the hearing from time to time, and may commit the child to the care and
guardianship of a probation officer duly appointed by the Court, and may
allow said child to remain in its own home subject to the visitation of
the probation officer, such child to report to the probation officer as
often as may be required, and subject to be returned to the Court for
further proceedings whenever such action may appear to be necessary; or
the Court may commit the child to the care and guardianship of the
probation officer, to be placed in a suitable family home, subject to
the friendly supervision of such probation officer; or it may authorize
the said probation officer to board out the said child in some suitable
family home, in case provision is made by voluntary contribution or
otherwise for the payment of the board of such child, until a suitable
provision may be made for the child in a home without such payment; or
the Court may commit the child to a suitable institution for the care of
delinquent children.”
It is just here that the Juvenile Court Act, in my judgment, offers its
greatest good and opens up a new chance to deal intelligently with the
case of a delinquent. Instead of making the child promise to be good,
and sending him home, the Court places him in charge of a probation
officer, and then lets him go home. Sometimes the result is that, for
the first time a boy is given a fair chance in the battle of life to
make something of himself. Many of the cases of delinquents brought into
Court exhibit weakness, incapacity, and sometimes a worse condition on
the part of the parents. Their offending is sometimes passive, sometimes
active. The probation officer becomes the boy’s watchman and his friend,
guarding him against himself, and, in some cases, against his parents.
A few months’ practical working of the act has shown what a wonderful
agency for good the probation officer is. I shall speak of the officer
in the feminine, because most of them are women.
She has, by reason of her appointment by the Court, an official
position. Her station is one of grave responsibility and great honor,
but of no profit. The act distinctly says that the officer shall receive
no compensation from the public treasury. This will keep them from the
contaminating touch of party politics, and prevent this particular
office being sought after.
The probation officer is the child’s friend, but the Court’s adviser.
Each boy is kept under surveillance. If, after the promises he and his
parents have made to the Court, he stays away from school (if his
parents can send him) or refuses to work or goes with his former
associates, if they are bad boys, he is warned, and if he will not mend
his ways, he is brought back to Court, and then the Judge has more
knowledge of the case to guide him in intelligent action.
The first session of the Juvenile Court in Philadelphia was held July,
1901. Since that time there have been, up to May 21, 1902, 1,378 cases
before the Court. Of these, 481 have been dependents, and 897
delinquents. But fifty-six have been sent to the House of Refuge, and of
the rest (returned to their homes in almost every case) but thirty-three
have been before the Court a second time. Most of these were given a
second chance, and in but one case has the Court had a boy brought back
more than once. He was, on his fourth appearance before the Court,
committed to the House of Refuge.
One probation officer to whom since last July nearly one hundred
children have been committed, told me recently that she had had but one
child backslide. Surely such a record would be, if there were no more
like it, sufficient warrant for saying that the act will do great good.
The whole scheme of the act is to prevent delinquents from becoming
criminals. It is an act for child-saving. Its benefits, though conferred
directly upon the child, are reaped by the entire community. It is the
ounce of prevention which is far, far better than the pound of cure. It
aims to place the erring child, of years too tender to yet fully
appreciate the dangers ahead, under the restraining and guiding hand of
an officer of the Court, who is at the same time the child’s friend.
The restraint is that of oversight; the guidance that of kindly
admonition and advice, backed by that power everywhere recognized, the
power of the law.
JUVENILE COURTS IN BUFFALO
By FREDERIC ALMY
Secretary and Treasurer Charity Organization Society, Buffalo
Juvenile probation is no new thing. It has been used in Massachusetts
since 1869, or for over thirty years, and for the same length of time in
that state a statute has required that children’s cases should be “heard
and determined by themselves, separate from the general and ordinary
criminal business of said courts.” There is no separate children’s court
in Massachusetts, but in some of the courts the session for adults is
formally adjourned, and the room is cleared of all except those who have
to do with the juvenile cases; in other courts the session for juveniles
is held in a separate room or in the judge’s private room. In either
case there are evils, as is shown in a letter from Mr. Charles W.
Birtwell, secretary of the Massachusetts Children’s Aid Society:
“Unfortunately in all the courts juveniles under arrest are apt to be
mixed with adults while waiting during the hour or so preceding the
trial. If not under arrest but only summoned, they may wait in the
outside lobbies, but get more or less mixed with the throng about and in
the court room.”
The first juvenile court was opened in Chicago in 1899 and at once had
wide notice, largely through the excellent work of the monthly
periodical, the _Chicago Juvenile Record_. It was through this juvenile
court that the probation system first became general. Mr. Folks tells
us, in his “Care of Delinquent Children,” that “the system did not
secure formal adoption, so far as we are aware, in any other state than
Massachusetts until the enactment of the juvenile court law in Illinois
in 1899.” “In 1901,” he says, “the probation system is in actual
operation, or is provided for by statute, in fifteen of the twenty-five
largest cities of the United States,” and the number is now rapidly
increasing. It is another instance of the contagion of ideas which in
this century outstrips the contagion of disease.
On February 26, 1900, the Buffalo Charity Organization Society appointed
a committee on probation which held several meetings, but found that
nothing could be done without legislation, which it was then too late to
procure. A law passed May 1, 1901, through the efforts of this
committee, allowed the Buffalo police justice to suspend sentence with
juvenile delinquents, and place them under probation for a term not
exceeding three months. The act allowed him to appoint five unsalaried
probation officers, and provided that when practicable the probation
officer should be of the same faith as the child placed in his care. The
court opened July 1, 1901. By an amendment passed in February, 1902, the
number of probation officers, still unpaid, was increased to ten, and
authority was given to extend the probation for additional terms of
three months in the discretion of the judge. A state probation law was
also passed in 1901, but was so amended that it applied only to those
over sixteen years of age. Consequently in New York State, outside of
Buffalo, a chance is given to adult delinquents which is denied to
little children.
Under the new New York City charter a juvenile court was created for the
boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx (excluding Brooklyn), but with no
provision for probation. This juvenile court was to open January 1,
1902, but for some reason did not do so.
