_How the Viceroy, on receiving the news that Gonzalo Diaz had
deserted, was much enraged, and what else happened._
We have related how Vela Nuñez returned from the snowy mountains of
Pariacaca in great consternation owing to the monstrous treason of
Gonzalo Diaz, fearing that the traitor might overtake him and murder
him. Having descended into the valley of Lima he reflected much within
himself, concluding that the evils which were coming on the land, by
reason of the wars, could not be slight. Certainly he would desire that
the Viceroy could check the disturbances arising in all parts, from the
time that he arrived in Peru, and even after the suspension of the
ordinances. On the other hand the evil character of the people, and
their bad faith, showed that, even if the ordinances had been suspended
from the beginning, the disloyal movements would not have ceased, for so
rich and prosperous a land could not remain at peace. These things and
others Vela Nuñez said to me in the city of Cali, when I wished to
inform myself respecting these events. So Vela Nuñez arrived at Lima in
the night, and gave the Viceroy a detailed account of what had happened,
including the great treason of Gonzalo Diaz, and how ill he had requited
the honour the Viceroy had shown him.
The Viceroy was deeply moved and his countenance could not conceal the
deep sorrow which filled his heart. He said--“This land is the Devil!
Great are the evils which surround it! Never are those who live in it at
peace one with another! If I had not seen it, I could not believe that
without reason, without the fear of God, without truth, without shame
they could thus abandon loyalty to their king! In whom can I put trust.
Not in those I chose as captains, and to whom I showed so much honour.
For they deny me and cease to be loyal, preferring to live as traitors.”
Saying this he went about, trying to show that he was not disturbed by
the desertion of Gonzalo Diaz, for he said that it was better to have
traitors outside the city than inside.
Great was the excitement in the city of Lima when the flight of Gonzalo
Diaz de Pineda was known. Though some felt regret, others rejoiced
exceedingly, both citizens and soldiers, because it brought the time
nearer when Gonzalo Pizarro would enter with his banners. They talked
one with another, and showed their delight by their words, saying “Now
Pizarro comes. This time he will be Governor, and we shall have no
Judges, and no rules about our Indians, nor ordinances, and Blasco Nuñez
Vela will go back to Spain.”
The Viceroy, after having been fully informed by his brother the
general, called an assembly of the Judges, captains, and principal
citizens, and as soon as they were all present, he said to them, “It
seems to me that Vela Nuñez has fortunately escaped. What think you of
the treachery of Gonzalo Diaz? Yesterday I sent letters to the principal
men of Cuzco who come as fugitives by way of Arequipa and will be here
shortly. I believe that there is want of agreement in the camp of
Pizarro, many regretting the course they have taken and desiring pardon.
But when those traitors approach we must show no want of firmness. It is
important that we all should animate the soldiers, remembering also that
with the captains lies the greater force in war. Do not be too much
depressed by the bad news. God our Lord often puts his hand in favour of
causes that appear lost, and they are won.” The Viceroy having said
these words to the assembly and made another speech to the captains,
they all replied that they would carry out his orders.
It had been arranged that Diego Alvarez de Cueto, with a light body of
horse, should go as far as Chincha on the coast, to meet Garcilasso de
la Vega, Graviel de Rojas, and the others who were coming as fugitives
from Cuzco. Although Captain Cueto got ready to start he did not go,
having been ordered to remain for fear of desertions.
Soon afterwards there was a general review of the troops. The infantry
mustered more than 500. Jeronimo de la Serna received the appointment of
captain of the company of Gonzalo Diaz. This was a great grievance to
Manuel de Estacio, ensign of that company, who had brought the banner to
the great square. He said, now that Gonzalo Diaz was a traitor to his
King in spite of the loyalty he owed to the Viceroy, he was the person
entitled to succeed to the vacancy, for his services were not so small
that he did not merit promotion. In a great rage he tore the banner,
saying that the flag of a traitor had no place in a loyal camp. It was
black with a red cross. So it was torn, and Gonzalo Diaz was declared a
traitor publicly with the reason, and naming his parents and place of
birth. The Viceroy said to Manuel de Estacio that he should not be
aggrieved at Serna having been appointed captain, as he had enlisted
more men; but Estacio still felt injured.
In the house of Illan Suarez de Carbajal there were many secret
proceedings. One of his slaves had been sent with letters to the
Licentiate Benito Suarez de Carbajal. But in sending the letters he did
little contrary to his duty to the King our Lord, for after the death of
the Licentiate Carbajal, I saw the letter in the city of Cuzco. It
contained nothing but exhortations to the Licentiate to leave the
company of Gonzalo Pizarro, and come to join the Viceroy and serve him.
LETTER
OF
FRIAR JUAN SOLANO, BISHOP OF CUZCO[59]
TO
THE KING
LIMA, _March 10th, 1545_.
I arrived in this kingdom, province of Peru, without waiting for the
bulls, as your Majesty ordered, for by the provisions in my possession
your Majesty orders me to occupy myself with the good treatment and
conversion of the Indians, and in teaching them our holy catholic faith,
bringing those who are warlike into the paths of peace. With this end
and object I ventured to accept this office. It appears to me that I
shall have great opportunities of usefulness, if the unsettled state of
the land gives me a chance. As a servant of your Majesty I am bound to
tell your Majesty the truth, without affection or passion, touching all
that has been passing, and that I have seen in this land, from my
landing until I reached the city of Lima, that your Majesty may apply
the remedy that is needed, for the necessity is great.
I landed at Tumbez, which is a port in this land of Peru, 200 leagues
from this city of Lima, arriving the last of the officials of your
Majesty for I met with many hindrances, especially in the South Sea. As
I came last, I had occasion to see all that had taken place along the
road. As the Viceroy is such a zealous and fervent servant of your
Majesty, as soon as he jumped on shore in this port of Tumbez, he put in
force the ordinances and new laws which your Majesty gave for these
kingdoms. Presently he gave freedom to all the Indians held to service
by the Spaniards in Tumbez, telling them that, being free, they could go
where they chose and act for themselves freely and according to their
wishes. As regards all other provisions in the ordinances, the Viceroy
went on executing them in accordance with your Majesty’s orders. With
this liberty given to the Indians, I saw that those who had been taught
our holy catholic faith and knew it, and were baptized Christians,
having returned to their chiefs and their homes as before, also went
back to their old rites and customs. Of this all the land is a witness.
I also saw that in the houses of Christians and in the _tambos_ on the
roads, where the Christian doctrine used to be taught every night, now
there is no such custom because there is no one to teach, all having
gone to their chiefs and their homes.
I arrived at the city of San Miguel, and I saw that in the church, where
there used to be 40 little Indian boys serving and learning the things
pertaining to the divine services, there did not remain more than two.
All the rest had gone with their parents to the old homes, to live under
their old laws and in blindness. I saw the same thing all the way to the
city of Lima. I could only weep to see the Christians returning to be
Infidels. For I know it is your Majesty’s wish that the Indians should
become Christians and be taught the holy catholic faith, and not that
they should abandon it. The reception their chiefs gave them was to
sacrifice them because they were Christians and had served Christians.
This was publicly stated on the roads. I am myself a witness as regards
one chief, for I scolded him and he confessed that he had sacrificed a
woman, and seeing this I could not but feel it much. For to have the
Indians subject to our holy catholic faith, and gentle and domestic as
regards our evangel and Christianity is not to deprive them of liberty,
but rather to give them that liberty that _Christus liberavit nos_ not
to make them slaves. They should be treated _non sicut servi sub lege
sed sicut liberi sub gratia constituti_.
In the cities of San Miguel and Truxillo I saw the citizens much
disturbed and rebellious, for they protested against the ordinances and
laws, and their petitions were not agreed to; indeed they complained
that the Viceroy had replied very harshly with menaces of their lives.
When I arrived at Lima my sorrow increased to find that all the labours
of the past had only brought trouble all over the country and no peace.
The Viceroy, on landing, at once began to enforce the laws and
ordinances, refusing to concede anything to the supplications. The
consequence was that the whole country rose when he reached Lima, where
they received him very unwillingly. When the news came to Cuzco that he
would consider no supplication, the people rose against the person of
the Viceroy, and took up arms, saying that they would come to protest
against the new laws, and they chose Gonzalo Pizarro for their captain.
The Viceroy, knowing this, began to collect troops. When I arrived I saw
that the troops were disorderly. Presently the Viceroy ordered 150,000
_castellanos_, which Vaca de Castro had on board ship for despatch to
your Majesty, to be landed. He spent it all on his troops for hosen,
doublets and other clothes. But though he paid them well, he did not
gain the good will of fifty, as was seen afterwards. When the three
Judges arrived, who had been left at Panama, they considered it
advisable to suspend the new laws so as to quiet and pacify the land.
But this did no good. It was too late. The people said that it should
have been done before.
The people had no confidence whatever in the Viceroy, for he publicly
talked of them as traitors and rebels, saying that when the country was
at peace he would hang them by sixties and sixties until there was not a
head left in the land. Hearing this, they were all afraid that he would
do as he said, enforcing the new laws without listening to any
supplication. In this your Majesty may believe that the fault was in the
Viceroy, for he knew not how to keep anything secret in his heart, and
he said publicly all that came into his head. What he thought at night
he said in the daytime, and this was the cause of his fall. For these
reasons the people of Cuzco prayed that the Judges of your Majesty’s
Court would remain, and that the Viceroy would go to report to your
Majesty.
[Sidenote: Sunday, Sept. 4, 1544.]
[Sidenote: Sept. 15, 1544.]
Things being in this state it happened that in the night of Sunday,
September 14th, about 17 to 20 men on horseback left Lima to join the
rebels at Cuzco, for the hearts and best wishes of all were with them,
and every day some men went to join them. Among others two relations of
the Factor Illan[60] Suarez went, and some men who lodged in his
house[61]. Whether the Factor knew of this or not, there is no one who
knows. When they went there was a call to arms at midnight, and as soon
as the Viceroy was told who it was that had gone, he sent for the Factor
and asked him whether this treason appeared good to him. The Factor
answered that he was a servant of the King and not a traitor. This was
told to me by a clergyman who was there all the time. The Viceroy was
going to reply when the Factor again said that he was as good a servant
of his Majesty as the Viceroy. When the Viceroy heard those words he was
enraged. Then he, or his servants by his order, killed him there without
confession, nor taking his statement nor anything else whatever. They
wrapped the body in a mantle, and ordered some soldiers to take it away
for burial, which was done. Great was the sorrow and amazement of the
people when it became known. All were plunged in grief. On the Monday
the 15th the Viceroy ordered the children of the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro to be put on board a ship; and on Tuesday the 16th he talked of
embarking the Judges and all the women, with what object I do not
know[62]. He also said that he would sack the town on that day, at least
that was the report, but I do not believe it. Yet all the people began
to hide their valuables and bury their treasure.
[Sidenote: Sept. 17.]
In the morning of Wednesday the 17th of September the city was in a
great state of commotion, and the people took up arms. The Judges came
with some followers[63], though not many. They ordered a banner to be
displayed, and caused it to be proclaimed that all should be on the side
of his Majesty and his Royal Court of Justice. They came to the great
square with this proclamation, and marched towards the troops of the
Viceroy who were in front of his house. As the Judges approached, the
Viceroy’s troops fired their arquebuses in the air, threw up their pikes
and all went over to the side of the Judges. The people then entered the
Viceroy’s house and arrested him without anyone being killed or wounded,
or a drop of blood shed. It was all done so quietly that it appeared to
me as if it had been arranged beforehand. It was either a miracle or I
cannot understand it. It is beyond me that a Viceroy, having so many
troops, should have been arrested and no one hurt. He was delivered to
the Judges who sent him as a prisoner to the house of one of them, and
thence he was taken to an island[64] near the port, until they could
send him in a ship to Spain as a prisoner.
I believe that, if there had been resistance, they would have killed the
Viceroy, there would have been many deaths, and the country would have
been in great danger. The course taken by the Judges, therefore, appears
to have been the best and to have averted worse evils. I know not. They
will give an account of their proceedings to your Majesty. What I have
been able to learn, and what I have seen is that the Viceroy was very
unpopular with the people of this land, and that they would rather see
him torn to pieces than be governed by him. All the fault lies with the
Viceroy, for he knew not the art of governing. If he had entered this
land dissimulating, and judging of the good and the bad in it until he
reached Lima, he would have been received by the whole land, would have
placed his own justices and officials, and would have dominated the
country. Then he could have done what he liked, and could have enforced
the new laws to the letter, without anyone attempting to thwart him. But
he did not wish to receive any advice from the officials and servants of
your Majesty. The only advice the Viceroy listened to, came from those
of Chile[65], opponents of Gonzalo Pizarro, men he brought from Panama,
whither they had been banished by Vaca de Castro. Thus he boldly entered
the country, ordering and talking, and it seems to me that all went
wrong because he did not listen to the advice of your Majesty’s
servants.
Also I will not omit to say another truth to your Majesty. All that
Blasco Nuñez Vela has done, he has done with the greatest love and
devotion, and with zeal to serve your Majesty, and he has not failed in
a single point in your Majesty’s service, and in the desire to execute
all that your Majesty has ordered.
The commander appointed by the Viceroy burnt two ships, and sunk
another. With the rest he made sail with the brother and brother-in-law
of the Viceroy, and with Vaca de Castro, who had for many days been a
prisoner on board, I know not for what reason. They went to a port 18
leagues distant[66]. There they put the Viceroy on board, in charge of
the Licentiate Alvarez, one of the Judges, who was to take him to Spain
under arrest. But on the voyage the two made friends, concerted
together, and landed at Tumbez. The Viceroy fled thence, by land, to the
city of Quito.
On the 24th of October Gonzalo Pizarro entered the city of Lima. Three
days previously his captains had arrived, with the Procurators of all
the cities. They and the captains demanded of the Royal Judges that they
should appoint Gonzalo Pizarro to be Governor and Captain-General of all
these kingdoms until his Majesty should order otherwise. The Judges did
this, and it appeared to the servants of your Majesty that this would be
in furtherance of your Majesty’s service, and pleasing to God[67].
Now it is positively stated that the Viceroy is in the neighbourhood of
Quito with 200 men to march against this city, and that he has taken
your Majesty’s rents in the neighbouring districts, to pay his troops. I
fear that this is so.
