LORD CHELMSFORD'S PLANS—THE BATTLE OF ISANDHLWANA—THE HEROIC
DEFENCE OF RORKE'S DRIFT—PANIC IN THE COLONY—REQUEST FOR
REINFORCEMENTS—REPLY FROM THE QUEEN—THE MINISTRY—SIR BARTLE
FRERE—LORD CHELMSFORD.
It is desirable for the sake of justice that the plans of Lord
Chelmsford in commencing the campaign should be given in his own
words. They are contained in a memorandum dated 16th January, 1879,
and are as follows:—
"The reports which I receive from officers commanding the several
columns now operating against Cetywayo show clearly that at this
season of the year a rapid advance into the heart of Zululand is
absolutely impossible.
"The present state of the roads in Natal will be sufficient to
bring home to the mind of every one what difficulties must stand
in the way of those who are endeavouring to move forward into the
enemy's country, over tracts which have never been traversed,
except by a very few traders' wagons.
[Sidenote: _Lord Chelmsford's plans._]
"No. 3 column at Rorke's Drift cannot possibly move forward even
eight miles, until two swamps, into which our waggons sank up to
the body, have been made passable.
"This work will occupy us for at least four days, and we shall find
similar obstacles in front of us, in every march we are anxious to
make.
"Accepting the situation, therefore, it remains for me to determine
what modification of the plan of campaign at first laid down will
be necessary.
"I consider that my original idea of driving, as far as possible,
all the Zulus forward towards the north-east part of their country,
is still thoroughly sound.
"Without, therefore, attempting to push forward faster than our
means will admit of, I propose with Nos. 1, 2, and 3 columns to
thoroughly clear or subjugate the country between the Buffalo and
Tugela rivers and the Umhlatoosi river, by means of expeditions
made by those columns from certain fixed positions.
"No. 1 column will, as already instructed, occupy Etshowe.
"Instead, however, of crossing the Umhlatoosi river to Mr.
Samuelson's mission station (St. Paul's), it will move a portion of
its force to Entumeni, and occupy that position as well as Etshowe.
"Having established itself firmly in those two positions, the main
object of this column will be to clear the Inkandhla bush and
forest, or to induce the chiefs and headmen of the tribes residing
or specially stationed in that part of the country to tender their
submission.
"No. 3 column will first advance to a position near the Inkandhla
hill, and from there, assisted by a portion of No. 2 column, will
clear the Equideni forest, or induce the chiefs, etc., to submit.
"This work completed, the portion of No. 2 column under
Lieutenant-Colonel Durnford will move towards the mission station
near the Empand-leni hill, whilst No. 3 column advances to a fresh
position near the Isipezi hill, detaching, if necessary, part of
its force to support No. 2 column.
"These combined moves will, I hope, have the effect of removing any
dangerously large body from the Natal border.
"Colonel Wood, commanding No. 4 column, has been informed of
these intended movements, and has been instructed to act together
independently about the head waters of the White Umvoloosi river.
"When Cetywayo has either surrendered or been defeated, which can
only take a few more days to decide, Colonel Wood will take up
a position covering Utrecht and the adjacent Transvaal border,
wherever he considers his force can be most usefully employed. He
will not attempt to advance towards the Inhlazatze mountain until
an advance by the other three columns across the Umhlatoosi river
has become possible.
"By these movements I hope to be able to clear that portion of
Zululand which is situated south of the Umhlatoosi river, and
behind a straight line drawn from the head waters of that river to
the head waters of the White Umvoloosi river.
[Sidenote: _The fatal twenty-second of January._]
"Should the Swazies come down to the Pongolo river, that part of
Zululand which is behind a straight line drawn from the head waters
of the Umvoloosi river to the junction of the Bevan and Pongolo
rivers, will also, no doubt, be abandoned, and possibly as far as
the Lebombo mountains.
"I trust that this plan of campaign will meet with the approval of
the High Commissioner.
"From a military point of view I am convinced that it is the only
practicable one at this time of year, and if successfully carried
out, is capable of producing very satisfactory results.