Judge Murphy, of the Buffalo Police Court, was an active member of the
committee of the Charity Organization Society which procured the
probation law. Although the law was permissive only, he at once put it
into effect, and also on his own motion transferred all his juvenile
cases to a separate building, several blocks distant from the police
court, where he holds his juvenile court on Tuesday and Friday
afternoons. The great success of the court in Buffalo is chiefly due to
his interest. Where for any reason a good judge is not available a
juvenile court must suffer, for probation gives many opportunities for
favoritism to both the judge and the probation officers. It is hardly
too much to say that the character of the court will be the same as the
character of the judge.
Of the ten probation officers in Buffalo all are unpaid for this special
work, but two are truant officers, two are officers of the Charity
Organization Society, and one is the head worker of Welcome Hall, a
leading settlement. The city is divided into two districts, in each of
which there are a Catholic and a Protestant female officer for the girls
and the younger boys, and a Catholic and a Protestant male officer for
the older boys. There are a Jewish officer and a Polish officer for the
city at large.
It is not perhaps desirable to recapitulate here the peculiarities of
all the juvenile courts. In Massachusetts and St. Louis the probation
officers are paid. In New Jersey the court costs are paid them. In
Chicago, Pennsylvania, Milwaukee and Buffalo they are unpaid, or paid
from private sources. In Chicago the probation is until the child’s
majority. In Boston, as in Buffalo, it is for short terms renewable on
their expiration. It seems as if the short term would give the child a
goal in sight and so help his striving.
The Buffalo juvenile court has not quite completed its first year, and
no definite records have been compiled, but two results are already
notable—the decrease in the number of commitments to the truant school
and to reformatories, and the increase in the number of children
arrested. The first result was expected, for many children are now cared
for in their homes under probation who would otherwise have to be sent
to the public truant school or to a reformatory. The second result was
not anticipated, but is in this way excellent. Much juvenile lawlessness
formerly ran riot without arrest because the officers knew that the
judge would not send a child away for petty offences, and mere rebuke
meant so little that the child fresh from court would jeer at the
officer who had arrested him. With probation an arrest is taken more
seriously by the children. At a recent session of the court Judge Murphy
called attention to this increase in the number of arrests, and
recommended legislation which should make convictions in the juvenile
court inadmissible as evidence of character in either civil or criminal
actions, so that mere juvenile peccadilloes could not constitute a
criminal record.
The economy of probation greatly reinforces the support of the system on
ethical grounds. It is not often that a measure of social reform makes
an immediate appeal to the taxpayer, but probation relieves him from the
public maintenance of many delinquents who under this plan are
maintained at home at their parents’ charge. In Massachusetts, where
probation has been in operation many years, the district attorney has
prepared figures showing that it has saved the state much more than the
cost of its operation, though it is administered there by salaried
probation officers. On the side of morality the saving is still greater,
though less definite. If this saving of character could be translated
into dollars and cents the cash gain to the state through the diminution
of crime would be seen to be even greater than the saving in
maintenance.
Again, the presence daily in the court of a group of disinterested men
and women of character helps to maintain the moral tone of the court.
They sometimes see things which the court unaided might not see. More
than once in Buffalo pettifogging lawyers, who have been reaping fees
from parents on the pretence that their services caused the judge to put
children on probation instead of sending them away, have been excluded
from the court on report of the probation officers as to their
practices.
The teachers usually co-operate willingly in filling out the weekly
cards which show the behavior and the attendance of a child while on
probation, and they use their influence to hold children to their best.
Some have spoken with wonder of the favorable effect of probation on the
school work.
A day in a juvenile court is fascinating, and the experiences of a
probation officer are not less so. The little, curly-headed culprits are
so anxious to tell their story to the judge, or sometimes so stolid,
that either way it is pathetic. There is much weeping when children are
found guilty, and sudden relief when the meaning of probation is
explained to them, and the confidences made to the probation officer are
irresistible. In many of the courts the proceedings are quite informal,
and the children stand close to the judge and talk confidentially with
him, without fear.
The care taken to keep children from contact with the adult criminal
courts extends also to the jail. In several states the law prescribes
that children shall not be lodged either in the jail or in the police
court. If the child is unable to give bail, some place other than the
jail or police court must be provided. In Pennsylvania a separate act,
passed after the juvenile court law, authorizes the establishment of
houses of detention. In Wisconsin it is provided that when a child has
been sentenced he must be kept wholly apart from adult prisoners until
he is committed. The period after arrest and before trial is also
guarded.
It has been well said that the practice of arresting persons accused of
minor offences, who are not in the least likely to fail to appear if
merely summoned, is a relic of earlier times and should be abandoned. In
Buffalo it is the general practice on arrest to take the child to a
station-house and then let him go home under promise to appear in court
at the time stated, and as yet there has been no failure to appear.
Criminal law has relied too much upon confinement and compulsion, both
of which involve cost to the state and rancor and sullenness in the
individual. The features of probation are first, the retention of
natural conditions, in the home, if it is at all fit, and second,
loving, patient, personal service. Instead of withdrawing the child from
the environment in which it lives, it tries to assist that environment.
It is possible to draw many analogies. In medicine we now give fewer
drugs and rely on the natural powers of the body with the personal
service of trained nurses. In charity we give fewer alms, and rely on
the natural resources of the family with the personal service of trained
friendly visitors. In government we use less law, but rely on natural
forces with the aid of the Church, the school and other instruments of
social reform.
With children the question of reformation is especially important. The
chief cause of crime has been said to be neither intemperance, nor
avarice, nor lust, but neglected childhood, for neglected childhood
means neglected character, and at an age when character is still
plastic. Children under arrest for the first time are more peculiarly
susceptible to influence than even other children, and the impressions
made at this crisis go far to fix their lives. If you catch character
young, and at the right moments, you can do almost anything with it. It
is even possible to confine the baser parts of a child’s life, as the
Chinese do the feet of their children, so that the development of these
baser parts will be permanently stunted. Swaddling environments,
continued for years, can do much to form character by compulsion, so to
speak, and to thwart the growth of what is undesirable. This exclusion
of evil is the method of the military school and of the reformatory of
the military type. There is something unnatural about it, but there is
no doubt that in this way habits can be formed; and there is an inertia
of character which makes good habits difficult to break as well as bad
ones.
