbed by what I had just

learned, for I not only deplored the possibility of so grave an error,

and the submission to undeserved torture of a man who seemed to be

innocent, but I was anxious lest such revelations might agitate the

country; and so I determined to exercise the greatest prudence.

“First, I collected all the information that I could procure. I

consulted certain persons who had been familiar with other facts,

making my study more precise by reading documents published in 1896.

I gathered information as to the Dreyfus family, and as to Captain

Dreyfus, whom I did not know, and finally I studied the various

questions of law to which the case might give rise. In the course of

these inquiries I learned that M. Scheurer-Kestner had been concerning

himself with the Dreyfus case for a year, and had collected facts of

some interest. About the same time I met M. Scheurer-Kestner at a

dinner, and an interview was arranged between us for a subsequent day.

When he found that I was in possession of important information, he

urged me strongly to tell him more. He was so insistent, and showed

so keen anxiety, that I could not refrain from enlightening him more

completely. My original plan, the only one that seemed possible to

me, was to promptly put the government in possession of the facts

that I had learned through Colonel Picquart. M. Scheurer-Kestner,

vice-president of the senate, seemed to me the best person that I

could find through whom to approach the government. For these reasons

I thought it my duty to yield to M. Scheurer-Kestner’s solicitations,

and I gave him the desired enlightenment. Especially I spoke to him

of letters that General Gonse had written to Colonel Picquart. M.

Scheurer-Kestner begged me to show him these letters immediately,

and he accompanied me to my house to get them. From that moment he

was convinced of the innocence of Dreyfus, and his conviction has

never since been shaken. He will never abandon the cause that he has

undertaken.

“Meanwhile, the vacation season was approaching, and it seemed very

difficult to institute proceedings at that time. It seemed to me that

an affair of this sort should not be entered upon, unless there was a

possibility of pursuing it to the end. Furthermore, M. Scheurer-Kestner

deemed it necessary to have in his hands certain material proofs

which both he and I lacked,--proofs in the shape of examples of

Major Esterhazy’s handwriting, which was supposed to be identical

with that of the _bordereau_. Nevertheless, I thought it my duty to

submit to M. Scheurer-Kestner at that moment the idea of presenting

to the keeper of the seals a petition for the cancellation of the

verdict of 1894, because it seemed to me a settled fact that a secret

document had been communicated to the judges, and that consequently

the judgment was void. M. Scheurer-Kestner thought that it was too

early to take such a step in the absence of material proofs. He made

arrangements to get examples of Major Esterhazy’s handwriting as soon

as possible, and toward the end of July started on his vacation. In

the course of the following months he succeeded in procuring examples

of Major Esterhazy’s handwriting, and, on returning to Paris, he

entered into communication with the government. Concerning that, he

will testify himself. For my part, I have nothing more to say upon

this point. Nevertheless I add that, when M. Scheurer-Kestner made his

interpellation in the senate on November 7, 1897, it seemed to him that

this should be the end of his personal participation in the matter. In

fact, the declarations of the government pointed to an honest and full

investigation, and it did not seem to M. Scheurer-Kestner that there

was any occasion for him to interfere in the working-up of a criminal

case. So about Christmas time he thought himself entitled to take a few

days’ rest, of which he was in great need.

“At that moment I had been informed by Colonel Picquart of the

conspiracies against him,--conspiracies of extreme gravity, the

most serious and important point of which is found in two telegrams

addressed to him from Paris on November 10, 1897, and reaching him at

Sousse, the first on November 11, the second on November 12 in the

morning. These telegrams were forgeries. It seemed plain that they

could not have been drawn up, except upon information emanating from

the bureau of information, and this it would be easy to demonstrate;

but Colonel Picquart will demonstrate it better than I. As the jury

and the court will see, this was a new incident in an extremely

serious matter, since these telegrams were dated November 10, 1897.

Nevertheless it was a conspiracy which had long been in preparation,

for in December, 1896, false letters had been addressed to the minister

of war signed with the same name, ‘Speranza,’ that appeared at the

foot of the two telegrams of November 10, 1897. It seemed to me it was

my first duty to inform the government of this situation. But, having

with the government no easy and direct means of communication, I asked

M. Trarieux, senator and former keeper of the seals, whom I had met

several times at the house of a friend, and who, moreover, had taken

part in the senate discussion of M. Scheurer-Kestner’s interpellation,

to give me the benefit of his sanction by acting as an intermediary

between myself and the government. He will tell you what steps he took.