"I am equally confident that, politically, it will also have good
results.
"We shall occupy a large extent of Zululand, and shall threaten the
portion which remains to the king. We shall completely cover the
Natal border, and shall to a considerable extent do the same for
the Transvaal. We expect Cetywayo to keep his army mobilized, and
it is clear his troops will have difficulty in finding sufficient
supplies."
On the 20th of January, 1879, the camp of the third column was
at the Isandhlwana mountain. This force was under the command of
Colonel Glyn, C.B., and the general commanding had accompanied it
from the Tugela river. On the date just quoted, orders were given
to Commandant Lonsdale and Major Dartnell to go out the following
morning, and make a forward movement with a force composed of
Native Contingent, Police, and Volunteers. On the next day (21st
January), Major Dartnell sent in word that the enemy was near
him in considerable force. Upon this Lord Chelmsford ordered
the 2nd Battalion, 24th Regiment, the mounted infantry, and four
guns, to be under arms at once, and this force left so soon as
there was light enough to see the road. Before Lord Chelmsford
left, he sent the following order to Lieutenant-Colonel Durnford,
commanding No. 2 column:—"Move up to Isandhlwana camp at once with
all your mounted men and rocket battery. Take command of it. I am
accompanying Colonel Glyn, who is moving off at once to attack
Matyana and a Zulu force said to be twelve or fourteen miles off,
and at present watched by Natal Police, Volunteers, and Natal
Native Contingent. Colonel Glyn takes with him 2-24th Regiment,
four guns R.A., and Mounted Infantry."[22] Major Clery, senior
staff officer to the third column, says—"Before leaving the camp I
sent written instructions to Colonel Pulleine, 24th Regiment, to
the following effect:—'You will be in command of the camp during
the absence of Colonel Glyn. Draw in' (I speak from memory) 'your
camp, or your line of defence,'—I am not certain which—'while the
force is out. Also draw in the line of your infantry outposts
accordingly; but keep your cavalry vedettes still far advanced.'
I went to Colonel Pulleine's tent just before leaving camp, to
ascertain that he had got those instructions, and I again repeated
them verbally to him."[23] Captain Alan Gardiner, of the 14th
Hussars, states that he left the camp with Lord Chelmsford on the
22nd of January, and was sent back into camp with an order from
the general, between 10 and 11 a.m. that day. Colonel Pulleine was
informed that the camp of the force out was to be struck, and sent
on immediately; "also rations and forage for about seven days."
This order came too late. At the moment of its receipt Colonel
Durnford was falling back and begging Colonel Pulleine to send him
reinforcements, and the enemy began to appear in large numbers.
[Sidenote: _Intentions of the Zulus._]
In order to make the proceedings of this fatal day more easily
understood, it is now necessary to advert to the proceedings of
the Zulu army. This was 20,000 strong, and consisted of the Undi
corps, the Nokenke and Umcityu regiments, and the Nkobamakosi and
Inbonambi regiments. These comprised the flower of Cetywayo's
troops. During the night of the 21st of January they were ordered
to move in small detached bodies to a position about a mile
and a half to the east of the camp at Isandhlwana, on a stony
table-land, only about 1000 yards distant from the spot visited
by Lord Chelmsford and Colonel Glyn on the afternoon of the 21st
of January. No fires were lighted, and the stillness of death was
preserved. The centre was occupied by the Undi corps, the right
wing by the Nokenke and Umcityu, and the left by the Inbonambi and
the Nkobamakosi regiments. The king's orders comprised a simple
command to drive the third column back into Natal. But there
was no intention whatever of making an attack upon the 22nd of
January. The state of the moon was unfavourable, the usual medicine
sprinkling had not taken place, nor had the war-song been chanted.
What superstition forbade was, however, conceded to expediency.
When the division of the British forces was noticed, and their
gross ignorance and carelessness observed, the Zulu leaders felt
like Cromwell, when he exclaimed, with reference to the Scottish
army, "The Lord has delivered them into our hands."