The other method is to leave the natural conditions with as little
disarrangement as possible; to let the feet grow and become a support
for the whole body; to take the activity which might become crime and
turn it into industry; to take the affection which might become lust and
turn it into love; and to do all this as far as possible under natural
conditions. It is possible to do this, not by a high wall which wards
off all contamination but casts a shadow on the young life within, but
by applying some antiseptic which will make the contagions of daily life
harmless. Those of us who with Milton “cannot praise a fugitive and
cloister’d vertue, unexercis’d and unbreath’d,” believe that everywhere
character is better formed by liberty than by force. Antiseptics against
temptation are being found by modern charity. I would wish to leave a
child undisturbed in its home, if the home is decent, and trust to the
Church, the school, the tenement house law and the settlements, as
antiseptics against contamination; next to this I would leave the child
at home, but under probation; next I would seek a foster home, well
chosen and well watched; next, for some children, an open reformatory of
the free type exemplified in the George Junior Republic; and last, a
reformatory of the more military type. In confinement a boy may find
himself kindly and wisely treated, but his social side is not much
considered, and this is not in keeping with modern pedagogy. Very much
can be done through a boy’s affections.
Where the germ of pauperism or of vice cannot be killed, may there not
be a treatment by antitoxin, as at the George Republic, by deliberately
helping the poison to run its course in a mild form in order to prevent
future attacks? It may be well to let a boy be idle and lazy for a time
and suffer all the consequences of hunger and cold; to let him be
violent, and as a penalty be duly and severely punished by his peers; in
fact, to give him a brief rehearsal of life under natural conditions
which will be very profitable when life arrives in grim earnest. These
lessons are taught in a reformatory of the military type, but the more
voluntary and natural the lesson is, and the more the child can be made
to feel that he has chosen his own course and experienced its natural
result, the deeper will be the impress on his life.
It seems to be the lesson of the past century, the lesson alike of
charity, of Christianity, and of civilization, that, in forming
character, force must give way to freedom with love. A militant
Christianity has already been condemned, and a militant civilization is
as bad. I believe in civilization by contact, in civilization by
commerce, but not in civilization by conquest. Force leaves rancor and
reaction, and the slower method of Christian example is more sure. The
United States has been called the pioneer in an age of republics, but it
is not through its force, but through its example, that in neither North
nor South America is there to be found a king. The republics of Central
and South America stumble and fall and make many errors, but they are
slowly developing good secondary education and commercial stability.
India and Egypt, with an original civilization and under as intelligent
and benevolent tutelage as the world has ever known, are less fit to-day
for self-government. With boy life as with national life, we may well
stop to ask whether the least possible interference and the largest
possible freedom, even with all the mistakes and struggles which this
involves, will not build character most surely in the end.
Appendix
_Report of the Academy Committee on the Sixth Annual Meeting._
SIXTH ANNUAL MEETING
OF THE
American Academy of Political and Social Science
_Philadelphia, April 4 and 5, 1902_
“SOCIAL LEGISLATION AND SOCIAL ACTIVITY”
The Sixth Annual Meeting not only met the expectations of your
Committee, but was generally regarded by those who attended as
completely fulfilling the high standards which were set by its
predecessors. The sessions were largely attended by members from
different parts of the country; in fact, the leading characteristic of
this meeting was the large attendance from points at a considerable
distance from Philadelphia. The Annual Meeting of the Academy has
assumed the proportion of a national convention to consider the great
economic and political questions that confront the country.
Before proceeding to an account of the individual sessions your
Committee desires to express its thanks as well as those of the officers
and members of the Academy to the Provost of the University of
Pennsylvania, to the President and Directors of the Manufacturers’ Club
and to the Committee of the Octavia Hill Association, whose co-operation
was of great value in making the meeting a success.
The expenses of the Annual Meeting were met in part from an
appropriation from the treasury of the Academy, but in the main by a
special fund contributed by generous friends of the Academy. Your
Committee desires especially to express its appreciation of the services
of those who took active part in the meetings and whose contributions
give to this volume its chief importance.
SESSION OF FRIDAY AFTERNOON, APRIL 4.
_Topic: “The Child Labor Problem.”_
The President of the Academy, in formally opening the Annual Meeting,
said
_Members of the Academy, Ladies and Gentlemen._
It gives me great pleasure formally to open the Sixth Annual Meeting of
the Academy. The series of meetings, beginning with the discussion of
“The Foreign Policy of the United States,” four years ago, and taking up
thereafter “Corporations and Public Welfare” and “America’s Race
Problem,” has furnished us with a series of volumes which have come to
be standard reference works on the subjects with which they deal. It is
safe to say that the Sixth Annual Meeting, which is devoted to the
subject of “Social Legislation and Social Activity,” will not fall
behind the others, either in the interest of the topics or in the
character of the discussions. These Annual Meetings of the Academy focus
the best thought upon the questions which are in the foreground of
public attention.
The subject for discussion this afternoon is one which, as you know, has
been agitating different sections of the country at different periods.
Your Committee has succeeded in securing a representation of the
different points of view in the discussion of the afternoon. We are also
fortunate in having, as presiding officer of the afternoon, one of the
leading manufacturers, and it is safe to say, one of the most
public-spirited citizens of Philadelphia. You all know his services to
our city, but I am not sure whether many of you know how close and
careful a student of industrial conditions in both the North and South
he has been. I take pleasure in presenting to you Mr. Frank Leake.
On taking the chair, Mr. Leake said:
_Mr. President and Members of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science._
It was with pleasure that I accepted your President’s invitation to
preside here to-day. The particular subject which you are to discuss is
one having a very important bearing on the future of this country,
because at the bottom of all progress is education, and child labor, if
not properly regulated, will certainly prevent proper education.
I am, as your President has said, a practical manufacturer, and yet here
in Philadelphia, where my work lies, we have very little of the child
labor problem to contend with; it is almost self-regulating. There are
very few manufacturers who do not fall in line, not only gracefully but
gladly, with the laws of our state which regulate that matter for them.
There is very little of child labor in the textile mills of this city,
or of this state, so far as I am acquainted.