Your Majesty will be able to see how great are the evils in this land,
and will continue until your Majesty orders a remedy which will bring us
peace. Your Majesty may also see to the way in which the rents and the
gold of your Majesty are spent, and the great sorrow it is to see the
natives who remain, destroyed, lost, and dead, to the very great weight
on our consciences. Those who suffer most, as it seems to me, are your
Majesty and the natives. I, therefore, entreat your Majesty, for the
love of Jesus Christ, that you will have pity on them, and send peace
without delay, for all is in your Majesty’s hands, and the necessity is
urgent in the extreme. Do not permit this land to be lost, and the
natives to be destroyed, for now they are beginning to understand our
laws and to avail themselves of the things appertaining to our holy
catholic faith. With these troubles and wars all is dropped and lost.
Your Majesty should feel sorrow for them, because it is a very heavy
load on the conscience to leave them to perish. With peace and rest in
the land very great results would be seen in very few years, and their
conversion will be a very great service to your Majesty because they are
all inclined to be Christians.
I have also ascertained that the citizens of Lima have taken $25,000
from your Majesty’s treasury, and the citizens of Cuzco $12,000 for the
expenses of the war. When I knew this, I spoke to Gonzalo Pizarro on the
subject of having taken the treasure of your Majesty. He said that those
who took it had given acknowledgments and receipts, and had mortgaged
their persons and goods, that they were substantial men whose estates
are worth over $200,000 and that your Majesty would not lose a _blanca_.
All the others said the same, that your Majesty’s interests were safe.
I am also informed that the Judges, by a royal decree, have ordered
Gonzalo Pizarro to march north and drive the Viceroy out of the
country, that he may not continue devastating and destroying, but go to
give an account to your Majesty. All the troops are got ready to march
with him and all are starting. Gonzalo Pizarro has a great power, and I
fear that all are hostile to the Viceroy, while Pizarro has not taken
upon himself to defend the Viceroy that he may not be killed. By these
feuds the country is lost and destroyed, and the natives perish. I
entreat your Majesty to look upon it with eyes of pity, as the Prince,
Lord, and Father of all this land.
What I see and what I hear is that all are well with Gonzalo Pizarro,
that he is friends with all classes, and that all desire his rule. All
too desire mercy from your Majesty, and to serve your Majesty
transmitting much treasure, and paying all that the Viceroy spent, and
this is what is most desired in this land. Otherwise the country is in
very great doubt and danger. This is truth concerning all that is
passing here, and anything further will be told by the father who takes
this, and who can give your Majesty full information.
I have written to your Majesty because if I did not send a full account
of all that has passed, I should be left with a heavy load on my
conscience, and should not be doing my duty to your Majesty.
I have sent this father, who is a person of credit and a provincial
vicar in this land of Peru, a very religious man of good fame. To him I
refer your Majesty for all further particulars.
I again entreat your Majesty, for the love of Jesus Christ, to send us
peace, and not to allow these natives to receive such evil treatment,
which is a very great load on the conscience. For they were on the point
of becoming Christians, but these disturbances have caused everything to
be dropped. With peace all would be remedied, and so I hope in our
Lord.
May the Lord guard the imperial person of your Majesty, with increase to
your kingdoms and lordships, as is desired by your servants and vassals.
From this city of the Kings, the 10th of March 1545. Your devoted
servant and chaplain who kisses your imperial feet and hands, Fray Juan
Solano.
INDICTMENT
OF THE
JUDGES AGAINST THE VICEROY
BLASCO NUÑEZ VELA
Report made by order of the Judges Cepeda, Tejada and Alvarez on the
proceedings of the Viceroy Blasco Nuñez Vela, 19-23 Sept. 1544.
[Sidenote: Embargo on precious metals at Panama.]
1. As soon as the Viceroy arrived at Nombre de Dios and Panama, he put
an embargo on all the gold and silver coming from Peru, on the ground
that it had been taken from the Indians, and respecting this he made
public proclamation with heavy penalties. Owing to this many were forced
to return to Lima, following the Viceroy, having to expend considerable
sums on the voyage. This scandalized the country and disturbed men’s
minds.
[Sidenote: Native servants on the isthmus sent back to Peru.]
2. Many natives of Peru, men and women, who were in the service of
various citizens of Nombre de Dios and Panama, were collected by him and
sent back to their native places at the expense of their masters. Some
died on the voyage, others were put on shore at Tumbez and died of
hunger, others returned to their idolatry.
[Sidenote: Judges left behind.]
3. On leaving Panama, he would not take with him the Judges Cepeda,
Alvarez, Zarate, Tejada who had come with him from Spain, though they
were ready, and there was room in the ship.
[Sidenote: Judges arrive at Tumbez.]
4. This cost Cepeda and Tejada $3000 in hiring a ship in which they
embarked and sailed a few days after the Viceroy, arriving at Tumbez
some days after him.
[Sidenote: Viceroy would not wait for the Judges.]
5. He would not wait for them at Tumbez, before entering the country,
acting absolutely without counsel, before he had been officially
received.
[Sidenote: Acted alone instead of jointly with the Judges.]
6. He entered alone to enforce the ordinances, it being his duty to act
jointly with the Judges, and thus threw everything into confusion.
[Sidenote: Release of all Indians at Tumbez.]
7. In Tumbez he turned all Spaniards out of the place, deprived them of
the Indians who were in service there, ordered all the native chiefs of
the district not to give food to any Spaniard, whether resident or
travelling, which had been the custom since the conquest.
[Sidenote: Released all Indians at the _tambos_: not to supply food
without payment.]
8. He did the same at all the other _tambos_ as far as Lima leaving the
road desert, without men or food. Hence there was hunger, sickness and
deaths on the road. The passengers found no support, were generally
scandalized and cursed the Viceroy.
[Sidenote: Showing the ordinances to everyone.]
[Sidenote: Violent conduct at Tumbez.]
9. He wanted to show, even to the commonest people, the ordinances and
provisions he brought with him, and he swore that he would put them in
effect and enforce them even before he was officially received. In
Tumbez he took away the Indians from Cabrera (Don Pedro Luis de?).
[Sidenote: Violent conduct at San Miguel and Truxillo.]
10. From all the citizens of San Miguel and Truxillo and from all the
soldiers he took the Indians for service. Especially he left Pedro de
los Rios of San Miguel, son of the former governor of Nicaragua and
Panama, with none, and one Cordova, a highly qualified person.
[Sidenote: Violence at Truxillo.]
11. In Truxillo he took away the Indians from Diego de Mora and from
Garcia Holguin, one of the veteran conquerors who was 80 years of age
and who had nothing else, a proceeding which shocked the whole country.
[Sidenote: Provisions at _tambos_ to be paid for.]
12. The provisions which the Indians used to supply for nothing were
ordered to be paid for, a measure which troubled all travellers.
[Sidenote: Violent threats.]
13. In San Miguel and Truxillo, far from consenting to receive
supplications about the new laws, he used injurious words to monks and
others who brought them, telling one he would cut out his tongue, and
another that he would hang him, which was the cause that many went to
join the rebels in Cuzco.
[Sidenote: Loss to the revenue.]
14. By not suspending ordinance 3 or 4, your Majesty lost a million of
gold with which they would have done service, but afterwards these and
other ordinances were suspended by public proclamation.
[Sidenote: Treatment of Aldana. Violent threats made publicly.]
15. Lorenzo de Aldana, a principal citizen of Guamanga, had written two
or three letters with news, and came to offer himself. The Viceroy put
him on board a ship, and kept him a prisoner there for many days. This
caused general scandal. He was suspicious of everyone, and threatened
some with death. The worst of it was that he published his suspicions,
thus incurring the hatred of all, so that a great number went to Cuzco,
to join those who were marching against him.
[Sidenote: Threats to kill the Judges and Martin de Robles.]
16. The hatred against him was increased by his threats to kill the
Judges and many others, especially Martin de Robles, to whom the Viceroy
himself had given the command of 130 soldiers, and he would have done
it, if his brother Vela Nuñez had not interfered.
[Sidenote: Threats to kill several others.]
17. He wanted to kill Diego de Urbina, the Master of his Camp, Lorenzo
Mexia, and the Mayor-domo of Maria de Escobar.
[Sidenote: Treatment of Solar.]
18. He ordered Antonio Solar, the Mayor-domo or Overseer of Lima, to be
hanged because he did not wish to send a Portuguese to his Indians, and
said that the valuations would cause a rebellion. He ordered Solar to be
hanged, and though he desisted owing to the prayers of many people, he
was kept for 3 months in the public prison.
[Sidenote: Order for a shipmaster to be hanged.]
19. He ordered Baltazar Rodriguez, Master of a ship to be hanged,
without trial and without consulting the Judges, for having taken his
ship from the port of Arequipa to that of Lima without permission, and
this was only stopped at the last moment.
[Sidenote: More threats.]
20. He wanted to kill Don Baltasar de Castilla, son of the Count of
Gomera, who came to offer his services, and the same with Gaspar Mexia
and others, who for that reason fled to Cuzco.
[Sidenote: His wild talk in the _tambos_. Opinions of his character.]
21. To show his powers, in the _tambos_ and elsewhere he made a display
of them, recounting his severities in other posts he had held, with
details. All his hearers took him for an imprudent, injudicious, cruel,
violent man who neither wanted nor sought for counsel.
[Sidenote: Hated by all.]
22. Every one, even his brothers, relations, and servants detested and
were unable to endure him.
[Sidenote: Partiality and temper.]
23. In many lawsuits he showed himself to be passionate and partial.
[Sidenote: Corrupt practices.]
24. He gave powers of attorney of the Court of Justice to incapable
persons, to whom they were sold by his brother Vela Nuñez and his
brother-in-law Cueto.
[Sidenote: Nepotism.]
25. He ordered that all the Constables of the kingdom should contribute
half of fees to his brother-in-law Diego Alvarez Cueto as Chief
Constable and, in spite of the Judges, he caused them to be paid by the
court and the city.
[Sidenote: Despotism.]
26. Cueto despised the appointment, and a servant of the Viceroy acted
as his substitute, very violently, so that neither the Judges nor the
Alcaldes could do anything but what the Viceroy liked.
[Sidenote: Brother and brother-in-law lawless.]
27. Cueto and Vela Nuñez always took out of prison anyone they chose.
[Sidenote: Nepotism.]
28, 29. In spite of the citizens, he made them, by menaces, receive his
brother-in-law as Chief Constable.
[Sidenote: Misgovernment.]
30. He settled the tributes by the statements of certain persons who had
received grants, or only of Indians, without consulting the Judges,
without information, or keeping the rules of the ordinances, or the
instructions. For this he brought the chiefs and principal Indians to
Lima maintaining them and their followers, leaving their districts
without Indians or provisions, and thus causing troubles followed by
famines, robberies, and disturbance.
[Sidenote: Corrupt practices.]
31. He fixed the tributes with partiality and without knowledge,
doubling the tax on some, reducing it by a half for others who were
friends of Cueto and Vela Nuñez.
32. The Indians of Melchor Verdugo, a citizen of Truxillo, because he
came from Avila, were rated higher than those of all the other citizens
put together. The valuation of Verdugo was over 9000 _pesos_ of gold and
other things, and that of all the others put together did not amount to
that sum.
[Sidenote: Opinions against him.]
33. To those whom he dismissed from lieutenancies he increased the
tributes. For these reasons the people would not receive him in Cuzco,
Arequipa, Huanuco, Chachapoyas, Charcas and Quito. Many went to Cuzco
with arms and horses, wishing to march against him to kill him or drive
him out of the country, for they said that he was a man without justice,
proud, very cruel, one who neither kept his word nor promise, and one in
whom they could have no faith.
[Sidenote: Failure of his attempts to treat with rebels.]
34. He treated many times with Gonzalo Pizarro and others who had risen
against him, but they always answered that he must leave the country and
that they would not be governed by him.
[Sidenote: H. M. treasure spent on armaments.]
35. He proposed to the Judges and officials that 50 arquebusiers and 30
mounted soldiers should be raised for a guard for himself and the city,
and on this pretext he spent 150,000 _castellanos_ of your Majesty’s
treasure, by the hand of Vela Nuñez, whom he made Captain-General, and
of Cueto who has taken 30,000 _castellanos_ without giving any account,
for his servants.
[Sidenote: Soldiers disloyal.]
37[68]. Most of these soldiers, by reason of their bad treatment, say
that they do not want the Viceroy to win, nor to fight for him. Every
day some desert to the enemy.
[Sidenote: Bad appointments.]
38. He gave the captaincies to inexperienced men. A captain of
arquebusiers fled, and another he threatened to stab.
[Sidenote: Wild threats.]
39. He treats everyone as a traitor, threatening to kill them. At the
same time that he tried to treat with those of Cuzco, he publicly
declared that he would kill some and banish others; and that he wished
ill to all and would defeat them.
[Sidenote: Conduct of Judges a contrast.]
40. The Judges had lived at their own cost and honestly, had given
advice to the Viceroy and sent two bishops to treat with the rebels.
[Sidenote: Viceroy’s conduct cause of the rebellion.]
41. The Viceroy by his attempt to enforce the ordinances untimely and
without the consent of the Judges, and by his follies, evil speeches,
and cruelties has been the cause of the rebellion.
[Sidenote: Treatment of two women.]
42. He condemned a married woman, with Indians, on the ground that she
had perjured herself respecting an emerald cross which she said she had
given to the Licentiate Vaca de Castro, to imprisonment and to do public
penance in the church. He ordered another to be sent to prison for
sitting near him in church. As regards the first sentence he enraged
everyone. As regards the second all the relations rose in rebellion and
wanted to kill him.
[Sidenote: Acted alone in criminal cases and actions for debt.]
43. In criminal cases, and suits for debts he alone heard and sentenced.
[Sidenote: Favouritism.]
44. Under colour of the war he gave his servants double the pay received
by the other soldiers.
[Sidenote: Murder of Carbajal.]