On the morning of the 22nd of January, the mounted Basutos
sent out under the command of Colonel Durnford fired upon the
Umcityu regiment. This was too favourable an opportunity to be
neglected. Here was a portion only of the third column, with an
unfortified camp, whose defenders were scattering themselves over
a large space, utterly ignorant and careless of the fact that the
overwhelming and concentrated Zulu force was close beside them.
The charge of the Umcityu regiment was immediately and vigorously
followed by that of the Nokenke, Inbonambi, and Nkobamikosi
regiments, the Undi corps holding its ground. Up to this time in
the day there had been no fighting. Early in the morning, not long
after the departure of the general, a body of the Native Contingent
had been sent out to scout, and either did not see or pretended
not to see any enemy. About 9 a.m. Colonel Durnford, R.E., arrived
with 250 mounted men and 250 native infantry, who were at once
divided into three bodies and scattered to the left east, the
left front, and the rear. So far from a plan of concentration
being adopted, the very opposite course was pursued. It was the
force sent to the left east that was attacked by the Zulu army.
No further concealment was now necessary, and messengers arrived
informing Colonel Durnford that an enormous force was advancing.
A consultation then took place between that officer and Colonel
Pulleine, when some difference of opinion seemed to prevail. A
company of the 1st Battalion, 24th Regiment, was then immediately
moved up to a distance of about a mile and a half from the camp,
where, at a neck of the Isandhlwana hill, an attempt was made to
check the advance of the Zulu army. For a very short time only this
manœuvre was successful.
[Sidenote: _The Zulu attack._]
The Zulu army now advanced in a steady, quiet, and determined
manner. The Umcityu regiment formed the right centre, and was
engaged with one company of the 1st Battalion, 24th Regiment,
and about 200 of Colonel Durnford's natives; the left centre was
composed of the Nokenke regiment, which was shelled by the two guns
as it advanced. Next on the left, came the Imbonambi regiment,
with the Nkobamakosi regiment outside of it, both making a turning
movement and threatening the front of the camp, while driving
before them a body of Colonel Durnford's mounted men, supported
by a patrol of volunteers.[24] The Undi corps, on seeing that the
other four regiments had commenced the attack, concealed themselves
on the north side of the Isandhlwana mountain, and so turned as to
arrive at the western front where the waggon road crosses the neck.
On the left front of the camp our infantry behaved with extreme
gallantry, and succeeded in thrice repulsing the Nkobamakosi
regiment; but the Inbonambi regiment coming up as a reinforcement,
enabled the Zulus to push forward along the south front of the camp
and accomplish their turning movement. The guns were moved to the
right of the Native Contingent, and troops lined the nullah below;
three companies of the 1-24th remained on the left of the camp,
supported by Durnford's mounted Basutos, who had been driven back.
The single company of the 1-24th, which had been thrown out a mile
and a half from the camp, was retiring, fighting to the best of
their ability, and, of course, was cut off to a man.
The Zulu army was fast surrounding the camp. They had been held
only partially in check by our fire, and their own was remarkably
ineffective. Their overwhelming numbers and their extremely
advantageous position filled them with redoubled courage. In place
of advancing steadily and in silence, they now began to double
and to shout exultantly to each other. The Native Contingent
and camp-followers fled in all directions, seized by panic; the
Undi corps showed itself on the right rear of the camp, cutting
off retreat to Rorke's Drift, and a hand-to-hand combat against
overwhelming odds was imminent. Like the sea breaking against
land, the Zulu host came on invincibly, with overwhelming power
and strength. Then took place one of the most awful tragedies ever
recorded in the pages of history. With short stabbing assegais, on
rushed the naked savages, accompanying the death groans of their
victims with yells and shouts of triumph. No mercy was either
expected or granted. Hundreds of men, overpowered by brute force,
fell at their posts, and their fate was rendered more pitiable, as
well as more blamable, by a failure in the supply of ammunition.