Whatever is done in the way of regulating child labor should be done in
a very conservative and openminded spirit. The one seeking progress
should be willing to consider local conditions. The key to the whole
situation will be found in local conditions, because child labor at one
point in our country does not present anything like the same problem
that it does in another portion of the country.
The Pennsylvania laws, for the most part, are wise in their treatment of
this question. I know of no organized opposition to the entire and
careful enforcement of these laws. I am speaking more particularly in
regard to textiles. That is my business and that is the line in which
the New South is finding her great industrial development. In the South,
textile mills started originally with the idea that proximity to the
cotton fields was the great desideratum. It has been found that the
question of proximity does not have much to do with their success.
Freights on raw materials North are as low, or lower, than freights on
the finished product, and in the North and West is where the finished
product finds its largest market. Such being the case, the mills in the
South have had to study the other problems that have come to be talked
about in making their success sure, but in studying these problems they
have found instinctively that the same conditions make for their success
as made for the success of the mills in the North. Long years ago our
New England forefathers found a sterile and rocky soil. They found it
very difficult to get a living from the farm, and so turned their
attention to manufacturing. In the South along the coasts and in the
middle country the soil is very rich and very fertile and the people get
their profit from the farm. It has always been an agricultural section,
but the mountain farms are the ones where the ground is sterile, where
the soil is frequently washed into the streams and where farming is on a
very small scale. The Southern mountaineer has his home in a little
cabin with a little patch of corn at the rear. Corn and bacon are the
staple articles of food. The whites largely predominate in the mountain
sections. At the foot of the Allegheny Mountains, the Appalachian Chain,
extending through North and South Carolina, Northern Georgia and
Northern Alabama, are conditions which should be considered in taking up
the problem of child labor. The people live in little mountain huts year
in and year out, scarcely seeing ten, twenty, very few of them seeing
fifty dollars in cash a year. The cotton mill has come in there, going
on the farms, taking the workers from them and bringing whole families
into the manufacturing town. The farmer takes the little cottage built
for him by the company, with a little patch of ground, given him on the
supposition that he will cultivate it. Frequently the ground is not
cultivated, and the man finds his employment in carrying the
dinner-pail, while the wife, the older daughters and the older boys work
in the mill. The younger ones are anxious to follow. These conditions
are an advance over what they have had, and they should be advanced
slowly and by degrees to anything which would be more theoretically
correct. Practically they have the advance. In any question involving
child labor, it is well to consider the local situation and the previous
condition of those whom you are seeking to benefit.
The first speaker this afternoon is a gentleman who has had every
opportunity to study the subject given to him. I am very glad that your
President has had the wisdom, instead of picking those who look at these
things solely from an academic standpoint, to take those men who have
come into actual contact with the subject itself, men who have brought
their best thought to the practical solving of this question, who desire
in their everyday walk of life to be of benefit to their fellow-men, and
while they are solving the hard problems of life, with which they must
necessarily deal in their business, are seeking always to help and
uplift those around them. Such a man is Mr. Franklin N. Brewer, General
Manager of the largest department store in this city, who will address
you on the subject of “Child Labor in the Department Store.”
Mr. Brewer then read his paper, which is printed on pages 165–177 of
this volume.
In introducing Mr. Henry White, Mr. Leake said:
The discussion of “Machinery and Labor” has been given to one who has
distinguished himself for broadmindedness in dealing with labor
problems, who has recognized the broad principle that wherever advance
is possible, either by machinery or by any other human function or
agency, humanity is bound to take advantage of that possibility. As the
latent forces are being developed in machinery, he has also advocated
that the labor which it represents should recognize that and adapt
itself to the new conditions with as little friction and as little loss
and with as little captious criticism as possible. His attitude in all
of these matters has been progressive, not radically reformative, but
always seeking the advantage along the progressive, conservative lines
which make for true progress. I have pleasure in introducing to you Mr.
Henry White, General Secretary of the United Garment Workers of America.
Mr. White then read his paper, which is printed on pages 221–231 of this
volume.
Following Mr. White’s paper and in introducing Mr. Hayes Robbins, Mr.
Leake said:
As Mr. White has just shown, machinery is a revolutionizer, and
machinery is so popular in this age of ours that it is revolutionizing
all of our methods. One of the chief questions we have before us to-day
is the harmonizing of the machinery of organization with Christian
ethics. Sociology to-day is advancing so far and calling for answers to
so many problems that it must of necessity merge itself with
Christianity; Christianity must broaden and take the position the Master
intended. All of the Master’s teachings were positive, not negative. Li
Hung Chang says that the Confucianists have a rule which is very similar
to our Golden Rule. He says very truly, something very similar, but
totally unlike in its operation. I will quote it to you. It is in
effect: “Thou shalt not do unto thy neighbor what thou wouldst not have
thy neighbor do unto thee.” Do unto others as you would have them do
unto you, is our Golden Rule. Everything Chinese is negatived; Christ,
on the other hand, taught the positive. His teachings send men out into
the world unto a life of helpfulness and benevolence; the contrary is
producing the conditions which we find in China, where every man tries
to live unto himself. It is these conditions there and here which
sociology and Christianity must of necessity take cognizance of and
unitedly bring to a conclusion.
The next speaker to address you has made an extended tour of the South
in company with Dr. Gunton, and their findings coincide with my
experience in the same country. I have made several trips to that
section and they have brought me to practically the same conclusion. I
have pleasure in introducing the gentleman who will speak on “The
Necessity for Factory Legislation in the South,” Mr. Hayes Robbins, Dean
of the Institute of Social Economics, New York.
Mr. Robbins here presented his paper, which is printed on pages 179–188
of this volume, after which Mr. Leake commented as follows upon the
ideas contained in the paper.
The people employed in the Southern mills are for the most part
descendants of the Scotch-Irish. They are not seekers for charity, nor
anything of that sort, but the communities in which they live, or many
of them, are burdened with an illiterate population composed of blacks,
and they are being taxed to support that population in schools. These
people coming down from the mountains are bringing to them an additional
tax. The Southern Educational Society, with its headquarters in New
York, has of late years taken cognizance of the conditions in which the
poor whites of the South are found, and it is doing magnificent work
along proper lines, without pauperizing, and is instilling in the hearts
of these people a desire for education. I am happy to add to the
speaker’s remarks that this work is bearing fruit. The movement toward
better education is increasing and it is for me and for you to help it
along.