For my part I could do but one thing,--lodge, on behalf of my client,

a complaint with the government attorney, which complaint is under

examination by M. Bertulus, who has already taken the deposition of

Mlle. Blanche de Comminges.

“I said just now that Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart suddenly left

the war department on November 16, 1896, on the eve of the Castelin

interpellation in the chamber of deputies. His friends were unaware

of his departure, and I in particular went several times, and during

several weeks, to see him, and failed to find him. One of his

friends wrote to the minister of war a letter which should be among

the documents in the hands of M. Bertulus, and which, at any rate,

constitutes one of the papers in the investigations made by General

de Pellieux and Major Ravary. This letter was insignificant, but in

it there was a brief allusion to a personage who, in the _salon_ of

Mlle. de Comminges, had been nicknamed the ‘demigod.’ The letter

contained this sentence: ‘Every day the demigod asks Mme. the Countess

[that is Mlle. de Comminges] when he will be able to see the good

God.’ In this circle, where Colonel Picquart was very popular, he was

known as ‘the good God,’ and the name ‘demigod’ had been given to a

certain Captain Lallement, who was the orderly of General des Garet,

commanding the sixteenth army corps at Montpellier. This letter was

intended for Colonel Picquart, but reached him only after it had been

secretly opened and copied at the war department. The following month

there came to the bureau of information a letter which was intercepted

entirely, and of which no knowledge came to Colonel Picquart. This

letter is surely the work of a forger. It is signed ‘Speranza.’ That

was the beginning, in December, 1896, of the attempt to compromise

Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart. The existence of the second letter was

concealed for more than a year, and he learned of it for the first time

in the course of General de Pellieux’s investigation. But it was made

the basis of all the conspiracies for the ruin of this officer. Be not

astonished, then, that last November, when this matter came to public

attention and enlisted the interest of parliament, new conspiracies

came to light. In the evening of November 10, 1897, two telegrams

started from Paris together. The first read thus: ‘Stop, demigod.

Affair very serious. Speranza.’ From this telegram it seemed that

the demigod must be a very important personage, probably a political

personality, perhaps M. Scheurer-Kestner. The second telegram read: ‘We

have proofs that the dispatch was manufactured by Georges. Blanche.’

This second telegram, which was evidently a part of the same conspiracy

to which the first belonged, tended to destroy the authenticity, and

consequently the force as evidence, of a certain dispatch on which

rested the investigation opened by Colonel Picquart in the spring of

1896 concerning Major Esterhazy. Thus they endeavored to represent

Colonel Picquart as the tool of a politician and the author of a

forgery. I should add that it is certain that Colonel Picquart was not

acquainted with M. Scheurer-Kestner, and that he had no communication

with him, direct or indirect. As for the charge of forgery brought

against Colonel Picquart, it has been completely abandoned, for,

although there were some insinuations to that effect in Major Ravary’s

report, Colonel Picquart recently appeared before a council of inquiry,

and among the things with which he was reproached there was not the

slightest allusion to the possibility of a forgery in the case of the

document in question.”

The Judge.--“What do you know about it?”

M. Leblois.--“_Monsieur le Président_, I know it in the most certain

and natural way, because I was myself a witness before the council of

inquiry.”

The Judge.--“Were you there throughout the hearing?”

M. Leblois.--“No, but I have knowledge of the facts with which the

colonel was reproached.”

The Judge.--“You say that you have knowledge of them, but you do not

know them of your own knowledge, since you were not there.”

M. Labori.--“Permit me to observe, _Monsieur le Président_, that

the witnesses should have the advantage of the right to give their

testimony without being interrupted, according to the terms of Article

315 of the code of criminal examination. I claim this right for M.

Leblois. As to the fact which he affirms, the question is not how he

knows it, but whether it is true.”

The Judge.--“Permit me, Maître Labori; I suppose that the court is

entitled to question witnesses.”

The trial of Emile Zola: containing M. Zola's letter to President Faure relating to the Dreyfus case, and a full report of the fifteen days' proceedings in the Assize Court of the Seine, including testimony of witnesses and speeches of counsel · 第 26 / 282 题