[Sidenote: _The camp at Isandhlwana._]
From first to last, nothing could have been worse managed than
the defence of our camp at Isandhlwana. Profound ignorance and
rashness caused the dispersion of a force which, if formed in
hollow square—or better still, laagered in accordance with the
Dutch custom—would have defied the enemy, at least until such
time as the general, with the rest of the third column, could
have arrived. The lamentable spectacle was seen at Isandhlwana of
brave soldiers sacrificed through the most glaring incompetency
and folly. For the British infantry there was no opportunity of
escape—death at their post on the field of battle was inevitable;
but for the mounted men a chance occurred in consequence of the
Nkobamakosi regiment neglecting to make a junction with the Undi.
This was taken advantage of by a crowd of fugitives. In the flight
many were killed before the Buffalo river was reached, and many
were drowned and shot when trying to cross it. The Zulus, however,
had themselves suffered severely. The Umcityu lost heavily from
the fire of the single company of the 24th Regiment which was
sent out from camp never to return, the Nkobamakosi fell in
heaps, and the hill down which the Nokenke came was covered with
slain. As regards the British troops, our loss comprised 62 men
of the N Battery, 5th Brigade, Royal Artillery; 7 of the Royal
Engineers, including Colonel Durnford; 405 of the 1st Battalion,
24th Regiment, including Lieutenant-Colonel Pulleine, Captains
Degacher, Mostyn, Wardell, and Younghusband (Lieutenant and
Adjutant Melvill was killed on the western side of the Buffalo
river, when most gallantly defending the colours of his regiment,
which were afterwards found wrapped round his body); 165 men of the
2nd Battalion, 24th Regiment; Surgeon-Major Shepherd, Army Medical
Department; 12 Mounted Infantry; 26 Natal Mounted Police; 22 Natal
Carbineers; 7 Newcastle Mounted Rifles, and 3 Buffalo Borderguard;
37 of the 1st Battalion, 3rd Regiment, Natal Native Contingent; 37
of the 2nd Battalion, 3rd Regiment, Natal Native Contingent. Among
the Carbineers and other volunteer corps were the sons of many of
the leading inhabitants of Natal, and in the Police also were many
relatives of colonists. The official lists comprising white men
killed, publish more than 770 names; but there is no doubt that,
including the loyal natives, quite 1000 of our men must have been
slain. All the baggage, guns, and ammunition became the property of
the enemy, and in the incredibly short space of one hour from the
beginning of the general attack, one of the most signal victories
possible had been gained by the Zulu army. The number of white men
who escaped across the Buffalo river was about forty, in addition
to natives on horseback and foot. Of the former, about twenty-five
or thirty arrived at Helpmakaar between 5 and 6 p.m. The Undi
corps, believing that the camp had been plundered by the other
portions of their army, thought it desirable to advance quickly on
Rorke's Drift to secure the booty there, and hurried off for this
destination, little dreaming of the possibility of any resistance.
[Sidenote: _Ignorance of Lord Chelmsford._]
While these occurrences had been taking place, Lord Chelmsford,
with Colonel Glyn and a large portion of the third column, were
absent in advance. On the 20th of January, the general had made
a reconnoissance as far as a place called Matyana's stronghold—a
deep valley, full of caves. Not having time to examine this place
thoroughly, two separate parties were ordered out to bring back
a full description of it. One of these, under Major Dartnell,
reported that he found the enemy in force, and would be able to
attack if three companies of infantry were sent to him. This was
not acceded to. At 2.30 a.m. on the 22nd of January, Colonel Glyn
was ordered to move to Dartnell's assistance with six companies
2-24th, four guns, and the mounted infantry. Colonel Durnford was
at the same time ordered up to strengthen the Isandhlwana camp. The
general followed Colonel Glyn's reinforcements, and reached Major
Dartnell at 6.30 a.m. The enemy shortly showed at a distance, but
retreated when a general advance was made. All this was, no doubt,
part of the Zulu plan of amusing this portion of our forces, and
keeping them from the Isandhlwana camp. The only actual engagement
that took place was at the extreme right, where 500 Zulus were cut
off, of whom 30 were killed. At 9 a.m. a short note was received
from Lieutenant-Colonel Pulleine, stating that firing had been