In closing the meeting, the President of the Academy said:
I want to express to the speakers of the afternoon the sincere
appreciation of the Academy for their valuable contributions to the
subject. I may say, furthermore, that Dr. Murphy, who has led the
movement in the South for the betterment of conditions, fully expected
to be here, but has been taken seriously ill in New York and is now
gradually recovering from an attack which at one time threatened his
life. I regret very much that you had not the opportunity of listening
to him, as well as to the paper prepared by Mrs. Kelley, but you will
all have the opportunity of reading her paper, as well as the addresses
presented at this afternoon’s session, in a volume containing the
proceedings of the Annual Meeting.
SESSION OF FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 4.
The session of Friday evening was devoted to the Annual Address, which
was delivered by the Honorable Martin A. Knapp, Chairman of the
Interstate Commerce Commission. Professor Emory R. Johnson, of the
University of Pennsylvania and member of the Isthmian Canal Commission,
presided at the meeting.
Prior to the Annual Address the President of the Academy, Professor L.
S. Rowe, of the University of Pennsylvania, presented a review of the
work of the year.
Professor Johnson, in introducing Professor Rowe, said:
The Annual Meeting of the Academy has come to be a permanent and
important part of the Society’s activity. The four sessions lasting two
days, enable the Academy to discuss with some measure of detail several
phases of the general subject which seems, at the time of the meeting,
to be of greatest public interest. The most important of the four
sessions of the Academy is the one at which the President of the Academy
reviews the work of the organization and at which the Annual Address is
delivered by some distinguished scholar.
The work involved in arranging for this Annual Meeting is far greater
than one would suppose who has not undertaken such a task. In order to
make these meetings a success, thought and labor must be given to the
subject for many weeks. Success always seems easy until one undergoes
the labor by which success is achieved; but onerous as is the work of
arranging for the Annual Meeting, that constitutes but a part, and
indeed a small part, of the administrative duties which devolve upon the
President of the Academy. We are an organization of two thousand
members, about one-fourth of whom live in or near the city of
Philadelphia. The activities of the organization are national rather
than local. To keep up this membership and to cause it to increase
rather than to decline, to manage successfully the finances of a
scientific body such as ours, and to pass upon the many questions of
polity which arise in the administration of the Society, require the
exercise of sound judgment and a devotion to detail. If the Society were
to pay its officers for their work, the Board of Directors would not
think of suggesting a remuneration for the President of less than $2,000
a year; but, as you all know, none of the officers of the Academy or
editors of its publications receives any pay whatever. The work is
entirely gratuitous on their part.
The American Academy has been most fortunate in its Presidents. During
the first eight of the thirteen years of its existence, the President
and directing mind was the honored founder of the Academy, Dr. Edmund J.
James. When his academic duties called him to the University of Chicago,
Professor Lindsay succeeded him as the administrative head. Those who
know Professor Lindsay personally realize that he possesses in a very
marked degree the ability to organize and administer. He has most
exceptional powers of initiation and execution.
A few months ago, when President Roosevelt requested Professor Lindsay
to take charge of the important work of administering the educational
system of Porto Rico, the Board of Directors knew exactly whom to ask to
succeed Professor Lindsay as President of the Academy. As First
Vice-President of the Academy and for many years a member of its
editorial board, Professor Rowe had manifested his zeal for the Academy
and had in many ways aided the growth of the organization. Like his
predecessors, Professor Rowe always thinks towards action, and this
natural trait of mind has been strengthened by the training which he has
received, not only in academic life, but in the execution of responsible
public duties. When President McKinley selected the Commission which was
provided for under the Foraker Act, to revise and codify the laws of
Porto Rico, Professor Rowe was made one of the body of three men to whom
that task was entrusted. The Commission appointed by President McKinley
was succeeded the following year by one provided for by the laws of
Porto Rico and appointed by Governor Allen. Of this second Commission,
Professor Rowe was made the President, and in that position he has
carried to successful completion a thorough codification of the laws of
the island, has worked out a scheme of local government, and what is
perhaps most important of all, his work has been so practical that the
Porto Rican Legislature has adopted, with but slight changes, the
recommendations of the Commission.
At the beginning of this calendar year, Professor Rowe returned to his
duties at the University of Pennsylvania. He will now tell you of the
work which the Academy has done during the past year, and I am sure we
all feel that what he has already accomplished in the brief period of
his presidency of the Academy is an earnest of a large and most
gratifying growth of our organization during the coming year.
Dr. Rowe then presented the following review of the work of the Academy
for the year:
REVIEW OF THE WORK OF THE ACADEMY FOR THE YEAR 1901–02.
The presentation of the work of the Academy during the last fiscal year
is so closely bound up with the activity of my predecessor that any
mention of the one necessarily involves reference to the other. Those of
you who have followed the work of the Academy during the last few years
thoroughly appreciate the great work which he has accomplished and the
splendid traditions which he has left with us. During the three years of
his direction of the affairs of the Academy as Acting President and then
as President, the Academy has gradually drawn to its ranks the
public-spirited men and women of all sections of the country, until
to-day it is the most influential organization of its kind in the United
States. Our meetings are attracting the leading authorities of the
country and in the publications of the Academy the most advanced thought
on the great political, social and economic questions is presented.
These results were accomplished by Dr. Lindsay by reason of his abiding
faith in the mission of an organization such as ours, reinforced by the
high standards of public service and public duty which he constantly
kept in mind. His resignation as President of the Academy, made
necessary by reason of his appointment as Commissioner of Education of
Porto Rico, is a severe loss, somewhat mitigated by the fact that he
still retains a keen and lively interest in our work.
The honor of succeeding him is commensurate with its responsibilities.
The activities of the Academy have become so manifold and varied that
the adequate performance of the duties of those entrusted with the
direction of its affairs must mean a severe strain unless the
co-operation and support of our members is assured. We are, in a sense,
a great co-operative body, each member of which contributes his share in
the study and solution of the great industrial, social and political
questions that confront our country.