45. In the night of Sunday the 14th of September Don Baltasar de
Castilla and Gaspar Mexia, with 18 others, fled from Lima, owing to the
abuse and bad treatment they had received. The Viceroy ordered the
Factor Illan Suarez de Carbajal to be summoned in the middle of the
night. When he came the Viceroy said: “Say cunning traitor! how is it
that you have committed this treason in allowing your nephews and some
servants to go to the rebels at Cuzco?” The Factor replied: “I know
nothing of it, and I am no traitor. On the contrary I serve his
Majesty.” On this the Viceroy stabbed him with a dagger[69], and ordered
Cueto and the servants to finish him. When he was dead they put the body
into the corridor, and thence, after an interval, two negroes took it
away for burial[70].
[Sidenote: Character of the murdered man.]
46. The Factor was a quiet and virtuous person who knew nothing about
the flight of nephews or servants. He had a very large house with four
doors and 40 or 50 persons living there. He was retired in his own room,
and took no notice of what was going on. He took a great part in
advocating the reception of the Viceroy, when the magistrates and people
were against it.
[Sidenote: Question of Judges remaining if the Viceroy left.]
47. The Judges convened a meeting in the morning of Tuesday, the 16th of
September, to discuss the questions whether the Viceroy should wait in
Lima for the arrival of Gonzalo Pizarro and the others who were coming
from Cuzco; and if he arranged to go, whether the Judges should remain.
It was decided that the Judges should remain for many reasons offered by
officials, magistrates and captains who were consulted.
[Sidenote: Decision repudiated by the Viceroy.]
48. But the Viceroy had resolved to embark and take the Judges and
officers of the Court, and all the citizens, and to kill anyone that
resisted[71]; while his brother Vela Nuñez was to march by land with the
soldiers, for Pizarro would not come across him. The Viceroy repudiated
the opinion of the majority, saying that he would wait in Lima to be
sure that all the others should not think that he wanted them to embark.
[Sidenote: Decision of the Judges to remain.]
49. It remained to deliberate on so serious a matter, and the two
Bishops of Quito and Cuzco who were then in Lima, joined in consultation
with the Judges and the officials of the municipality. The Judges then
published their resolution not to depart. The Viceroy called together
his captains with whom he consulted without the intervention of the
Judges or anyone else.
[Sidenote: Captains concur.]
50. The decision of the captains was that, although the Viceroy might
depart, the Judges ought to remain, maintaining the country in the name
of His Majesty.
[Sidenote: Wild conduct of the Viceroy. Taken to Cepeda’s house.]
51. Nevertheless the Viceroy resolved to take the royal seal, the Judges
and officials with all their property, and that of many citizens with
their wives, children, horses, farriery, &c. In the night of Tuesday the
16th of September the soldiers assembled under Vela Nuñez, and at dawn
of the 17th there was a call to arms at the Viceroy’s door with the cry,
“Sack! Sack!” The Judges wished to stop the sacking of the town, and
came to the Viceroy’s door with three banners. They did not dare to go
in to speak with him, because they had been told that he would kill
them. But they sent the choir master with some monks and clergymen to
entreat him not to insist on the destruction of the city and kingdom,
but to embark if he desired to do so, and to leave the citizens with
their property. He would not condescend to talk with them, but many of
the citizens had taken up arms and wished to oppose the Viceroy and his
soldiers. If it had not been for the Judges who ordered, on pain of
death, that no one should injure the person of the Viceroy, he would
have been killed. He took refuge in the house of the Licentiate Cepeda,
where he was quite safe from the citizens, and the soldiers who hated
him.
[Sidenote: Judges’ version of the Viceroy’s departure.]
52. The Viceroy was well served and attended all the time that he was in
Cepeda’s house. Of his own accord he said that he was hated, and that he
wanted to go to Spain. By his order they took him to embark. Those who
had command of the ships did not wish to receive him, and there were
mutinies on board six or seven that were in the port. Two were burnt and
two others were sent to the bottom by Geronimo de Zurbano, Martin de
Arauco, and Diego Alvarez de Cueto, the Viceroy’s brother-in-law, or by
their order. They did this to rob all that was on board the ships, of a
value of more than 130,000 _castellanos_. The ships were in charge of
Alvarez de Cueto, and it is believed that all this was done with the
consent of the Viceroy.
[Sidenote: Judges’ version.]
53. At the time when the Judges came out of the house of Maria de
Escobar, where they met that morning from fear of the Viceroy, the
Licentiate Alvarez said: “Be my witnesses that we go to entreat the
Viceroy not to kill us, take us, nor force us to embark, and to tell him
that the people have risen against him. We go neither to enrage him nor
to injure him and let it be punishment of death for any who acts
otherwise.” He repeated this at the corner of the street, and on the
steps of the church.
[Sidenote: Judges claim to have saved the Viceroy.]
54. Without doubt the people would have killed the Viceroy, if the
Judges had not intervened.
[Sidenote: Hatred of the people.]
55. But he was not safe on land, nor to govern. For he was so detested
that the people would have torn him to pieces rather than consent to his
government, as they publicly declared.
[Sidenote: Viceroy’s temper.]
56. When anyone opposed his decisions, he became so furious that he
seemed to have lost his senses, abusing and menacing the objector.
[Sidenote: A foolish talker.]
57. He was such a talker that he told the contents of the reports and
letters he received at his table, however secret they might be.
[Sidenote: Necessary that he should go.]
58. If he should be longer in Peru, there would be a thousand
misfortunes, so it was absolutely necessary that he should go back to
Spain, and that your Majesty should be informed.
[Sidenote: When he was gone peace restored.]
59. In effect, as the people know that he wishes to return to Spain, all
things are quiet and peaceful.
SEQUEL
(BY THE EDITOR.)
The first part of the _War of Quito_ closes just before the murder of
Illan Suarez de Carbajal. It was a final death-blow to the Viceroy’s
rule. He knew this himself and no doubt felt sorrow and remorse at his
sudden gust of passion. But it was too late. The deed was done.
On assuming the governorship of Peru Gonzalo Pizarro was advised to send
envoys to Spain to urge the greatness of his services, explain the
course of events, and obtain confirmation of his position. The wise and
far-seeing Carbajal alone opposed. He said that the best _Procuradores_
were many arquebuses, soldiers and horses. But it was resolved that Dr
Tejada, one of the Judges, should go to represent his colleagues, and
Francisco Maldonado for Pizarro. There was only one ship, the one on
board of which Vaca de Castro had long been kept a prisoner by the
Viceroy. Vaca de Castro was informed of the intention by his relation
Garcia de Montalvo. The crew willingly agreed to seize the ship and take
Vaca de Castro to Panama, for he was respected and beloved by all on
board. So she sailed away, leaving Gonzalo Pizarro furious, for there
was no other vessel to take his “Procurators.”
Luckily a brigantine arrived from the port of Arequipa and Dr Tejada,
Maldonado, and Bachicao embarked, sailing along the coast. At Payta they
heard of the release and landing of the Viceroy.
As soon as the vessel with the Judge Alvarez on board, taking the
Viceroy and his brothers to Panama, was well out at sea, there was
another act of treachery. Alvarez went to the Viceroy, declared he had
only taken charge of him to get him out of the power of his colleague
Cepeda, and that now he was free to do as he pleased. The Viceroy took
charge, very ungratefully covered Alvarez with abuse, and landed with
his few followers.
Bachicao went on to Panama. On his arrival Vaca de Castro, and the
Viceroy’s envoys--his brother-in-law Cueto and Zurbano--fled to Nombre
de Dios, and embarked for Spain. They were joined by Tejada and
Maldonado. But Tejada died during the voyage. Cueto and Maldonado
arrived, and went off to the Emperor in Germany to tell their stories.
Vaca de Castro landed at Terceira, and went thence, by way of Lisbon, to
the Court of Spain. He was falsely accused and imprisoned in the castle
of Arevalo for more than five years. Finally he was acquitted, and
declared to have been a good ruler. He was restored to his seat in the
Royal Council of Castille. Garcilasso saw him at Madrid in the end of
1571. His son Antonio was granted a large _repartimiento_ in Peru.
The Viceroy having landed, managed to get together 150 men and marched
to Quito where he was well received, and increased his force by 200 more
men. With this force, and a native of Quito named Diego de Ocampo as
general, he returned to Piura. The Judge Alvarez was always with him.
Gonzalo Pizarro sent Gonzalo Diaz de Pineda and Geronimo de Villegas
along the coast to Truxillo and Piura to collect men. They reached
Piura, but fled on the approach of the Viceroy and sent the news to
Pizarro. The Viceroy made a night march and surprised them, putting them
and their followers to flight. Pineda fled alone into the mountains and
died of hunger. Villegas escaped to Truxillo, while the Viceroy returned
to Piura.
Gonzalo Pizarro, when he received the news that the Viceroy was still in
the country at the head of a large force, resolved to attack him without
delay. He left Lorenzo de Aldana as Governor of Lima, with 80
arquebusiers. He went himself by sea to Truxillo, with 150 picked
officers and men, stores and munitions of war. The rest marched by land.
The Judge Cepeda had become a fighting man and a strong partisan of
Pizarro. The _Audiencia_ or Court of Justice had ceased to exist, for
Alvarez was with the Viceroy, Tejada had gone to Spain, and Zarate
remained at Lima, keeping aloof from all recent proceedings.
Pizarro took the royal seal with him, and embarked in March 1545.
Landing at Santa he marched to Truxillo, where all the troops were
assembled, going thence to the province of Collique. He had 600 men,
horse and foot, about the same number as the Viceroy but Pizarro’s were
more experienced soldiers. Supplies of all kinds were got together in
Collique, and arrangements were made for carrying water across the
deserts. On his approach to Piura, the Viceroy made a rapid retreat into
the mountains. Pizarro, without entering Piura, followed in pursuit.
Each day the work became more severe. Many stragglers from the
Viceroy’s force were captured. Reaching Ayahuaca Pizarro halted to rest
his men and obtain supplies. The Viceroy continued his march to Quito.
Pizarro resumed the pursuit, but the mountain route was extremely
difficult. At last he sent Carbajal ahead with 50 mounted men, who
reached the enemy’s camp at 4 A.M. The Viceroy got his men into some
order and continued his march. At dawn, when he saw the small number of
his pursuers, he turned to attack them. His men were perishing with cold
and hunger, and Carbajal declined the combat. Fresh troops joined
Pizarro under Juan de Acosta[72], and the Viceroy was so closely pressed
that he fled with 60 mounted men. He reached Tumibamba where he put his
Camp Master Ocampo and several others to death, on suspicion of traffic
with the enemy--the captains Geronimo de la Serna and Gaspar Gil.
The Viceroy marched from Tumibamba to Quito without difficulty, where
he put three more officers to death. Pizarro sent Juan de Acosta to
follow the Viceroy with 60 cavalry.
Gonzalo Pizarro had sent Francisco de Almendras to Charcas as his
Lieutenant, a staunch adherent. He put a citizen of Chuquisaca named
Gomez de Luna in prison for some speech against Pizarro’s rule. The
municipality ordered him to be released, upon which Almendras went to
the prison and had him strangled. Many people were furious, especially a
citizen named Diego Centeno. He made a plot with others (Luis de
Mendoza, Alonso Perez de Esquivel, Alonso de Camargo, Hernan Nuñez de
Segura, Lope de Mendieta, Juan Ortiz de Zarate) to murder Almendras[73].
This they did, and then declared for the King, appointing Diego Centeno
their Captain-General. Alonso de Toro marched against him from Cuzco.
When the news reached Gonzalo Pizarro near Quito, he sent Carbajal to
put down the insurrection. The indefatigable old man set out with an
escort of 20 men. He collected men on the way at Truxillo and Guamanga,
and then took the route by Lima to Arequipa, thence to Cuzco where he
found Alonso de Toro. He marched against Centeno who retreated before
him. Carbajal gave him no rest, and hunted him down to the coast.
Meanwhile Gonzalo Pizarro continued the chase of the Viceroy by day and
night, over a country purposely made bare of provisions by the pursued.
Pizarro was joined by Bachicao who came from Panama with 350 men,
artillery, and 20 ships. Pizarro’s force then amounted to 800 soldiers.
The Viceroy continued his flight to Pastos, within the jurisdiction of
Sebastian de Belalcazar. Pizarro, after a short stay at Quito, continued
the pursuit, and the Viceroy fled to Popayan. Pizarro then returned to
Quito. He appointed Pedro de Hinojosa to command the fleet which was at
Puerto Viejo, with 250 men. Hinojosa obtained information that the
Viceroy’s brother, Vela Nuñez, was coming to the coast on a mission to
Spain, with a natural son of Gonzalo Pizarro as a hostage. Hinojosa
captured them both, and proceeded with them to Panama. He arrived there
in October 1545, and took possession without interfering with the civil
government.
The Viceroy busily collected arms and assembled troops at Popayan and,
having received false news respecting the strength of the enemy, he
began his march southwards, hoping to destroy the forces of Puelles and
Pizarro. In reality Pizarro had 200 arquebusiers, 350 pikemen and 150
cavalry, with plenty of good powder.
Captains of Arquebusiers Juan de Acosta,
Juan Velez de Guevara.
Captain of Pikemen Hernando de Bachicao.
Captains of Cavalry Pedro de Puelles,
Gomez de Alvarado.
Standard bearer Francisco de Ampuero.
The fighting Judge Cepeda was there, and the Licentiate Benito Suarez de
Carbajal, brother of the murdered Factor, with thirty friends and
relations to avenge his death.
The Viceroy faced his enemies near Quito, thinking that he only saw the
detachment of Puelles, and that Pizarro was not there. His captains
advised a flank march over most difficult country to Quito. This took
all night, and at dawn they were a league from the town, worn out with
fatigue. The idea was to take the enemy in rear, but it was a fatal
mistake. The Viceroy came out of Quito, while Gonzalo Pizarro’s army
turned and advanced to meet him.
The Viceroy’s Captains
of Infantry were Sancho Sanchez de Avila[74],
Juan Cabrera his cousin[75],
Francisco Sanchez.
of Cavalry were Sebastian de Belalcazar[76],
Pedro de Bazan,
Francisco Hernandez Giron[77].
The two bodies of cavalry encountered each other but the Viceroy’s men
were worn out by the long night march. It was a desperate battle at
close quarters, both infantry and cavalry. The Viceroy received a blow
from Hernando de Torres of Arequipa, which brought him to the ground.
Puelles would have protected him, but the Licentiate Carbajal, after
searching for him, came up and caused a negro to cut off his head.