heard, but giving no further particulars. Lieutenant Milne, A.D.C.,
was sent by the general to the top of a high hill from which the
camp could be seen, and he remained there for at least an hour,
with a very powerful telescope, but could detect nothing unusual in
that direction. A site for a new camp was then fixed upon, and the
troops were ordered to bivouac there that night. The general then
started to return to camp with the mounted infantry under Colonel
Russell. When within six miles from Isandhlwana, Lord Chelmsford
found the 1st Battalion, Native Contingent, halted, and shortly
after Commandant Lonsdale rode up to report that he had ridden
into camp, and found it in possession of the Zulus. Intimation had
been received so far back as between 9.30 and 10 a.m.[25] that
there was a force of the enemy in the close neighbourhood of the
camp. Major Clery at this time received a half sheet of foolscap
from Lieutenant-Colonel Pulleine, giving him that information,
and as the force was only twelve miles from camp, an immediate
rapid advance would have saved the day. The exact words of this
letter are not given in the evidence, and are clearly of the utmost
consequence. It was after this, however, that Lieutenant Milne,
A.D.C., descended the hill, with the report that he noticed nothing
except the cattle being driven into camp. This fact, however,
was of great consequence, taken in connection with the pressing
nature of the despatch from Colonel Pulleine. Notwithstanding all
this, nothing was suspected until the dreadful news came like a
thunderclap, that the camp had been taken and its defenders killed.
So soon as the general heard the awful news, he sent back Major
Gossett, A.D.C., to order Colonel Glyn to advance with all his
force. He was six miles off, and it was then 4 p.m. The advance
party, with the general, continued to go forward, until they were
within two miles from the camp, when they halted. Colonel Russell
went to the front to reconnoitre, and returned about 5.45 with a
report that "all was as bad as could be." The Zulus held the camp.
At 6 p.m. Colonel Glyn came up with his troops, which, having been
formed into fighting order, were addressed by the general. No sign
of wavering was perceptible. They advanced with steady courage,
determined to attack and go through any enemy. Guns in the centre;
three companies 2-24th on each flank in fours; Native Contingent;
mounted infantry on extreme right, Natal Mounted Volunteers on the
extreme left; Mounted Police in reserve;—in this order the force
went forward with great speed. The artillery shelled the crest of
the narrow neck over which the line of retreat lay, and positions
were seized without opposition. The curtain of night had fallen
over the dreadful scene of carnage, and the entire force, tired and
dispirited, lay down amidst the _débris_ of the plundered camp and
the corpses of men, horses, and oxen. The weariness and sorrow of
these hours of darkness will never be forgotten. The troops fully
expected to be attacked in front and rear; but fortunately the
Zulus knew better how to gain than how to improve a victory, and
although there were several alarms, not a shot was fired, and Lord
Chelmsford, with the remnant of his forces, was able at dawn of day
to hurry on to the relief of Rorke's Drift.
[Sidenote: _The disaster discovered._]
On the 22nd of January, Lieutenant Chard, R.E., was left in command
at Rorke's Drift by Major Spalding, who went to Helpmakaar to
hurry on the company of the 24th Regiment ordered to protect the
ponts. About 3.15 p.m. of that day, two men came riding furiously
from Zululand, and shouted to be taken across the river. These were
Lieutenant Adendorff, of Lonsdale's regiment, and a carbineer.
The former remained to assist in the defence; the latter galloped
off to take the intelligence to Helpmakaar. The news was of the
frightful disaster at Isandhlwana—that the Zulus were advancing on
the colony in force, and that Rorke's Drift must, therefore, be
held at all cost. Lieutenant Bromhead, who commanded the company
of the 24th Regiment at the camp near the commissariat stores,
had just then received a note from the third column, and sent
for Lieutenant Chard. Preparations for defence were made with
the utmost vigour. Separate buildings were connected by walls of
mealie-bags and two waggons; the store building and hospital were
loopholed and barricaded. All available materials were made use of,
and the brave little garrison determined to repulse the enemy or
die behind their frail entrenchments.