The prospects of the Academy have never been brighter than at present,
nor have its opportunities ever been greater. Whatever our view as to
the direction which our national affairs have taken, it is clear to
everyone that we have reached a turning-point in both our domestic and
foreign policy. The need of a forum for the calm and dispassionate
discussion of the many questions arising out of this change is felt in
every section of the country. Our power as one of the important
enlightening forces of public opinion increases with each year and must
be met with a keen sense of responsibility not only towards our members,
but also towards the community at large. The Academy is a national, not
a local organization, and as such its activity must be national rather
than local. Every member of the Academy should feel it not only his
privilege, but his duty, to watch over the direction of Academy affairs
and to assure himself that the organization is fulfilling the high
mission which constitutes its reason for existence.
The period since the last Annual Meeting has been marked by a number of
important scientific sessions devoted to the following subjects:
On October 31 last, the topic for discussion was: “The Outlook for Civil
Government in the Philippines,” at which addresses were delivered by Dr.
George F. Becker, of the U. S. Geological Survey, and Mr. Abreu, a
native Filipino connected with the War Department at Washington.
On December 13 last, the topic discussed was: “The Policy of Commercial
Reciprocity,” and the speakers of the evening were Hon. John A. Kasson
and Mr. A. B. Farquhar.
On March 1 the subject of “The Extension of American Influence in the
West Indies” was considered; Dr. L. S. Rowe, of the University of
Pennsylvania, delivered the address of the evening, and Captain W. V.
Judson, of the Corps of Engineers, U. S. Army, presented a discussion of
the strategic considerations connected with the topic of the evening.
The publications of the Academy, which constitute the main channel of
communication between our members, have kept in close touch with the
trend of affairs. The plan of issuing separate volumes devoted to
special topics has been further developed and has met with great
success. In January a special volume on “Transportation and Commerce”
was issued, with such eminent contributors as Hon. Martin A. Knapp, John
Franklin Crowell, B. H. Meyer, Samuel Pasco, Emory R. Johnson, H. T.
Newcomb and Alfred Nerincx. In May a special volume on “The Government
of Dependencies” was issued, and the July number of THE ANNALS contains
the proceedings of the Sixth Annual Meeting.
The membership of the Academy at the present time is 1,990, of which
sixty-two are life members.
The magnitude of the Academy’s work has forced upon your Board of
Directors the question of adequate quarters for the library and offices
of the organization. At the present time the University of Pennsylvania
places at our disposal quarters in one of the University buildings. The
time is soon coming, however, when the work of the Academy will require
a separate building with adequate library facilities. This is a question
which I wish to bring to the attention of every member of the Academy,
and especially invite their co-operation in devising means by which this
end may be accomplished.
From whatever point of view, therefore, we examine the work of the
Academy, there is evidence of steady and healthy growth in all
directions. Our combined efforts must now be directed towards the
further extension of the work, for in an organization such as ours lack
of growth means retrogression and decay.
Professor Johnson, in introducing Judge Knapp, said:
When the Academy decided to devote the Annual Meeting to a discussion of
“Social Legislation and Social Activity,” it was felt that the Annual
Address should be devoted to the subject of transportation. Social
activity is everywhere, and at all times, conditioned by the facilities
for travel and shipment. They determine the measure and direction of
social progress; and the first and possibly the greatest subject of
social legislation is the regulation of transportation.
For the consideration of this great question, it was felt that the one
man pre-eminently qualified was the Chairman of the Interstate Commerce
Commission, and not alone because of his official position, although as
the guiding mind of that most dignified and influential body he has had
unrivaled facilities for acquiring a clear and comprehensive insight
into the problems of transportation, it was because of his exceptional
personal qualities, because of his calm poise of judgment, his judicial
fairness that makes him command the respect and admiration alike of the
railway official and the complainant shipper, and because of the clear
and lofty diction he has employed in all his numerous essays and public
addresses.
The work of the Academy has had the benefit of Judge Knapp’s frequent
co-operation. On the occasion of the Thirty-fourth Scientific Session he
addressed our Society upon the subject of Railway Pooling, and the able
paper presented by him was published in Volume VIII of THE ANNALS OF THE
ACADEMY. Judge Knapp again contributed to THE ANNALS last January, when
a paper by him on “Government Ownership of Railroads” was published.
Both of these papers have been highly serviceable to all students of
current transportation problems, and have done much to widen the
beneficent educational influence of the Academy.
The trained jurist is not infrequently a cultured scholar, but it is
seldom that a man possesses in addition to these attainments the genius
to instruct and the altruistic spirit that prompts to a devotion of his
talents to the furtherance of the public good. Judge Knapp’s powers are
generously active for the betterment of the age in which he lives; and
it is a source of satisfaction to the members of the Academy that the
Society has been one of the agencies by means of which Judge Knapp has
given to the public the results of his valuable experience and sound
thinking.
Judge Knapp then delivered the Annual Address, printed on pages 1–15 of
this volume.
SESSION OF SATURDAY AFTERNOON, APRIL 5.
_Topic: “The Housing Problem.”_
The President of the Academy, in introducing the presiding officer of
the afternoon, said:
_Members of the Academy, Ladies and Gentlemen._
It is fortunate for us, both as members of the Academy and as citizens
of Philadelphia, that when a subject of great importance is to be
discussed by our organization, we are always able to call upon some
citizen of Philadelphia whose interest in the subject, whose work, whose
activity along these special lines enable him to preside over our
deliberations with the authority that the subject calls for. I have very
great pleasure in presenting to you this afternoon as presiding officer
the Honorable William W. Porter, Justice of the Superior Court of
Pennsylvania, in whose hands I now place the meeting.