Gonzalo Pizarro was enraged at this treatment of the Viceroy, and caused
his body to be honourably buried, he himself being chief mourner.
Pizarro’s victory was complete: 200 of the Viceroy’s men were killed.
The Judge Alvarez died of his wounds a few days afterwards.
Gonzalo Pizarro sent the news of his victory to all the cities in Peru,
and Captain Alarcon brought the glad tidings to Hinojosa at Panama in a
ship. Pizarro trusted Hinojosa fully, as he owed everything to his
benefactor. Hinojosa’s treason was the cause of Pizarro’s fall. Alarcon
brought back Gonzalo Pizarro’s son, and Vela Nuñez, the Viceroy’s
brother: who received full pardon and went with Pizarro to Lima. Gonzalo
Pizarro was now at the height of his power. Always just and inclined to
mercy, he never put anyone to death without trial. On his return to Lima
he enacted some excellent laws for the protection of the Indians. Gasca
confessed that Gonzalo Pizarro was a good governor.
Old Carbajal had been hunting Diego Centeno, who hid himself in a cave
for eight months. Of his accomplices Lope de Mendoza and Nicolas de
Heredia were executed, the rest pardoned, including Luis Pardomo and
Alonso Camargo.
Carbajal wrote a long letter to Gonzalo Pizarro urging him to assume the
kingship of Peru. He said that no pardon could be expected after killing
the Viceroy, nor would it be safe to trust to any promises that might be
sent to him. He should divide all the vacant land among his supporters
as perpetual tenures, instead of two lives, with titles of Dukes,
Marquises, and Counts, and should create military orders. He strongly
advised Pizarro to secure the devotion of the natives by taking an Inca
Princess as his Queen. Puelles and Cepeda concurred. Pizarro had entered
Lima in triumph, accompanied by four Bishops, of Lima, Quito, Cuzco, and
Bogota, by Lorenzo de Aldana and all the municipal officers and
magistrates, and nearly all the citizens.
Vela Nuñez, the Viceroy’s brother, had been brought back to Lima. There
was also at Lima one Juan de la Torre who had married a daughter of a
Curaca near Puerto Viejo. He got with her a large treasure, and he
wanted to return to Spain to enjoy it. He proposed to Vela Nuñez to join
him and seize a ship to which Vela Nuñez agreed. The ruffian then
thought he might gain more by betraying his victim to Pizarro. Vela
Nuñez was beheaded.
When Carbajal heard of the arrival of Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, he came
from Charcas where he had restored tranquillity. Pizarro came out some
distance to meet him. He brought with him great store of treasure, and
had a grand reception. Alonso de Mendoza was left as Pizarro’s
Lieutenant in Charcas.
All seemed hopeful for the future, with a good administration under a
most popular Governor. The treachery of Hinojosa and Aldana in
delivering up the fleet to Gasca at Panama, renewed all the trouble,
with six more years of civil war.
LETTER FROM FRANCISCO DE CARBAJAL TO GONZALO PIZARRO.
Most illustrious Sir,
As God alone is the true master of all things and knows what He says,
arranging all things according to His will and pleasure, although I
wrote to you the other day, by Diego Lopez de Segura, that we should
enter Guamanga on the day that you received the letter, He was not
served that we should do so. For on the following Tuesday, in the night,
after I had despatched Segura, we were to sleep at Lucumaes, I had a
pain in the stomach followed by a severe pain in the side, with which I
was unable to take the road, though there was no want of doctors and
medicines.
Feeling a little better I left Lucumaes where I was taken ill, and came
to Andahuaylas. I was there attacked again so severely that it would
have been desperation to continue the journey, so I remained to be
cured. I give your honour an account of this, that you may not think I
am enjoying myself.
Your honour’s page Burgos arrived at Andahuaylas, who gave me two
despatches sent by you, and I saw all that they contained. Your honour
need have no anxiety, for I have brought Cuzco to a healthy state as
well in one part as another, bringing with me all those who are
suspected and can do anything, that they may be known to you and serve
you, and leaving there the sowing that seemed convenient. In fine, until
I can see your honour, and can tell you all by word of mouth that seems
advisable for the security of all, it will be well to be as secret as
such affairs require.
From this same place I sent Burgos to Cuzco to accompany the escort
bringing some treasure from your Honour’s estate, and I shall send it
forward with the care that is necessary, doing all in my power to
forward your service.
With regard to the pikes which you ordered me to burn, I have sent for
them that they may be brought to Guamanga by little and little, and
thence they shall be sent to Lima. I beseech your Honour that you will
deem that I do well in this. For the kingly crowning with which we are,
in a few days, to crown your Honour there will be a great concourse of
people, and on that occasion I wish to have charge of such details as
may be convenient. I assure your Excellency that the most terrible war
that can be made for the security of your army and your person, and for
the rout of an enemy, is with pikes, and I know very well what I am
saying.
Rodrigo de Zamudio arrived here last night, who resides at Chuquiapu (La
Paz). He came with Father Ortun Sanchez from your Honour’s estates,
bringing 35,000 _pesos_ of gold from Chuquiapu and in silver from
Potosi, respecting which the Father informed me. I have sent it from
here with the best escort I could arrange. I pray that you will give the
bearers good treatment and presents, for it is true that much work is
done each day, backwards and forwards, in your Honour’s service, and I
will look upon it as a reward to myself. May the illustrious person of
your Honour be maintained with all the health and increase of prosperity
that you can desire. From this station of Andahuaylas to-day Thursday
the 17th of March 1547.
Your Servant who kisses
Your Honour’s hands
FRANCISCO DE CARBAJAL.
LA GASCA’S VOYAGE.
Document in the special library of the King of Spain (_16 f^{s} cuaderna
17_), in the handwriting of one of La Gasca’s secretaries, quoted by the
Palentino. Neither Prescott nor Barros Arana had seen it.
_Abridged._
We arranged that Lorenzo de Aldana should sail with two ships and a
frigate, and in his company Palomino and Juan de Illanes, and the
Provincial of the Dominicans with letters, provisions, and pardons, and
300 soldiers.
Finding all quiet in Peru, and himself popular, while Tierra Firme was
in his hands, for he was ignorant of the treason there, his Council
advised Gonzalo Pizarro to become King by an Act similar to that made at
Avila by Alonso, in the time of his brother Henry IV, to be approved by
all the citizens and principal persons in Peru. Carbajal, who was at
Cuzco, was ordered to Lima. Meanwhile the Licentiates Cepeda and
Carbajal, and Juan de Acosta a great favourite of Gonzalo, tried to
persuade Gonzalo that the Camp Master was a traitor and advised Gonzalo
to kill him. Carbajal set out, but was taken very ill at Andahuaylas. He
wrote to Gonzalo of the Kingship he was about to assume, and of the
great concourse of people there would be at Lima. The letter is dated at
Andahuaylas 17 March 1547.
Lorenzo de Aldana, Hernan Mexia, Palomino, and Juan de Illanes, and the
Regent Friar Tomas San Martin sailed from Panama with two ships and a
frigate 17 Feb. 1547. I made sail from Panama to Taboga 10 April 1547,
where there were 22 other ships. April 12 we left Taboga, I, General
Pedro de Hinojosa, Diego Garcia de Paredas, &c. in the _capitana_.
Aldana, joined by Paniagua with another ship, put into Guayaquil.
Gasca encountered bad weather and put into Buenaventura. The captain
wanted to return to Panama. There were very heavy seas, thunder and
lightning, and a downpour of rain, wet through fore and aft. Those with
him entreated him to let the captain shorten sail. He refused. At last
he went to his cabin to see how his papers had fared with the water.
Then Paredes and others told the sailors that I had ordered the mainsail
to be lowered. Having done my best to protect the papers from wet, I
came out and found the men on the yard and the sail being lowered. I
shouted that it was not to be done, but no one wanted to hear me. At
this juncture a number of lights of St Elmo appeared on all the yards,
which gave great consolation, all the sailors falling on their knees and
saying their St Elmo prayer. This led to silence, and I and Pedro de
Hinojosa, with some others, got the sail up again. This reminded me of
what Aristotle and Pliny said that when there are many of these lights,
it is a sign that the tempest will cease. Next day we were able to
anchor under the shelter of Gorgona. Don Pedro Cabrera’s ship reached
Buenaventura, where he and his people landed and marched by Popayan and
Quito, reaching Xauxa after seven months, in November. I found 12 ships
at Gorgona. The Bishop of Lima, Hinojosa, and Paredes went in the
galliot. April 30th all sailed from Gorgona, I also in the galley with
30 of the best arquebusiers, to go by rowing if sails were of no use.
Paniagua met me off Gallo with a letter from Gonzalo Pizarro. He dwelt
on the services of his brothers and himself, on the necessity for
expelling Blasco Nuñez, and on his care of the royal treasury.
MURDER OF THE INCA MANCO DESCRIBED BY HIS SON.
Titu Cusi Yupanqui, younger son of the murdered Inca Manco, being a
neophyte in the beginning of 1570, dictated to an Augustine friar named
Marcos Garcia, who was with him at Vilcapampa, the following “Narrative
of the entry of the Spaniards into Peru, and of what happened to him
when they were living with him.”
All these things having happened, both those which I have mentioned and
many others which I have not touched upon to avoid prolixity, my father
returned to Vilcapampa as head of all this province, where he rested for
some days. From this place, because he did not like to be without me, he
sent to Cuzco for me, where I was, until they took me to Viticos, in the
house of Oñate[78]. The messengers took me and my mother secretly to the
town of Viticos, where my father had come for fresh air, it being a cold
land. There I and my Father stayed for many days. At different times
seven Spaniards arrived, saying that they were fugitives owing to having
committed offences, and they protested that they would serve my Father
with all their power, for the remainder of their lives. They prayed that
they might be allowed to remain in that land and end their days there.
My Father, thinking that they came with good intentions, ordered his
captains to do them no harm, for he wished to keep them as his servants,
and that they should have houses in which to live. The captains would
much rather have put an end to them, but obeyed my Father’s orders. My
Father had them with him for many days and years, treating them very
well, and giving them all that they needed, even ordering his own women
to prepare their food and their beverage, and taking his meals with
them. He treated them as if they were his own brothers.
After these Spaniards had been with my Father for several years in the
said town of Viticos they were one day, with much good fellowship,
playing at quoits with him: only them, my Father, and me, who was then a
boy. Without having any suspicion, although an Indian woman, named
Banba, had said that the Spaniards wanted to murder the Inca, my Father
was playing with them as usual. In this game, just as my Father was
raising the quoit to throw, they all rushed upon him with knives,
daggers, and some swords. My Father, feeling himself wounded, strove to
make some defence, but he was one and unarmed, and they were seven fully
armed; he fell to the ground covered with wounds, and they left him for
dead. I, being a little boy, and seeing my Father treated in this
manner, wanted to go where he was to help him. But they turned furiously
upon me, and hurled a lance which only just failed to kill me also. I
was terrified and fled amongst some bushes. They looked for me, but
could not find me. The Spaniards, seeing that my Father had ceased to
breathe, went out of the gate, in high spirits, saying, “Now that we
have killed the Inca we have nothing to fear.” But at this moment the
captain Rimachi Yupanqui arrived with some Antis, and presently chased
them in such sort that, before they could get very far along a difficult
road, they were caught and pulled from their horses. They all had to
suffer very cruel deaths and some were burnt. Notwithstanding his wounds
my Father lived for three days. Before he died, he sent for me and all
his captains, and spoke these words....[79]
All the above writing was done and ordered to give the information
dictated by the most illustrious Lord Don Diego de Castro Titu Cusi
Yupanqui, son of Manco Inca Yupanqui late natural Lord of these
kingdoms of Peru, to the Reverend Father Friar Marcos Garcia, Friar
Presbyter of the order of Saint Augustine, who resides in that
province of Vilcapampa, having in charge the cure of all the souls
within it, to the honour and glory of Almighty God.
I Martin Pando, clerk, commissioned by the Illustrious Lord the
Licentiate Lope Garcia de Castro, late Governor of these kingdoms,
solemnly declare that all that is above written was composed and
ordered by the said Father under the instructions of the said Don
Diego de Castro, and which I myself wrote with my proper hands in
the manner dictated by the said Father, being witnesses the
Reverend Father Friar Diego Ortiz, professed presbyter of the said
order, who jointly resides in company with the author of this, and
three captains of the said Don Diego de Castro, named Suta
Yupanqui, Rimachi Yupanqui, and Sullca Huarac. In token of the good
faith of all the aforesaid, I signed my name. Done in the town of
San Salvador of Vilcapampa, on the 6th of February 1570, which, to
make it more authentic is also signed with the names of Father
Friar Martin Garcia and Father Diego Ortiz.
I Don Diego de Castro Titu Cusi Yupanqui, natural son of Manco Inca
Yupanqui late Lord of these kingdoms of Peru declare that, as it
is necessary for me to make this statement to the King Don Philip
our Lord, containing things of importance to me and my successors,
and not knowing the style and manner used by Spaniards in such
reports, I requested the very Reverend Father Friar Marcos Garcia
and Martin de Pando that, in conformity with the usage on such
occasions, they would order and compose the above narrative, for
the very illustrious Lord, the Licentiate Lope Garcia de Castro to
send to Spain; that for me, in my name, holding, as I do hold, my
power, all may be explained to his Majesty Don Philip our King and
Lord, that he, seeing the grounds of my request, may show favour to
me, to my sons and my descendants and I sign my name on the day
aforesaid.
Don Diego de Castro Titu Cusi Yupanqui.
To Don Lope Garcia de Castro,
Having received letters from your Lordship, asking me to become a
Christian and saying that it would conduce to the security of the
country, I enquired of Diego Rodriguez and Martin de Pando, who was the
principal monk among those who were in Cuzco, and who were the most
approved and of most weight among the religious orders. They replied
that the most flourishing were those of St Augustine, and their Prior
was the most important religious in Cuzco. Having heard this, I became
more attached to the order of St Augustine than to any other. I wrote
letters to the Prior, requesting him to come in person to baptize me,
because I would rather be baptized by him than by anyone else. He took
the trouble to come to my country and to baptize me, bringing with him
another monk, and Gonzalo Perez de Vivero and Atilano de Anaya who
arrived at Rayangalla on the 12th of August 1568, whither I came from
Vilcapampa to receive baptism. There, in that village of Rayangalla,
were the said Prior named Juan de Vivero and his companions. I was
instructed in the things of the faith for a fortnight, at the end of
which time, on the day of the famous Dr St Augustine, the Prior baptized
me. My godfather was Gonzalo Perez de Vivero and my godmother Doña
Angelina Zica Ocllo. After I was baptized the Prior remained for eight
days to instruct me in the holy catholic church and to initiate me into
its mysteries. He then departed with Gonzalo Perez de Vivero, leaving me
a companion named Friar Marcos Garcia, that he might little by little
instil into my mind what the Prior had taught, that I might not forget,
and also to teach the word of God to the people of my land. Before he
departed I explained to my followers the reason why I had been baptized,
and had brought these people into my land. All replied that they
rejoiced at my baptism, and that the friar should remain. In effect the
friar did remain with me[80].
DIEGO RODRIGUEZ DE FIGUEROA.
_Notice._
[Sidenote: Thin 4^{to} MS.]
The manuscript of the Report of Diego Rodriguez de Figueroa on his
mission to Titu Cusi Yupanqui Inca, came into the possession of Eugene
Jacquet, a French orientalist, who gave it to Alexander von Humboldt,
in 1833. Humboldt left it to the Royal Library at Berlin. The text was
published by Dr Pietschmann of Göttingen in 1910.
Rodriguez came to Peru in about 1552. The Count of Nieva, Viceroy from
1561 to 1564, appointed him _Defensor de todos los Indios_.
Rodriguez took part in the subjugation of Vilcapampa by order of the
Viceroy Toledo in 1571, and an _encomienda_ of 100 Indians was given to
him, in that province, where he was Alguazil Mayor. He was there four
years, but quarrelled with the Governor. In a petition to the Viceroy
Don Martin Henriquez, successor to Toledo (1 Dec. 1582), Rodriguez
mentions that he has five daughters and three sons, that he had lived
many years at Potosi, and had fought in three battles for the King. He
had occupied himself with writings and pictures representing the history
of the Incas and all sorts of reports and memoirs. He had been
Corregidor of Potosi.
NARRATIVE
OF THE ROUTE AND JOURNEY MADE BY
DIEGO RODRIGUEZ
FROM THE CITY OF CUZCO TO THE LAND OF WAR OF MANCO[81] INCA WHO WAS IN
THE ANDES IN INSURRECTION AGAINST THE SERVICE OF HIS MAJESTY, AND OF THE
AFFAIRS TOUCHING WHICH HE TREATED WITH THE OBJECT OF ESTABLISHING PEACE,
AS WELL AS TO INDUCE THE PEOPLE TO RECEIVE THE EVANGELICAL DOCTRINE OF
OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST
as follows:
I left Cuzco on the 8th of April after having received letters from the
Judge Matienzo to the Inca Titu Cusi Yupanqui, with leave to make an
entrance, after having offered my services to go by that route. I went
to sleep at Tambo, where they gave me seven Indian carriers to show me
the way. Three men of this town were to enter with me, after the cacique
had told them that if the Inca asked them whence they came they were to
say they came from another part and that they were not natives of Tambo,
because it was a garrison of the Inca frontier, and he might kill them,
if they said they came from thence.
On the 9th of April I went to the other part of the cordillera, crossed
the uninhabited snowy region and slept at Yanamachi, where there are
large caves. There I heard that the runners of the Inca had arrived at
Chuquichaca which is near the land of peace, and ready to pass to the
other side of the river which is subject to the Spaniards. I encouraged
the Indians and told them to fear nothing as I would go with them to see
what people they were and what they wanted; but they were unwilling.
That night seven Indians fled from fear. They carried loads containing
some presents for the Inca, bought with my own money and at my cost.
Considering one thing and another, I should have wished to return, if it
had not been that I was ashamed, and for other secret reasons.
I concealed the loads under some straw, and went on for five leagues to
the valley of Amaibamba, three leagues within the land of the Inca,
where they gather much coca, and where there are always many Indians at
harvest time. The place was devoid of inhabitants, because all had
concealed themselves in the forests. There was no one to show me the
ford over the river, but I passed, I and the horse, God seeing fit to
guide the horse miraculously, the depth being more than 300 _estados_.
Later in April some of the Indians who had fled, as well as the runners,
came to me. I encouraged them and said that I would go to the bridge to
see what was going on. I said to them that those others were infidels
and were not Christians, and that one Christian could fight all the
infidels put together; because those others were infidels and they were
Christians. They answered that they had been robbed more than ten or
fifteen times, and some of those others had got their wives and
children, that they were not men but devils with no fear of God, and
that when they had stolen everything they burnt the house, and to insult
the Christians they burnt the churches, and had broken the images, and
with the cross placed in front they had made a fire and cooked a sheep.
It is true that I saw the burnt church, and the pieces they showed me,
which may have been bits of the cross. I explained to them that God
permitted this for our sins, but that He would inflict a great
punishment on those others. I told them that I was going to speak to the
Inca on the part of the President of the Municipality and of the Royal
Audience of the city of La Plata, and to warn him that if he would not
live in conformity with our Holy Catholic Faith and in obedience to his
Majesty, war would be declared. While I should be there, they were to
keep a good watch on the bridge to see when the runners should arrive,
that I might speak with them. They replied that they did not dare, and
they also advised me not to, because those others would kill me, and
give my body to be eaten by the Anti Indians.
Seeing the small courage of these Indians, I sent them for the loads, to
the place where they were hidden, and left the horse here, in the valley
of Amaibamba, as the road was very rough, and in places one could not
even walk on foot, but like cats. I arrived at the bridge, which is
between two great hills, on the 11th of April. I made great lights on
the banks of the river to see if any of the Inca’s runners had arrived.
I also made a flag of a pocket handkerchief, and put it on the top of a
tree as a sign of peace, and a very large cross on the bridge, that they
might understand that a Spaniard and Christian had come. Then two
runners came from Yucay, which is in the land of peace. They told me
that my luggage had arrived and was waiting at Amaibamba, that the
Indians who had fled to the mountains had now returned, that they were
not frightened now that I was at the bridge, that they would feel safe
while I was there, and that the Inca had gone back with his captains.
On the 11th they made great fires, and there was much smoke on the other
side of the river. That night two Indian runners fled to the mountains
because they did not dare to sleep where I slept, which was close to the
bridge. There I was, in much trouble with the mosquitos, which bit me by
night and by day, but in no trouble about the Inca’s people. This being
the case I determined to return to Amaibamba, and wait there for the
runners. If they made any remark I could say that it was three leagues
away, and that the bites of mosquitos had swollen my hands and feet, and
brought on a fever.
On Good Friday, the 20th of April, in the evening, a runner arrived with
the news that six Indians of the Inca had arrived at the bridge, and
there appeared to be more behind. It did not appear what object they
had, but they had left the cross which I had set up. All the Indians
armed themselves and some, from fear, fled to the mountains. I presently
went to the bridge, commending myself to our Lord. I went by a very bad
road and in the night, having several falls by the way, and much hard
work. I took with me two Indians against their will, with coca, bread,
and other things to eat. I arrived at the bridge at about 3 o’clock in
the morning, and began to cry out and struck a light. The runners then
came together and, with many torches of straw alight, we began to talk.
I said that I came, with peaceful intent, to speak to the Inca, bringing
letters from the Municipality and Judges of the city of La Plata, and
another from the Judge Matienzo, requesting permission for me to enter
the country, speak to the Inca, and deliver the letters into his hands.
They replied that they were satisfied. The letters were thrown over the
river with a sling, and coca and bread were passed over on a rope, that
they might eat. I asked them to let me leave one of the two Indians
until the reply came from the Inca, to which they agreed.
On the 28th of April the Inca replied in a very brief letter. He thanked
me for the trouble I had taken, but for the rest he said that he did not
want any Spaniard to enter his territory either in peace or in war, for
they would only come as spies and to deceive him. He ordered me not to
enter, and that if I did his captains would kill me. Further he kissed
the hands of the Judge Matienzo and of all the others who had written,
and did not reply as he was in bad health. I was to return with this
message. I was to be so good as to send him the letters, which I told
him I was bringing, that he might have them in his hand. On the day that
I received this reply from the Inca, I reflected that if I returned they
would say at Cuzco that I was afraid and sought an excuse for not going
to the Inca. So I determined to give the letters to the runners, as well
as some presents which I had brought, such as raisins and comfits,
quince jam, three pieces of cloth, three pairs of scissors, four knives
with sheaths, some needles and other things. I wrote that I was his
friend, and that he should understand that I had no wish to deceive him,
but to tell him what it would be convenient for him to know. If he would
give me permission I would enter his territory to recognize him as a
Lord. I further said that if I could serve him in anything I would do
so. That he might know this to be the truth I sent him a provision
appointing me Defender of all the Indians of this kingdom signed by the
Count of Nieva[82].
On the 5th of May ten captains came to the bridge, richly dressed with
diadems of plumes, and lances in their hands which they brandished, and
wearing masks on their faces. They came to the passage of the bridge
where I was, and asked if I was the man who had the audacity to want to
come and speak to the Inca. I said yes. They replied that I could not
fail to be much afraid, and if I felt fear I could not come, because the
Inca was a great enemy of cowards. To this I answered that if he was an
elephant or a giant I might be afraid, but as he was a man like myself I
had no fear, but I would offer him respect. If he would let me enter
under his word, I would do so, for I knew that he would keep it. On this
they produced two letters. One was from a mestizo who is there, named
Pando, and the other from the Inca. They sent them across to me. Some of
the Indians who were with me then fled. In both letters there were
expressions of joy to understand, from the Provision, that I was not a
spy and that I did not come to deceive them. They were pleased that I
should come as far as a town called Aramcalla, and that the Inca would
come there with his Governor and Master of the Camp.
On the 6th of May I crossed the river in a basket travelling along a
cable, and seven Indians came with me. The ten Indians of the Inca
helped me to cross, and accompanied me. That night I slept at the foot
of a snowy mountain, in an uninhabited village called Condormarca, where
there had been a bridge in ancient times, which crossed the river to go
to Tambo, Sapamarca, and Viticos in the country of peace.
On the 7th of May as many as a hundred Indians came to meet me and
accompany me over the road of Marainiyo, a very rough country with much
vegetation and some swamps. They asked me if it was I who had put up the
flag which I mentioned before. I said yes and that I had hoisted it as a
signal that I came on an errand of peace. They answered that it was a
great piece of insolence for anyone to hoist a flag in the territory of
the Inca, and if it had not been that the Inca had given orders for me
to enter, they would have killed me there and then. Each one then began
to brandish his arms, calling the Spaniards bearded cowards and thieves.
Others said, “May we not kill this little bearded one, to avenge what
his brethren have done to us.” I appeased them by saying it was true
than when the Spaniards came they did much harm; but that now there was
justice, that the people were favoured and had their liberty. They then
asked me if I was one of those who came first, or whether I had arrived
recently. I answered that it was seventeen years since I came from
Spain, that in all times there were some good and some bad, and that now
they deserved much honour for it seemed to me that they were good men.
As to what others had done, the fault did not lie with me. I then gave
them some drink, and I gave some of them needles, ornaments, knives, and
other things, so we made friends. I then wrote to the Inca to say that I
had entered his country, but had not yet come to where he was, and that
in token of friendship I sent him two glass jars and two dozen buttons
of green glass that looked like emeralds.
On the 8th of May we departed from the station of the Inca called
Marainiyo, and marched to an Indian village named Lucuma where four
Indians came to see me from a captain, who was on that frontier, named
Cayanbi. I sent him salt and knives, and in return he supplied me with
maize and chicha, asking me not to pass on, because he had not sent to
tell the Inca anything about my arrival, but that he would come and
sleep that night, to accompany me. Considering the abominable road, and
the discomfort of having to travel on foot, and seeing that though I was
near the goal they would not let me reach it, I sent to say that I would
not go, and that I wanted to return to Cuzco. So I ordered the Indians
to take the road by which we had come, and I wrote a very angry letter
to the Inca saying that I had arrived at Lucuma by his order, and that
one of his captains, who was on that frontier, had refused to receive
me in his land. With the letter I sent a hat with two plumes of
feathers. When the captain saw my determination to return to Cuzco he
came to me, on the road, and begged me not to go until a reply came from
the Inca. He also brought plenty of food of the country.
I remained with the captain until another day when the reply of the Inca
came, the runner having covered 40 leagues in two days, saying in his
letter that he was very angry with the captain who would be well
punished. He sent another in his place named Vilcapaniguana, with a
hundred Indians to help in my journey. I was lodged in Arancalla, a
village of a hundred Indians, in a very rough country near the snows,
where there was a large fort.
I arrived there on the 9th of May, and they made me two houses on a hill
two arquebus shots from the village. Presently the inhabitants of the
village came with provisions for my party. Above all things they asked
me to show them the contents of my loads, because they desired much to
know. At first I refused, but as it seemed to me that they would manage
to find out, against my will, I thought that it would be well to let
them see. So they looked at everything. They saw that I carried a sword
and dagger, and said that I should show them to the Inca as he would
rejoice to see them. The same day a servant of the Inca arrived, with
two baskets of earth nuts[83], to visit me on his part. I received him
well and gave him a head cloth and an ornament; and for the Inca two
packs of cards and two pair of scissors. I understood that he came to
see what manner of man I was, and to learn from those who came with me
what I had asked, said, and done. They took leave, very well contented.
On the next day, the 11th of May, I received another letter from the
Inca, in which he made great offers to me, owing to the good report he
had heard of me from Cuzco, and that I was to come to a village further
on called Bambacona that we might sooner meet, and that he would be
there in two days.
I set out on the 12th of May and went on to Viticos where the seven
Spaniards killed the Inca, and their heads are exposed. The Indians told
me that those Spaniards had killed him to raise the land, and that they
determined to kill him while playing at _la herradura_. One Mendez[84]
did it with four or five stabs behind until he killed him; and to Titu
Cusi, the Inca who is now, they would have done the same, but he escaped
down some rocks, which they showed me. They, however, succeeded in
giving him a stab in the leg, the mark of which he afterwards showed me.
If they had wanted to kill some Indians they could have done so, but
their object was to kill the Inca. Then many Indians and captains
assembled, who seized the Spaniards and killed them.
On the 13th of May I sent two of my Indians to the Inca with some
refreshments of raisins, figs, and other things. The Inca received them
well, and gave them two baskets of earth nuts which they were to take to
me, with a message that next day he would arrive, so that we should see
each other soon, and that I need not travel further.
On the 14th of May the Indians of Bambacona had made a large house on a
strong height surrounded by entrenchments. Below were the houses of the
inhabitants. The road by which he was to come was very clean and passed
over a great plain. The three hundred Indians with their lances, and
others from the surrounding country, had made a great theatre for the
Inca, of red clay. They were awaiting his arrival, and wished me to go
out to meet him. They told me that the people of the village would wait
on the plain, and that they would show me a place where they had brought
two loads of straw, half a stone’s throw from the rest of the people.
They told me to wait there, and see the entry of the Inca, and not to
move until the Inca sent for me.
Many lances were drawn up on a hill, and messengers arrived to say that
the Inca was coming. Presently the escort of the Inca began to appear.
The Inca came in front of all, with a head-dress of plumes of many
colours, a silver plate on his breast, a golden shield in one hand, and
a lance all of gold. He wore garters of feathers and fastened to them
were small wooden bells. On his head was a diadem and another round the
neck. In one hand he had a gilded dagger, and he came in a mask of
several colours. Arriving on the plateau where the places of the people
were, and his seat was set up, and mine, he gazed where the sun was,
making a sort of reverence with his hand, which they call _mucha_, and
then went to his seat. There came with him a mestizo with a shield and
sword, and in a Spanish dress and a very old cloak. Presently he turned
his eyes in the direction where I was, and I took off my hat. The
Indians did not notice this. I held up an image of our Lady which I
carried in my bosom, and though the Indians saw it, they took no notice.
Then two _orejones_ came near the Inca with two halberds, dressed in
diadems of plumes with much adornment of gold and silver. These made
obeisance and reverence to the sun and then to the Inca. All the rest
were standing near his seat, encircling him in good order. Presently the
governor came, named Yamqui Mayta, with 60 or 70 attendants with their
silver plates, lances, belts of gold and silver, the same dresses as
were worn by all who came with the Inca. Then came the Master of the
Camp with the same gaily dressed following: and all made obeisance first
to the sun and then to the Inca, saying, “Child of the Sun thou art the
child of the day[85].” Then they took up their positions round the Inca.
Then another captain entered, named Vilcapari Guaman, with about thirty
Indians bearing lances adorned with feathers of many colours. Then
twenty men with axes, making reverences to the sun like the rest. All
wore masks of different colours, which they put before their faces. Next
a little Indian entered who, after making reverences to the sun and the
Inca, came towards me, brandishing a lance, and raising it with great
audacity. He then began to cry out in Spanish “Get out! get out!” and to
menace me with his lance. Next another captain entered named Cusi Puma,
with about 50 archers; who are Antis eating human flesh. Presently all
these warriors took off their plumes of feathers and put down their
lances. With their daggers of bronze and their shields of silver, or
leather, or of feathers, each one came to do reverence to the Inca who
was seated, and then returned to their places.
Presently he sent for me, and passing through that multitude of Indians,
I took off my hat and made a speech to him. I said that I had come from
Cuzco solely to know and serve him. If I wore a sword and dagger it was
to serve him with them, and not to offend him. To this he answered that
it was for men to bear arms and not for women or cowards, and he did
not, therefore, hold me in more esteem for that. But he said he was
pleased at the trouble I had taken to come from such a distance to him,
adding that he had come 40 leagues only to see and converse with me.
Then he gave me a cup of chicha, asking me to drink it for his service.
I drank a quarter of it, and then began to make faces, and wipe my mouth
with a handkerchief. He began to laugh, understanding that I did not
know that liquor. Then he spoke to the mulatto, asking him how this was,
and that our Lord Jesus Christ should be remembered for he had blessed
such work. He said that he would show me the governor Yamqui Mayta, that
I might talk to him. He came and embraced me as the Inca had done, and
he was seated on the Inca’s right hand.
Presently I returned to my lodging, with permission of the Inca, and he
sent me, by the governor, a macaw and two baskets of earth nuts. Then
the mestizo came with a very small cup of chicha, with a message from
the Inca asking me to drink it, that he looked upon me as a friend, and
that when I liked, we could treat of the matters about which I had come.
I took a sip, and gave the rest to one of the Indians who had come with
me. He sent a message by the mestizo that I must rest, that I must be
tired, and that another day he would do all that I desired. I sent him
four pieces of glass, and a case of comfits, which were the presents the
Judge Matienzo had sent, and had mentioned in his letter. I also sent
half an _arroba_ of crystals and pearls, and seven bracelets of silver,
saying that the glass was sent by Matienzo, because it was a thing held
in high estimation and that as the comfits gave a pleasant taste to the
tip of the tongue, so I trusted that my words would give satisfaction,
and that I wished to be of service as the messenger and ambassador who
came to him. He took it all in, and rejoiced greatly. That he might not
hesitate to eat the comfits, I said that they were very good, and that
he might be sure that they would do him no harm, I wished to eat some in
his presence. I did eat with the mestizo and invited him, who ate them
also. Then I gave two sheathed knives, a head cloth, and other things to
the governor Yamqui Mayta. I distributed presents to all the other
captains pointed out to me by the mestizo, embraced them all, and
returned to my lodging.
Then the people of the village brought much food and presented it to the
Inca, and to those who had come with him. The Inca did not eat on
cloths, but on green rushes, and the rest on the ground.
The Inca was a man of forty years of age, of middle height, and with
some marks of small-pox on his face. His mien rather severe and manly.
He wore a shirt of blue damask, and a mantle of very fine cloth. He is
served on silver, and there are also twenty or thirty fairly
good-looking women, waiting behind him. He sent for me to eat where he
was with his women and his governor. The food consisted of maize,
potatoes, small beans, and the other products of the country, except
that there was very little meat, and what there was consisted of
venison, fowls, macaws, and monkeys, both boiled and roasted. When night
came on he asked me whether I had made the acquaintance of his captains.
I replied in the affirmative, and he then took leave of me. He went to
the house that had been prepared for him, in exactly the same order as
when he arrived, with music of silver flutes and trumpets. That night
there was a guard of a hundred Indians who were divided into watches,
and flutes and drums were played to call each watch. They placed a guard
of fifteen Indians over me with their lances, I being in a house outside
the village. I calculate that all the Indians who came with the Inca,
and those of the village, numbered 450.
In the morning of the 14th of May the Inca sent for me to his house, for
it was raining. The greater part of his troops were seated round a large
fire. The Inca was seated, dressed in a shirt of crimson velvet, with a
mantle of the same. All his captains had taken off the masks they wore
on the day before. As I entered I saluted, making many compliments, and
taking off my cap. He saluted me in his language. The mestizo was on a
seat in front. I presented the Inca with a very good looking glass, two
necklaces of coral beads, and a paper book. He was very much pleased
with the presents, and ordered my seat to be placed near him, next to
the governor and two captains. I understood that the Inca had been told
by one of the captains who came with me, respecting what I had said and
asked, and that I had expressed discontent at the want of proper respect
shown to me by the Indians. Presently he asked for the letter I brought,
and what I had come for. I answered that he had already seen the
letters, before my arrival, and that he had then read what I now wished
to put before him in words. He said that that was true. I then said that
what I had to communicate to him was a matter of great importance, both
for the salvation of his body and his soul; and that it might be seen
that I did not wish to deceive on any point as regards what I had to
say, I suggested that he should send for all the wisest men he had with
him, that what I had to say might be better understood. At the same time
he was himself a man of such sound judgment, his own understanding would
be quite sufficient to deal with all that might be submitted to him. He
replied that all were there present, and that I might now say what I
wanted, as on another day I should have to return to Cuzco with his
reply. The Christians, he added, had never given more than one day for
audience and another for departure. If they stayed longer his people
might kill them from fear and terror, without his permission to kill. I
answered that it would occupy more than two days to complete the
negotiations, and to make what I had come to say clearly understood.
Especially this was the case when I did not wish to cause discontent by
being given so short a time, my intention being rather to cause
satisfaction and not annoyance. The Inca was pleased and said to me that
he and his captains would not answer until I had represented everything,
and after that I could make answer to their view of what I had said.
Presently I said to the mestizo, who was the interpreter, that I
requested permission to say something in praise of God and of our holy
Christian religion. The Inca gave permission. I then said many things
which were the fruits of study in books I had brought, but to avoid
prolixity I will not write down my discourse. I have it written in a
little book with other things. The Inca and all his captains expressed
themselves pleased at having heard it, and enquired whether there were
any Christians among the Indians who were there. If so they were ordered
to stand up. Twenty or twenty-five among the chiefs did so. I asked each
one his name, and every one of them gave me Christian names. So I asked
the permission of the Inca to animate and console them, which he was
pleased to give. I said to them that they should not turn back but trust
in our Lord Jesus Christ, remaining firm in what they had professed when
they received baptism. And I told them to serve the Inca as he was their
Lord, and also God the creator of all things. I said many other things
to them until they began to cry, in presence of all those captains of
the Inca, and the Inca himself was moved to anger. He spoke very
fiercely to me, saying that no Spaniard who had entered his territory
had dared to treat of these things and to praise their Lord Jesus
Christ, nor in the time of his father, that it was great insolence on my
part, and that he was disposed to order me to be killed. I answered that
I came as a man who had to do this, that I had confessed and taken the
sacrament as a Christian, and that no time could be better for me to
die than the present. I reminded him that what I had said, was said with
his permission. Then I delivered a discourse in praise of truth and
against what was false, representing that so I must deal with him, being
as truthful as if I was on oath. I then spoke of the Judge Matienzo who
had given permission for me to come with a letter from him to the Inca.
I told him how well fitted I was to manage affairs for the Indians, and
I showed them some papers I had brought with me, by which the Inca would
be convinced of it. He should not think that I came as a spy, or for a
bad object, nor would he believe it when he knew what I had done for him
in his absence. They had all thought that the entries into their lands
on foot or on horseback had been secret, but we had known of them and
they were quite public. For this there was indeed no need of spies, and
presently I would tell them all, and how I desired to take up the
negotiation from further back.
During this discussion three of their Indians arrived who had been sent
as messengers to the President. They brought eight yards of yellow
damask, half a dozen masks, and a letter from the President in which he
said that if the Inca would come peacefully to Cuzco, he should have a
grant of certain villages of Indians with a revenue of over $15,000,
which the Treasurer Merlo would show, sending the account in three or
four days, and showing what the rents are from those Indians, which
would be paid in the name of his Majesty. Merlo also wrote out a
translation of what was in the decrees respecting the Indians. Another
letter was sent, signed by the President, which was for Merlo. It said
that the letter was written by the President and that if the Inca did
not wish to accept the grant that was offered to him, he was requested
to reply at once, because an officer, on the part of the city of Cuzco
was to force an entry and make war. The question should be settled for
his word had been given. There were letters saying that the chiefs of
Xauxa and of the whole kingdom were arrested, and that the
municipalities of Cuzco and Guamanga wished to make war.
The Inca and his captains received the news bravely. The Inca rose up
and declared that they were not afraid of the Spaniards. He said, before
his assembly, all he could think of in abuse of the Spaniards and in
praise of his Indians. Then all the Indians arose and began to worship,
and those Indian captains began to make offerings, each one for himself,
with daggers of bronze or iron in their hands. Some said they would kill
four Spaniards, others five, others six, and others ten. One of them,
named Chinchero, said that as I was there, why was he not ordered to
kill me, for he wanted to stab me with the dagger in his hand. The Inca
kept silence, answering nothing, so the Indian went back to his seat.
As daylight was now appearing, and they had all drunk freely, I asked
permission of the Inca to return to my lodging and get something to eat,
and that on another day I would state frankly what I had come for. So I
departed, leaving them to boast loudly, but all much disturbed in their
minds.
Soon afterwards they sent me a sheep of Castille, many fowls and
partridges, and the other food which their country produces. To those
who brought them I gave some trinkets, needles, and other Spanish
things. Presently the Inca sent for me. I went there, and was there
until night, without a word being spoken, when I returned to my lodging.
The reason for this appeared to be that too much chicha had been drunk.
Next day, the 15th of May, the Inca came out in the morning with all his
people in the same order as before. He sent for me in the open space.
When I came I found them at breakfast, and they gave me, and my Indian
attendants, plenty to eat. Afterwards I asked permission to state what I
had come for. I said, through the mestizo interpreter, that the
President and Judges of the Royal Audience took great pains to favour
the Indians, and for that reason I had come with instructions to offer
many advantages, wishing to establish peace, not to make war, not that
the Indians should make incursions into the land of peace. The President
had been strictly charged by his Majesty to grant many favours to the
Inca and his captains, and the Judge Matienzo had sent me to ascertain
the Inca’s wishes and intentions. To this it was replied that news had
now arrived of the desire to make war both from Cuzco and Guamanga, and
that threatening movements had been made at other places. In consequence
of this, incursions had been made into the land of peace. Further they
knew that Hurtado[86] had asked leave to attack them in the time of the
Count[87], and had made incursions from Guamanga and in Amaibamba. I
replied that the invasion was given up to avoid damage and evil, and not
from fear of the Inca’s people, also because the Archbishops, friars,
and clerics had intervened to prevent war. The Inca said that this was
true, that so he had been informed, and that now, as then, the clergy
would be against war. I told him that the face of things was altered.