At the river the ferryman, Daniells, and Sergeant Milne, 3rd Buffs,
offered to moor the pont in the middle of the stream, and with a
few men fight from its deck; but this offer was declined, and the
brave fellows who made it were enrolled among the garrison.
[Sidenote: _Rorke's Drift._]
The sound of firing was heard at 4.20 p.m. Previously, an officer
of Durnford's had been requested to send outposts in the direction
of the enemy, and to check their advances as much as possible.
His men, however, would not obey orders, and rode off, 100 in
number, to Helpmakaar. About the same time, Captain Stephenson,
with his detachment of Natal Native Contingent, left the little
garrison. The line of defence was at once seen to be too extended
for the small number of men that were left, and a new entrenchment
of biscuit-boxes had at once to be commenced. The wall had only
been built two boxes high, when, at 4.30 p.m., 600 Zulus were
seen advancing at a run against the south wall. They were met by
a well-sustained fire, but, notwithstanding their heavy loss,
continued to advance within fifty yards. Here they encountered
the additional cross-fire from the store and were checked.
Unfortunately, however, some were able to take advantage of the
shelter afforded by the cook-house ovens, etc. By far the larger
number never stopped, but moved to the left, round the hospital,
and made a rush at the north-west wall of mealie-bags. A desperate
bayonet struggle took place here, which resulted in the repulse of
the enemy with heavy loss.
The bush in the immediate neighbourhood, which had not been cut
down, enabled the Zulus to advance under cover close to the wall.
A number of desperate assaults were made, all of which were most
splendidly met and repulsed by the bayonet.
A very harassing fire was encountered from the rocks, which
caused severe loss, and about 6 p.m. obliged a retreat behind the
entrenchment of the biscuit-boxes. While all this was going on,
the Zulus had been attempting to force the hospital, and shortly
afterwards set fire to its roof. The garrison there most gallantly
defended the building from floor to floor, bringing out all the
sick that could be moved. Four privates of the 24th Regiment
(Williams, Hook, R. Jones, and W. Jones) were the last men to
leave, holding the doorway with the bayonet, their own ammunition
being exhausted.
Mealie-bags were then converted into a sort of redoubt, which gave
a second line of fire all round. While this was being done, the
hospital was in flames, and the enemy continued to make desperate
attempts to fire the roof of the stores. Shortly before darkness
came on, the gallant little force was completely surrounded, and,
after repulsing several attacks, felt compelled to retire to the
centre of their entrenchments. The vigour of the siege continued
until after midnight, and then it lapsed into a desultory fire,
which was kept up all night.
About 4 a.m. on the 23rd of January, the firing ceased, and
at daybreak the enemy was out of sight over the hill to the
south-west. The number of the defending force was exactly 104,[26]
and that of the Zulus who attacked about 3000. No fewer than 350
of the enemy were killed. Thus was the colony of Natal saved by
the undaunted resolution of a little band of heroes whose conduct
rivals that of the men of Thermopylæ.
At about 7 a.m. a large body of the enemy were seen advancing.
No reinforcements had arrived from Helpmakaar, although they had
been specially sent for, and the ammunition was almost expended.
At about 8 a.m. the third column providentially appeared in sight,
and Lord Chelmsford and staff soon afterwards galloped up to
Rorke's Drift and warmly congratulated its gallant defenders.
They had by their undaunted bravery and firm attitude before an
overwhelming force of the enemy done much to neutralize the effect
of the disaster at Isandhlwana, and, Lord Chelmsford himself
officially reports, "no doubt saved Natal from a serious invasion."
He adds, "The cool, determined courage displayed by the gallant
garrison is beyond all praise, and will, I feel sure, receive ample
recognition."