Judge Porter, in introducing the Honorable Robert W. De Forest, said:
We Philadelphians are apt to pride ourselves on the descriptive title
which others have given to our city and which we have adopted, namely,
that it is a city of homes. This is true of it to-day. It has ever been
true. But none of us can shut his eyes to the facts that the population
of the poor and the vicious has become congested in certain sections of
the city, and that tenement houses, unknown to us for many years, are
intruding in considerable numbers. To us Philadelphians, however, the
topic for discussion would have greater significance had it been made
the “Homing Problem” instead of the “Housing Problem.” The workingman’s
struggle has ever been, in Philadelphia, not for a “house” in the sense
of a room in a tenement, but for a home where within the four walls he
may know privacy and proprietorship. We have been wont to say that a
man’s home is his castle and that he would die in a struggle for its
protection. This may yet be said of the home owner who is a house owner.
But there is no instance on record, known to me, where there has been
any serious loss of life in the defence of a room in a boarding-house or
tenement.
It is with great pleasure that I introduce to you the first participant
in the discussion of the topic before us, Hon. Robert W. De Forest,
Tenement House Commissioner of Greater New York, a gentleman who comes
from a city which has had to meet the problem of housing the poor in its
most difficult form, a gentleman who, notwithstanding his large
professional obligations and duties and the time required by them, has
been able to give much thought and useful labor to the attempted solving
of what is, up to the present time, only a partially solved problem.
Mr. De Forest then presented his paper, which is printed on pages 81–95
of this volume.
In introducing Miss Addams, Mr. Porter said:
There was a time when true charity, as we understand it, was unknown.
The knowledge and practice of it came only with Christian civilization.
The impulse to do for others was first and strongest felt by women. The
early administration of charity by them was, however, largely of the
heart, rather than of the understanding. The time is here when women,
with hearts just as warm in the work, have tempered their enthusiasm
with cool, deep, serious, conscientious thought. These women are
furnishing to us the best type of the best citizenship in the department
of altruistic work.
It is with pleasure that I introduce to you a woman who exemplifies what
I have asserted; a woman who has been at the head of a charitable work
which has accomplished wonders; a woman who has thought, wrought and
written well. It is with very great pleasure that I present to you one
who will speak on the “Housing Problem in the City of Chicago,” Miss
Jane Addams, of Hull House.
Miss Addams’ address will be found on pages 97–107 of this volume.
Mr. Porter then introduced Mr. Nathaniel B. Crenshaw, who presented the
results of an investigation by the Octavia Hill Association into the
Housing Problem in Philadelphia. The paper read is printed on pages
109–120 of this volume.
The President of the Academy, in closing the session, said:
In closing the meeting I desire to express to the speakers of the
afternoon, as well as to the presiding officer, the sincere thanks of
the Academy, and I feel that I am simply giving expression to your
feelings when I say that we all go away with new ideas and a new
inspiration in the work of bettering social conditions.
SESSION OF SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL 5.
_Subject: “Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration; Its Possibilities
and Limitations.”_
In giving the meeting into the hands of the presiding officer of the
evening, Mr. Charles Custis Harrison, the President of the Academy said:
_Members of the Academy, Ladies and Gentlemen._
We have much of importance to hear this evening and there is therefore
little time for formal introductions. I have the honor of presenting to
you, as presiding officer of the evening, Dr. Charles Custis Harrison,
Provost of the University of Pennsylvania.
Dr. Harrison, in introducing Senator Hanna, said:
_Ladies and Gentlemen._
The meeting to-night has to do with the questions which relate to the
maintenance of industrial peace or to the restoration of peace
relationships in industrial relations if they shall be disturbed.
Perhaps I may say that question has peculiar interest to myself entirely
outside of my academic connections, because many years before I entered
the service of the University I was myself a large employer of labor.
One of the testimonials, perhaps the testimonial which I most value of
any which I have received, was one which the two thousand men in our
service gave to us at the time we went out of business.
We do not realize that the conditions under which we are living are
totally different from those of twenty-five years ago. During almost all
my business life, and I suppose during Senator Hanna’s business life,
the maxim on which business was conducted was that competition was the
life of trade, and there was a constant struggle of competition between
producer and producer and between man and man for a position, and it is
only within a few years that it has dawned upon the mind of the world
that another economic maxim might have weight, the maxim that where
combination is possible, competition is impossible. We are working now
under that maxim, and so we have federations of labor and we have
federations of capital. So long as justice is not universal there will
be a conflict of interests between labor and capital, and the practical
question seems to be, how to bring these two interests together.
All these matters are really solvable only in a practical way. Most
people need a mediator—somebody to intervene. We know, ourselves, even
in the matter of the rental or buying of a house, a man is often not
willing to disclose himself fully and must employ a third party. The
practical question is, how to get the men together, because in that way
difficulties are settled and only in that way. Whosoever takes a part in
preserving industrial peace or in adjusting the conditions as between
employer and employed confers an extraordinary benefit upon the whole
community.
In everything the man is greater than the scheme. What one man finds
impossible to do, another man succeeds in doing. The first speaker of
the evening is Senator Hanna, a man who translates his oratory into
action. He has consented to add to the extraordinary responsibilities of
state, which he has borne for so many years, the duty of being one of
the members of a board of conciliation or arbitration, and I have the
very great pleasure of presenting him to you.
Senator Hanna’s address is printed in full on pages 19–26 of this
volume.
The next speaker of the evening was Mr. Samuel Gompers, who spoke on
“Limitations of Conciliation and Arbitration.” In introducing Mr.
Gompers, the presiding officer said:
_Ladies and Gentlemen._
I shall now introduce as the next speaker the President of the American
Federation of Labor, who has devoted his life since boyhood towards the
betterment of the laboring classes, and not only towards that question
alone, but also to the philosophical side of everything which has to do
with questions concerning labor. I am glad of the opportunity of
introducing to you Mr. Samuel Gompers.
The address of Mr. Gompers is printed on pages 27–34 of this volume.
The speaker following Mr. Gompers was the Hon. Oscar S. Straus, who
spoke on “The Results Accomplished by the Industrial Department of the
National Civic Federation.” In introducing Mr. Straus, the presiding
officer said:
The man to whom was referred the important duty of appointing the
Industrial Committee of Thirty-six of the Civic Federation, to which
reference has been made so often this evening, and who, in response to
his first invitation received thirty-five affirmative replies, the Hon.
Oscar S. Straus, is the gentleman whom I now have the pleasure of
introducing.
The address of Mr. Straus is printed in full on pages 35–42 of this
volume.
The last speaker of the evening was Mr. William H. Pfahler, who spoke on
“Co-operation of Labor and Capital.” The paper read by Mr. Pfahler is
printed in full on pages 43–58 of this volume.
Respectfully submitted,
LEO S. ROWE, _Chairman_,
JOSEPH G. ROSENGARTEN,
JOHN H. CONVERSE,
JAMES B. DILL,
STUART WOOD,
SIMON N. PATTEN,
J. GORDON GRAY,
CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF,
JOSEPH M. GAZZAM,
EDWARD T. DEVINE,
JAMES T. YOUNG,
WILLIAM H. ALLEN,
_Special Committee on Sixth Annual Meeting_
-----
Footnote 1:
This statement was made April 5, 1902.
Footnote 2:
A strike was declared in the anthracite mines in May, 1902, and had
not been settled when this paper went to press.—EDITOR.
Footnote 3:
We have assurances from eminent corporation attorneys that the
proposed issue of deferred stock with the suggested limitations
thereon is entirely legal and feasible, and that it can be done
without danger of having the concern forced into a court of equity by
the holders of such certificates.
Footnote 4:
The five wards are the Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth and Seventh.
One-half of the Seventh extends out of the district towards the west,
but shows many of the same characteristics.
Footnote 5:
Watson’s Annals, Vol. I, p. 43.
Footnote 6:
The Second Volume of the Census of 1900 is not yet issued.
Footnote 7:
“Homes of the London Poor,” by Octavia Hill.
Footnote 8:
“Lessons from Work.” (B. F. Westcott.)
Footnote 9:
The Board of Health, in their report for 1900, (p. 40) say: “A
tenement house in Massachusetts is one occupied by four or more
families, while in New York it is one occupied by three families which
was the law in Massachusetts until the statute was amended in 1894.”
This sentence is rich in blunders. No amendment was made in 1894. The
Health Act of 1885, chapter 382, section 4, defined a tenement house
as one with “more than three families.” The Act of 1889, chapter 450,
section 4, changed this to “more than two families.” But the whole
thing was repealed by 1892, chapter 419, section 138, so that _since
1892 there has been no definition at all of a tenement house in the
health code of Boston_.
Footnote 10:
Entrance to nine houses within these blocks was prevented by
owners—seven of the houses belonging to one person. While the Board of
Health badge was worn by the investigator, no actual authority was
conferred therewith, so that entrance to houses or apartments could
not be insisted upon.
Footnote 11:
These 2,154 apartments make up 98 per cent of all occupied apartments
in the houses investigated. In the case of a few of the remaining
apartments, information was refused by tenants; in most cases,
however, the apartments were not investigated because tenants could
not be found at home during the day, neighbors stating that they were
absent regularly at work.
Footnote 12:
A very few apartments were occupied by two families; hence the
slightly greater number of families than of apartments covered.
Footnote 13:
See topographical map prepared for the National Board of Health in
1880 by Spielman & Brush. The only copy known to exist is in the
Jersey City Public Library.
Footnote 14:
Very little overcrowding was found in apartments of more than four
rooms.
Footnote 15:
John Wanamaker’s Store, of which Mr. Brewer is General Manager
[Editor].
Footnote 16:
Vol. 1, No. 4. May, 1902.
Footnote 17:
See “The Government Factory Bill of 1900,” by Gertrude M. Tuckwell,
the Honorary Secretary of the Women’s Trade Union League. _Fortnightly
Review_ for June, 1900.
Footnote 18:
Translated from the French by D. E. Martell, Ph. D., late Fellow in
Romanic Languages, University of Pennsylvania.
Footnote 19:
Eighteen volumes published by the Minister of Industry and Labor
(Brussels, 1900 and 1901). We draw the greater part of these
references from “General Statement of Methods and Results of the
Census” (Brussels, 1902), which this publication completes.
Footnote 20:
A penal law of May 28, 1888, relative to the protection of children
employed in the itinerant professions, forbids the feats of strength
and dangerous exercises, inhuman, or of a nature to affect the health
of children and youths under eighteen, employed by those who carry on
the profession of acrobats and mountebanks, etc.
Footnote 21:
There exists a special regulation which puts under authorization and
special watchfulness those industrial establishments, which, by their
nature, threaten the safety, health and convenience of the public, or
offer certain dangers to the health and safety of the workmen who are
employed there. These establishments are known as “Classified
Establishments.”
Footnote 22:
See particularly the discourse of M. Renkin, Catholic Deputy of
Brussels, proceedings of June 13 and July 2, 1901.
Footnote 23:
This discussion is based upon the Report of the U. S. Industrial
Commission, Vol. V, on Labor Legislation.
Footnote 24:
Report of the U. S. Industrial Commission, Vol. V, pp. 100–101. N. H.,
Me., Mass., Vt., R. I., Conn., N. Y., N. J., Penna., Ohio, Ind., Ill.,
Mich., Wis., Minn., Neb., Del., Mo., N. Dak., S. Dak., Ga., La., D.
C., Wash., Mont., Wy., Md., Cal., Tenn. These range from complete
acts, like those of N. Y. and Mass., to fire-escape provisions only,
as in N. H., Me., Del., Va., Ga. etc., while Ala., the Carolinas,
etc., are still entirely outside of the group.
Footnote 25:
_Child labor._—(14 yrs.) Mass., Conn., N. Y., Ind., Ill., Mich., Wis.,
Minn., Col.; (girls 14 yrs., and boys 12 yrs.), N. J., La.; (13 yrs.),
Penna., Ohio; (12 yrs.), Me., R. I., Wis., Md., W. Va., N. Dak., Tenn.
Footnote 26:
_Hours of labor._—(Women and minors), Mass., Me., N. H., R. I., Conn.,
N. Y., N. J., Penna., Wis., Neb., S. Dak., N. Dak., Okla., Va., La.;
(Minors), Ind., Vt., Ohio, Ill., Mich., Minn.; Cal., Md., Ga.
Footnote 27:
_Night work and meal hours._—N. Y., Mass., Neb., Ind., Mich.; (meal
hours), La., Penna., