CHAPTER VII

AN OPENING FOR THE NEXT TOM MANN

I am aware that Tom Mann is not a world figure. But he is a world type.

And as the editor of the _Syndicalist_, the leader of the most imposing

and revealing labour rally the world has seen, he is of universal

interest. Those of us who believe in crowds are deeply interested in

finding, recognizing, creating, and in seeing set free out of the ranks

of men the labour leaders who shall express the nobility and dignity of

modern labour, who shall express the bigness of spirit, the

brawny-heartedness, the composure, the common-sense, the patriotism, the

faithfulness and courage of the People.

I indict Tom Mann before the bar of the world as not expressing the will

and the spirit of the People.

I do this as a labouring man. I decline, because I spend my time daily

tracing out little crooked lines on paper with a pen, because I have

wrought day and night to make little patterns of ink and little

stretches of words reach men together round a world, because I have

sweat blood to believe, because in weariness and sorrow I have wrought

out at last my little faith for a world ... I decline not to be numbered

with the labourers I see in the streets. I claim my right before all men

this day, with my unbent body and with my unsoiled hands, to be enrolled

among the toilers of the earth.

I speak as a labouring man. I say Tom Mann is incompetent as a true

leader of Labour.

The first reason that he is incompetent is that he does not observe

facts. He merely observes facts that everybody can see, that everybody

has seen for years. He does not observe the new and exceptional facts

about capital that only a few can see, the seeing of which, and the

seeing of which first, should alone ever constitute a man a true leader

in dealing with capital. He merely believes facts that nearly everybody

has caught up to believing--facts about human nature, about what works

in business. The crowd is not content with this. It has become

accustomed to seeing that the men who lead in business, and who make

others follow them, whether masters or workmen, are men who do it by

observing certain new and exceptional facts and acting upon them. If

these men cannot observe them, we have seen them create them. It is the

men who make new things true wherever they go that the crowd is coming

to recognize and to take seriously and permanently as the real leaders

of Labour and of Capital to-day. Tom Mann is incompetent as a labour

leader in dealing with capital to-day, because the things that he

proposes to do all turn on three facts which, looked at on the outside,

merely have or might be said to have a true look:

First, employers are all alike;

Second, none of them ever work;

Third, they are all the enemies of Labour.

Tom Mann is incompetent to grapple with Capital in behalf of Labour as

any great labour leader would have to do, because he has his facts wrong

about Capital, is simple-minded and rudimentary and undiscriminating

about the men with whom he deals, and sees them all alike.

This is a poor beginning even for fighting with them.

The second reason that Tom Mann is incompetent is, not that he has his

facts wrong and does not think, but that he carries not-thinking about

the employing class still further, has come to make a kind of religion

out of not-thinking about them. And instead of thinking how to make

labouring men think better than their employers think, and making them

think so well that they can crowd their way into their employers'

places, he proposes to have labour get into their places without

thinking, and run a world without thinking. All that is necessary in

order to have workmen run the world, is to get workmen to stop working,

to stop thinking, and then as rapidly as possible to get everybody else

to stop thinking. Then the world will fall into their hands.

The third reason that Tom Mann is incompetent is that he is unpractical

and full of scorn. And scorn, from the point of view of the

practical-minded man, is a sentimental and useless emotion. We have

learned that it almost always has to be used by a man who has his facts

wrong, that is, who does not see what he himself is really like, and who

has not noticed what other people are really like. No man who sees

himself as he is, feels at liberty to use scorn. And no man who sees

others as they are, sees any occasion for it. Tom Mann uses hate also,

and hate has been found to be, as directed toward classes of persons as

a means of getting them to do things, archaic and inefficient. It is not

quite bright. It need not be denied that hate and scorn both impress

some people, but they never seem to impress the people that see things

to do and who find ways to do them. And the people who use scorn are all

too narrow, too class-bound, and too self-regarding to do things in a

huge world problem like the present one.

The fourth reason that Tom Mann as a labour leader is incompetent is

that he is afraid; he is afraid of capital, so afraid that he has to

fight it instead of grappling with it and coöperating with it. He is

afraid to believe in labour--so afraid that he takes orders from it

instead of seeing for it, and seeing ahead for it. He is afraid of his

employers' brains, of their having brains enough to understand and to to

be convinced as to the position of the labourer. He is afraid to believe

in his own brains, in his own brains being good enough to convince them.

So he backs down and fights.

If any reader who is interested to do so will kindly turn back at this

point a page or so, and read this chapter we have just gone through

together, over again, and if he will kindly, wherever it occurs, insert

for Tom Mann, labour leader, "D.A. Thomas, leader of mine-owners," he

will save much time for both of us, and he will kindly make one chapter

in this book which is already much too long, as good as two. Tom Mann

(unless he is changed) is about to be dropped as a typical modern leader

of Labour because he is afraid, and what he expresses in the labouring

class is its fear of Capital.

And what D.A. Thomas expresses for Capital is its fear of Labour.

There are thousands of capitalists and hundreds of thousands of labour

men who have something better they want expressed by their leaders, than

their Fear.

Out of these men the new leaders will be chosen.

Crowds A Moving-Picture of Democracy · 第 7 / 23 章