[Sidenote: _Natal saved._]
The disaster at Isandhlwana, looked at correctly, confirms most
strongly the arguments advanced by the High Commissioner in favour
of the war. It became perfectly evident that the Zulu king had
an army at his command which could, almost any day, unexpectedly
invade Natal; and, owing to the great extent of frontier and
character of the natives within the colony, they might have
devastated the country without the possibility of being adequately
checked. To use the words of Sir Bartle Frere, it would have been
vain—almost criminal—to ignore the fact that there had grown
up by our sufferance alongside Natal a very powerful military
organization, directed by an irresponsible, bloodthirsty, and
treacherous despot. This extraordinary power simply made the
existence of a peaceful English community so precarious as to
prevent its safe continuance in any other form than that of an
armed camp. So soon as the news of Isandhlwana reached the colony,
a terrible panic was the result. The inhabitants fled to the
towns, laagers were formed in every direction, while in D'Urban
and Pietermaritzburg entrenchments and fortifications were at once
erected. The heroic defence of Rorke's Drift and the providential
flooding of the Tugela river were the means of saving the colony.
Flushed with victory, nothing would have been able to withstand
the Zulu armies, if they had crossed the boundary and, in their
well-organized form, entered Natal.
As a result of the Isandhlwana disaster, the native allies could
no longer be trusted, and melted away by means of desertion. Lord
Chelmsford was obliged to report that large British reinforcements
were absolutely required if the operations against the Zulus
were to be carried to a successful issue. Three British infantry
regiments, two cavalry regiments, and one company of Royal
Engineers, as well as 100 artillerymen, were asked for. When the
request reached England, it was immediately granted, but a fearful
period of suspense and anxiety intervened. It is difficult to
pourtray in words the feelings of the white inhabitants of Natal,
who every moment expected to hear that a savage, ruthless foe was
in full march for the purpose of utterly exterminating the hated
white race. Sixty miles only intervened between D'Urban and the
Tugela river; Pietermaritzburg was still more exposed. Numbers of
people fled to the seaboard, and thence to the neighbouring colony;
while, behind laagers and hastily constructed fortifications, the
people waited in expectant terror for every item of news from the
theatre of war. In the Cape colony, the most vigorous measures
were adopted by its Government. Two hundred volunteers from Cape
Town, and 100 from Port Elizabeth, proceeded immediately to King
William's Town and relieved the 88th Regiment, ordered to Natal;
900 mounted yeomanry were called out to occupy certain positions
on the border, in conjunction with 800 Cape Mounted Riflemen.
Two thousand Europeans were thus placed under arms, 1700 of whom
were mounted men. This was really necessary in order to keep
down possible insurrections of Pondos, Basutos, and Griquas. All
the black races throughout Southern Africa had to be feared, as
they only waited an opportunity to make common cause against the
Europeans. Already in detail had the Gealekas and the Gaikas been
thoroughly defeated, but the Basutos and Pondos had hitherto hung
back. The Zulu war was watched by them with lively feelings of
interest and their sympathies were, of course, enlisted on the side
of Cetywayo.
[Sidenote: _Feeling in England._]
Her Majesty the Queen, with the utmost sympathy and promptness,
caused the Secretary of State to telegraph, on the 18th of
February, her sorrow at the loss of so many brave officers and men
of the regular and colonial forces, and her full confidence that
Lord Chelmsford would be able to meet the difficulties in which he
was placed. The message ended with the words, "Full reinforcements
of all arms will be sent with the utmost despatch."
The Imperial Ministry was fiercely attacked in England for having
entered upon the Zulu war, and succumbed to the pressure of
public opinion so far as to blame Sir Bartle Frere for taking,
without their full knowledge and sanction, a course almost certain
to result in war, which every effort should have been used to
avoid. The High Commissioner, under his commission, was not only
empowered, but really authorized and obliged, to enter upon
this war. His Excellency knew that it was necessary to open the
campaign at once in Zululand; and the mild, modified rebuke of the
Conservative Ministry was evidently wrung from them more by the
exigencies of party than by the actual circumstances. A disaster
always evokes a cry for victims, and the British populace were
loud in the usual _væ victis_ clamour. Sir Bartle Frere, however,
stood firm, strong in the confidence of eventually obtaining
justice; while the Ministry at home were sufficiently powerful and
sufficiently noble to refuse to sacrifice Lord Chelmsford to the
ferocious outcry that was raised against him.