The reason was that his people had entered the land of peace, burnt the
churches, pulled down the images, and destroyed the crosses: also that
the Indians who were there had been made to worship the sun, though they
were Christians. For these reasons the Archbishop, friars, and clergy
could not show them favour. The Inca denied it, saying that he had not
given such an order; and the first instruction he had given to his
people, whenever they made a raid, was not to touch either the churches
or the crosses. I then said that I had many witnesses to the facts, who
had seen him and the mestizo take the images and burn the churches. He
then admitted that he had taken the images and that he had them well
guarded and could show them, but that he had never burnt the church. I
told him that in Amaibamba I had seen the bits of the cross, and that
they had cooked a sheep with it. He replied that he had not gone
personally on that raid, that the Indians had done it, and that he
regretted it much. He also said that none of the friars, clerics, or
soldiers in Peru could complain that he had killed one of them, though
he might have done so many times. He could easily have killed two
Augustine friars and two other Spaniards who were shut up in a house at
Curahuasi, and many others at many times and in many places, but he
would not do such a thing, and he had ordered his people not to kill
them. Nor had he killed the Indians that I had brought, and that the
Indians had more liberty in his land than the Spaniards. He only took
Indians who had belonged to his ancestors. To this I replied that here
in Peru it was said that he was not the heir of the Incas of this
kingdom, but the sons of Atahualpâ, because the Spaniards found him in
possession of the kingdom when they arrived. He answered that Atahualpâ
was a usurper and a bastard who had murdered Huascar Inca the legitimate
heir, and that after him came his father Manco Inca. I then observed
that the report was that he was an illegitimate son. He then told me
that among them, when there was no legitimate son, the custom was that a
bastard succeeded. He was, therefore, high priest in what we call
spiritual things. This was in default of another brother, at least one
who was older than himself. He thus inherited the temporal lordship. He
was in possession and was recognized by the other Incas. They all obeyed
him, and if he had not the right they would not obey him. For the rest
the question had better be settled by arms and not by talking. All who
come try to deceive him. He told me I might go next day. He would write
to the Judge Matienzo that he had given me plenty to eat, and let me go
in peace. He said he was surprised that I should have shown such
prejudice against him in my conversation. In this way he took leave of
me, and I went back to my lodging where I remained all that day. From
the top of a rising ground I saw the festivities made for the Inca, and
heard the songs. The dances were war dances with spears in their hands,
throwing them from one to the other. I believe that they did such things
by reason of the quantity of chicha they had drunk.
The Inca sent for me late in the afternoon and I went against my will.
He told me to sit down and began to boast, saying that he could himself
kill fifty Spaniards, and that he was going to have all the Spaniards in
the kingdom put to death. He took a lance in his hand and a shield and
began to act a valiant man, shouting “Go at once and bring me all that
people that are behind these mountains; for I want to go and fight the
Spaniards and to kill them all, and I want the wild Indians to eat
them.” Then there marched up about 600 or 700 Anti Indians, all with
bows and arrows, clubs and axes. They advanced in good order, making
reverence to the sun and to the Inca, and took up their positions. Then
the Inca again began to brandish his lance, and said that he could raise
all the Indians in Peru, he had only to give the order and they would
fly to arms. Then all those Antis made an offer to the Inca that, if he
wished it, they would eat me raw. They said to him, “What are you doing
with this little bearded one here, who is trying to deceive you? it is
better that we should eat him at once.” Then two renegade Inca
_orejones_ came straight to me with spears in their hands, flourishing
their weapons and saying, “The bearded ones! Our enemies.” I laughed at
this, but at the same time commended myself to God. I asked the Inca to
have mercy and protect me, and so he delivered me from them, and hid me
until the morning.
On the morning of the 16th of May the Inca sent for me to come to the
open square which he entered in the same order as before, and as I came
in I saluted the Inca and sat down. The Inca and all the captains then
began to laugh heartily at what had happened the day before, and they
asked me what I thought of yesterday’s festival. I replied that I
thought it rather exceptional, and that to have treated me so was wrong,
seeing that I had come on serious business. They explained that it was
only their fun, and that they could not give it up. I then observed that
I had to go without having settled anything. We should arrange some kind
of peace in the way which seemed to them best, with a fixed period. From
such an agreement they would derive much good, by having many new things
in their land through which they might make much money and become very
rich. They said they would agree if they had any confidence in our
promises. The Inca then asked me what kind of peace appeared to me to be
good. I said that the King would give more than $15,000 of rent for his
maintenance, with which he might be in Cuzco, or here in the Andes, if
he would consent to have a town of Indians in Vilcapampa. They answered
that this was well, because I said that they should sell coca and wood
to Spaniards who settled here, and become very rich.
On this proposal we were occupied for two days. Afterwards the Inca said
that if the Spaniards lived amongst them and there was some grievance,
owing to which the Spaniards killed one of them or they killed a
Spaniard, there would be trouble. For this reason he did not wish that
there should be a town, or that the Spaniards should live among them. I
replied that I did not wish that to happen, and that it would be better
for the Inca or his son to come out and take possession of the estates
which the President had promised him in the name of his Majesty. A
Corregidor might then come here in the name of his Majesty to administer
and maintain justice in that land, the inhabitants receiving the
evangelical law and holy baptism. From this much good would come and
they would possess their houses and estates. They received this proposal
very well, with the condition that his Majesty should pardon everything
that had been done up to that time. The Inca’s conditions were that
estates should be given to those who were with him and had served him;
that the lands which he and his father had desolated near the land of
peace and the valley of Amaibamba should be granted to him; that the
Indians taken from there should be his; that his Majesty should gratify
the persons favoured, that they should be given a promise that they
should enjoy the liberties and privileges enjoyed by people of noble
birth; that friars and clerics should enter to preach the holy evangel;
and that he should be obedient to his Majesty. As the Inca was poor and
unable to appear in conformity with the dignity of his position, he
stipulated that his son Titu should go out, and be married to the Inca’s
niece Doña Beatriz. He also stipulated that the friars and clerics
should not be admitted until Doña Beatriz had been delivered to him. He
feared that if she was married to anyone else, he and his son would be
left without the _repartimiento_ of Indians granted to his brother
Sayri Tupac. After a year or two the Inca undertook to come out
peacefully, having collected the means to buy what was necessary. He
would settle near Guamanga or Cuzco, whichever locality he liked best,
with his son Titu and the governor Yamqui Mayta. This arrangement
appeared convenient, and he and his captains would swear to observe it,
if it was necessary. I was to go out by the way of Guamanga, to complete
the treaty with the President.
At this time a letter arrived from the Judge Matienzo announcing that he
intended to leave Cuzco in ten days, and that I was to return, bringing
the statement of what the Inca wanted. I then said to the Inca that, to
show his sincerity, and that the Christians might see that he was acting
in good faith, I would request him to allow me to assemble the Indians
who were Christians, to set up a cross, and there to preach the law of
our Lord Jesus Christ and the holy evangel. The Inca consented and
ordered a great cross to be made. In order that the agreement might be
more secure I asked and prayed him to tell me the truth. For I had seen
in the baptismal book of the principal church (in Cuzco) that the Inca
had been baptized and named Diego. He told me that it was true, and that
he was a Christian, and he confessed it before the Indians. He said that
they had poured water over his head, but that he did not remember the
name. Presently about 120 Christian Indians assembled before the cross,
kneeling and taking off their _llautus_. Those who were not Christians
stood apart, wondering at our proceedings. We carried the cross, I and
four Indians, and set it up. Then I said many things about our holy
Christian religion and the salvation of their souls. Then I told them to
pray for God’s mercy on their knees, which they did three times, crying
for mercy with their clasped hands raised to heaven. Then I asked
permission of the Inca to preach to those who were not Christian, as he
was one. He agreed, and ordered them to come and hear me preach. I
explained to them that the things which God had created were for the use
of man, that the sun and moon were creatures made by God for man’s
service, and to give him light. After they had adored the cross, I said
it would be well for me to write to the Judge Matienzo to tell him that
they wished to receive the evangel, to make peace, and to send me to
Lima on horseback, by way of Guamanga, to settle the agreement with the
President. They sent Indian runners, and I sent two of those I had
brought with me, to convey the writing as agreed.
On the 17th of May the Inca sent certain macaws and baskets of earth
nuts to the Treasurer Merlo and the Judge Matienzo. I then said it would
be a good thing for the Inca to send thirty captains to the city of
Cuzco, that they might see how well treated they would be, and how
freely they could pass over the whole land. I should remain as a hostage
until their return. The Inca said that if I thought such a proceeding
advisable he would agree; but if the slightest injury was done to any
one of those Indians, he said he would hang me. I replied that I was
willing to run the risk. Then the Inca sent the thirty captains to
arrive there in six days, and send an account of their treatment in
another five days. He ordered them to go first to the chief or principal
church and worship the holy sacrament, and then to the house of the
Judge Matienzo. He also wrote to the friars of our Lady of Mercy, and to
the Franciscan friars, to ask two of them to come and preach in his
territory, and that he would give them the products of the land in
exchange for their doctrine. He also wrote to the Judge Matienzo,
thanking him for having sent me, for that I had made known to them the
law of our Lord Jesus Christ. He asked for two friars as his people
wished to be Christians and to be convinced that the things they had
worshipped up to that time were foolishness. As his honour had expressed
a wish to have an interview with the Inca at the frontier of the land of
peace, the Inca would rejoice to comply, if his honour would come with
not more than three Spaniards, and that he would be at the bridge of
Chuquichaca, at such time as the Judge might appoint.
In the meantime I preached and explained the Christian doctrine every
morning, and they came to hear me. The Indian messengers who went to
Cuzco did not return at the appointed time. They thought that their
friends had been put to death and were sad. The governor Yamqui Mayta
said to me, that morning, that I had committed some sin in Peru, because
they sent me here and here I should be killed. Before I arrived, he
continued, they had resolved that, with 700 Antis and 2000 other
Indians, they would attack the towns near their frontier, seize all the
Indians they could capture, and kill all the clerics, friars, and other
Spaniards they could catch. They had abandoned this plan out of regard
for me. Yet, notwithstanding that they had received the evangelic law, I
had deceived them. If within two days the messengers did not return, he
added, they would make the raid which had originally been intended.
On the 20th of May the news came that the captains who took the message
to Cuzco had been received and well treated. Out of joy at this news
they played on drums and trumpets and had a great feast. They sent for
me and told me I had told the truth. Then they read the letters from the
Judge Matienzo which had arrived. In them he said that he wished to have
an interview with the Inca, and that on the last day of Easter he would
set out, arriving at the bridge on Friday or Saturday, making all haste.
He said that he would bring fourteen or fifteen men with him, being the
guard that his Majesty granted, to accompany him. At this the Inca was
undecided, fearing that it might be a plot to kill him and his Indians,
but that I would counsel him and that he would trust me. I said that not
only could he trust the word of the Judge in going to Chuquichaca, but
that he might trust it in going to Cuzco. If he brought a hundred men
with him it would not be for offence but for service. All those he
brought with him would come as friends. If the King of Spain wished to
conquer him, not all the Indians in the kingdom and 10,000 more could
stand against his power. His Majesty had done this because his thought
was to maintain peace, and to advance the knowledge of God; not that the
Spaniards should invade their land and seize their wives and children.
To this he replied that the power of the King was great, and though he
had so many nations, as well black men as Moors, subject to him, yet he,
the Inca, like Manco Inca his father before him, knew how to defend
himself in those mountains. At the same time, as I said he should go, he
would do so, and presently he sent to Vilcapampa for more men.
On the 25th of May one of his generals arrived with 300 men, armed with
lances, who entered the open place where the rest were drawn up, and
made obeisance to the sun and to the Inca. Then a hundred captains of
those who came from Vilcapampa went to where Yamqui Mayta was standing
and asked why he had consented to have the cross planted in their land,
seeing that it had not been set up in the time of Manco Inca. Why then
was it there now? If I had persuaded the Inca to do this, they intended
to kill me. The Inca replied that it was done by his order, and that it
was well that they should accept the cross of the creator of all
things. Having received this answer they went to their seats, and the
festival proceeded.
On the 28th of May we set out for the bridge of Chuquichaca to meet the
Judge who was coming. A garrison of 200 Indians was left in Arancalla
and the rest went with us. We arrived on Saturday, the eve of the
Trinity, at the bridge of Chuquichaca, where we received the news that
the Judge Matienzo was at the bridge of Amaibamba with 30 Spaniards, 10
negroes, 20 arquebusiers and 150 Cañari Indians with their lances.
Presently we received a letter from the Judge Matienzo in which he said
that he had come with this escort, that the Inca should cross the river
to see him, and that the Treasurer Merlo, a clergyman, two other
Spaniards and I would be hostages for his safety. The Inca wished to
comply, but the captains would not consent. The Inca then wrote to the
Judge Matienzo proposing that he should come with all his company to the
passage of the bridge, that his honour should pass over, and that he,
the Inca, would send as hostages his governor and camp master, who would
go to the other side. The Inca then detached 300 Indians to keep watch
and ward. I said that the Judge Matienzo would not consent to this, not
having a royal commission, but that he would cross with all his escort
and that, in that open space which was large, the Inca and Judge could
see each other and discuss what they desired. The Inca wrote a letter to
that effect. Then there were prepared litters of silver and gold and
much carving, and he had 25 _alcabuçes_ brought out, which he
distributed among those who knew. He said to me that, as I was his
friend, he wanted to tell me a secret. He had had 300 cloaks and also
breeches of dead people brought. Then he called an assembly, saying that
those who brought those clothes had been killed, and if the Spaniards
intended to attack, each one would become a good soldier in defence of
his lord.
At that moment the Judge Matienzo arrived at the bridge with all his
people. Then Garcia de Merlo, the clergyman, and the two other Spaniards
crossed over and explained to the Inca the proposals of the President.
He said that he understood and that he would come across the river. But
the captains said that the bridge was tricky, that the Inca’s legs were
bruised from a fall he had recently had, and that he could not pass
over. Then he sent me, with the governor and two other captains, to be
hostages together with the thirty captains who had come from Cuzco. I
took the Judge apart and explained everything to him, but those who were
with him would scarcely let us talk in secret. I began to understand
that it was not intended to settle anything owing to the intriguers who
were with the Judge, and who were unreasonable. The Indians were noting
everything. The Judge said he did not wish to cross the river, and I
returned with the governor and all the other captains of the Inca. I
then asked the Inca to come over, and he agreed to do so, contrary to
the wishes of all his captains, as I advised it. Then he went with all
his followers richly dressed and with their arms in good order. They
marched to a cross that had been put up and all did reverence to it. The
Inca’s escort amounted to 600 Indians. Then I went to the Judge Matienzo
and asked him to go alone to the bridge without any of his followers, so
that he and the Inca might converse without anyone hearing them. He
consented and went with the mestizo Porras as interpreter. He was armed
with sword and arquebus, and the Inca also had his weapons. The Inca had
passed from the other side with his governor, camp master, ten captains,
and the mestizo.
The Inca threw himself at the feet of the Judge weeping, and relating
the misfortunes of his father and himself. He told how they had been
kept in prison by Juan Pizarro, like dogs in a collar, until they should
give him a box full of gold. They also seized his mother and one of his
sisters in the valley of Tambo. His father had taken refuge in these
mountains and four times Juan Pizarro, Hernando Pizarro and Orgoñez came
to conquer him by order of the Marquis, when many Spaniards and Indians
lost their lives. As a return for his father’s hospitality to seven
Spaniards of the party of Almagro, they murdered him. He said many other
things which were not confided to us. Finally he asked for peace on the
basis that had been negotiated. Then he sent for some small baskets of
feathers and presented them to the Judge.
The Judge said that he was also anxious for peace and that he would
consent to all the terms in the name of his Majesty, except as regards
the Indians who had been taken from citizens of Cuzco. They must be
given up. The Inca said that this might be settled afterwards. The Judge
replied that that could not be. Then the Inca said that he must go to
consult with his captains, and that he would return with the answer. The
Judge pressed the Inca to come out of the mountains, and the Inca said
that he was poor, and unable to maintain the expense. He put forward the
excuse that he was in the Andes, 60 leagues from whence the Judge came,
and it would be necessary for him to wait more than a month before they
could go together. It is true that this was so. The Judge said that he
would wait for him at Cuzco. At this juncture the arquebusiers who were
with the Judge Matienzo began to press nearer to hear what was said,
notwithstanding that they were called to and told to stop. The Inca
wanted to return from fear of them. But reason did not prevail and
there was confusion. The Inca took leave, saying that he wished to tell
what had been said to his captains, and that he would return. I passed
backwards and forwards four or five times to ascertain when the Inca
would resume the interview, for the Judge wanted to depart. The Inca
said that he was so pressed upon that he was afraid, and that he thought
treachery was intended. I went to the Judge and asked him not to go that
day as he had arrived very late. Amaibamba was distant more than three
leagues, and he could not get there before night. I urged him to stay
and hear what the Inca would say when he resumed the conversation. So he
waited until the morning, the Spaniards guarding one side and the
Indians the other. The Indians made many fires and played on their
trumpets and whistles. In the morning the camp master came and told me
that the Inca would come to answer the Judge, and to tell me his view of
the negotiation. The Judge did not wish it, and said the Inca could send
what he had to propose further in a letter. If he would not come out in
peace the bridge must be destroyed. The Inca answered that he would
comply with the treaty he had made with me, and he ordered the bridge to
be broken down on his side. This was done and we departed. They also
retired.
This is a true account of what happened in this journey, abridged so as
to avoid prolixity, and I sign with my name the truth of what happened
in my presence.
MOLINA
(_See Hakluyt Society’s volume for 1873._)
Father Cristobal de Molina was a priest who devoted his life to the
investigation of the history, religion and customs of the ancient
Peruvians, of which he gave an account to the Emperor in a letter dated
Lima, 12 July, 1539 as follows: “I went with Almagro (the elder) in his
discoveries and, that your Majesty may be well informed, he sent Henao,
a servant of the Comendador Mayor Cobos, to delineate all the route he
traversed and discovered, that is to say from Tumbez in 3 S. to the
river Maulé in 39, which by land is 1024 leagues, besides what he
discovered between Panama and Tumbez; and drew the nations and tribes,
their dresses, rites, and each one in his manner of living, with many
other things.” He adds: “I do not speak of what happened between
Hernando Pizarro and Almagro because I am a Priest and wish to give no
opinion unless by command of my Prince. I am now advanced in years, and
tired with the labours in the service of your Majesty under Almagro.”
(_Coll. Muñoz, Ee_ 1, fo. 260 _and_ 261.)
Molina dedicated his Laws and Rites of the Incas to Sebastian de
Lartoun, Bishop of Cuzco, who took possession of the see on July 28th,
1573. Molina died, when assisting at the Council of Lima, on October
9th, 1583. (_Historia del Cuzco._ _Vasco Contreras y Valverde MS._)
INDEX
=Abancay=, artillery placed in, 101
=Acosta=, Juan de, in command of troops, 155;
career of, 155 (_n._)
=Acuña=, Doña Brianda de, wife of the Viceroy, 115, 115 (_n._)
=Aguero=, Diego de, Captain, appointed to meet the Viceroy, 16;
career of, 16 (_n._), 17 (_n._);
receives despatches from the Viceroy, 17;
sets out for the city of Truxillo, 22, 23;
informs the Viceroy of events in Lima, 45;
returns to the municipality of Lima, 54;
takes part in receiving the Viceroy, 56, 57
=Alamos=, Diego Maldonado de, signs the document appointing
Gonzalo Pizarro Chief Justice, 68, 69
=Aldana=, Lorenzo de, Captain, writes to the Viceroy, 74, 75;
career and death of, 74 (_n._);
goes to see the Viceroy, 86;
his imprisonment on board a ship, 86, 145;
released, 86
=Alexander=, King of Greece, account of his
treatment of Parmenion, 84, 84 (_n._)
=Almagro=, Diego de, supporters of, favoured by the Viceroy, 18;
defeated by Vaca de Castro at Chupas, 36
=Almagro=, Diego de, the lad, 23, 124, 178 (_n._)
=Almao=, Luis de, a servant of Gonzalo Pizarro, 35
=Almendras=, Diego de, joins Gonzalo Pizarro, 41
=Almendras=, Francisco de, Captain, joins Gonzalo Pizarro, 40;
his career, 40 (_n._);
acts as witness to a proposal with regard to Gonzalo Pizarro, 67;
is sent to Guamanga for artillery, 79, 80, 81;
ordered to seize despatches, 101;
intercepts Francisco de Ampuero and Pero Lopez, 102;
his further treatment of them, 103, 104;
prevents Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa from proceeding
further on his mission, 108;
sent to Chuquisaca as Lieutenant of the Governor, 140 (_n._);
murder of, 156
=Almendras=, Martin de, joins Gonzalo Pizarro, 41
=Altamirano=, Antonio de, Alcalde, 8;
accompanies Vaca de Castro on his journey to the city of the Kings, 13;
career and death of, 13 (_n._);
in favour of Gonzalo Pizarro being made Chief Justice, 68;
leaves the meeting to avoid voting, 69;
but afterwards signs, 70;
named as Ensign General, 79
=Alvarado=, Alonso de, Captain, 111
=Alvarado=, Hernando de, Captain, sent to Truxillo, 111
=Alvarez=, the Licentiate, sails with Blasco Nuñez, 1 (_n._);
one of the four Judges appointed to carry
out the new laws in Peru, 4 (_n._);
opposes the Viceroy, 7;
attends a meeting of Alcaldes and perpetual magistrates, 37;
summoned to meet the Viceroy, 94
=Alzate=, Simon de, Public Notary, goes with despatches, 90;
Captain Francisco de Almendras wishes him to be killed, 103, 104
=Amaibamba=, 171, 172, 173, 187, 188, 191, 196, 199
=Amendariz=, Diaz, Licentiate, Commissary General, 78
=Ampuero=, Francisco de, at the city of the Kings, 18;
takes part in receiving the Viceroy, 56, 57;
to accompany Pero Lopez to Cuzco, 89, 90;
his career, 89 (_n._), 90 (_n._);
arrives at Guamanga, 93;
intercepted by Francisco de Almendras, 102;
allowed to return, 104
=Añaquito=, 51, 98;
death of Blasco Nuñez at, 2;
Hernando Bachicao at, 13 (_n._);
the Licentiate Benito Suarez de Carbajal at, 26 (_n._);
Diego de Mora at, 34 (_n._)
=Anaya=, Atilano de, 167
=Andahuaylas=, province of, 47;
letters from, to Cuzco, 65;
letter to, from Gonzalo Pizarro, 65;
Bishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa in, 109
=Anti Indians=, 165, 180, 189, 194
=Apurimac=, 124, 170
=Arancalla=, 175, 177, 196
=Arauco=, Martin de, takes part in destroying four ships, 151
=Arbieto=, Martin Hurtado de, 187 (_n._)
=Arequipa=, 9 (_n._), 10 (_n._), 29, 37 (_n._), 48, 73, 98, 147;
discontent in, at the ordinances, 30
=Arevalo=, 9 (_n._)
=Arrian=, 84
=Arvés=, Juan de, goes to the city of Leon, 112
=Asdrubal=, 49
=Atahualpa=, 17 (_n._), 28 (_n._), 40 (_n._), 70 (_n._), 188
=Aurelio=, Antonio de, chosen to accompany the royal ordinances, 93
=Avila=, Alonso de, 126
=Avila=, Juan Vazquez de, 16
=Aviles=, 45
=Aviles=, Alonso de, disloyalty of, 116
=Ayavire=, town of, 42, 42 (_n._)
=Bachicao=, Hernando, 11;
accompanies Vaca de Castro on his journey to the city of the Kings, 13;
career of, 13 (_n._);
resolves to go to Cuzco, 34;
desires to leave Lima, 45, 46;
arrives in Huarochiri, 47;
departure from Lima, 59;
the Cuzco citizens disturbed by his news, 64;
is interviewed with others by Pedro de los Rios, 65;
signs in favour of Gonzalo Pizarro being made Chief Justice, 68, 69;
in charge of the artillery, 79, 140 (_n._), 156
=Badajos=, 19
=Balsa=, Juan, 42 (_n._)
=Bambacona=, 178
=Banba=, 165
=Barba=, Francisco, with King Manco Inca, 124
=Barbaran=, Juan de, appointed to meet the Viceroy, 17;
receives despatches from the Viceroy, 17;
returns to the city of the Kings with the news of the Viceroy’s coming, 18;
receives the rod of office, 19
=Barcelona=, 2 (_n._)
=Barco=, Pedro del, hanged, 139 (_n._)
=Barrionuevo=, Alonso de, supports Vela Nuñez, 126, 127
=Bazan=, a soldier, sent to Arequipa by Gonzalo Pizarro, 40
=Beatriz=, Doña, 191
=Belalcazar=, Sebastian de, Adelantado, 13 (_n._), 74 (_n._), 156;
ordered to execute and enforce the new laws, 77, 78
=Berrio=, Juan de, at Guamanga, 80;
chosen to accompany the royal ordinances, 93
=Buenaventura=, port of, 77
=Bustillo=, servant of Comendador Hernando Pizarro,
carries letters to Gonzalo Pizarro, 35
=Cabrera=, Juan, arrival of, at the town of Timana, 77
=Caceres=, Alonso de, Captain, 105, 106, 139 (_n._);
quiets the tumult at Arequipa, 30
=Caceres=, Juan de, the Accountant, 7, 92 (_n._)
=Caciques= and the new laws, 15
=Cadiz=, the isle of, 49
=Cali=, town of, 77, 129
=Callao=, 16, 40, 42, 43
=Camargo=, Alonso de, plot of, 156;
receives pardon, 159
=Camporedondo=, Gaspar Rodriguez de, 11;
accompanies Vaca de Castro to the city of the Kings, 13;
career of, 13 (_n._);
great friendship for Vaca de Castro, 46;
departs from Lima, 46, 59;
Gonzalo Pizarro converses with, 66;
seeks pardon of the Viceroy, 92;
action of Francisco de Carbajal against, 92 (_n._);
beheaded, 136 (_n._)
=Cañari Indians=, 196
=Canary Islands=, 70 (_n._)
=Canela=, 38, 49
=Canelos=, Gonzalo Diaz de Pineda sent to explore, 115 (_n._)
=Cañete=, Marquis of, 42 (_n._)
=Caravaya=, mines of, 42
=Carbajal=, Benito Suarez de, the Licentiate, accompanies Vaca
de Castro on his journey to the city of the Kings, 13;
receives a letter of advice from his brother the Factor, 26;
his career and death, 26 (_n._);
his arrival at Cuzco, 48
=Carbajal=, Diego de, 136 (_n._)
=Carbajal=, Francisco de, departs from Cuzco, 8;
his arrival at the city of the Kings, 8;
lodges at the house of Antonio Riquelme, 8;
receives an insult from the members of the municipality, 9;
date and place of birth, 9 (_n._);
his career, 9 (_n._), 10 (_n._);
wishes to return to Spain, 30;
departs from Lima, 31;
summoned to come to Cuzco with arms and troops, 73;
action against Gaspar Rodriguez de Camporedondo, 92 (_n._);
appointed as Master of the Camp, 118;
gives advice to Gonzalo Pizarro, 118, 119;
deserts the Viceroy, 135 (_n._);
copy of letter to Gonzalo Pizarro, 160, 161
=Carbajal=, Jeronimo de, 26, 136 (_n._)
=Carbajal=, Rodrigo de, 26
=Carbajal=, Yllan Suarez de, the Factor, 13 (_n._);
appointed to meet the Viceroy, 16;
career of, 16 (_n._);
receives despatches from the Viceroy, 17;
sets out for the city of Truxillo, 22, 23;
returns to Lima, 24;
is induced to make friends with Vaca de Castro, 33;
goes to meet the Viceroy, 54;
converses with the Viceroy, 55;
takes part in receiving the Viceroy, 56, 57;
cypher letter of, to Benito Suarez de Carbajal, 72;
secret proceedings in the house of, 131;
death of, 136, 149;
character of, 149
=Cardenas=, Francisco de, 89, 94;
sends news to Gonzalo Pizarro, 100
=Carrasco=, Pero Alonso, Procurator,
does not fall in with Gonzalo Pizarro’s suggestion, 70;
badly wounded, 71
=Carrero=, Puerto, 140 (_n._)
=Cartagena=, 106
=Carthage=, 49
=Carvajal=, the Licentiate, leaves Cuzco, 106
=Carveo=, Hernando, father of Diego Centeno, 61
=Castilla=, Baltasar de, career of, 135 (_n._);
the Viceroy desires to kill, 146;
flight of, from Lima, 149
=Castilla=, Jeronimo, excuses himself from going with Gonzalo Pizarro, 106;
flight of, from Cuzco, 116
=Castilla=, Sebastian de, the murderer of Hinojosa, 38 (_n._), 135 (_n._)
=Castillo=, Pedro Gonzalez del, the Scrivener, 92 (_n._)
=Castro=, Diego de, 166
=Castro=, Lope Garcia de, 166, 167, 168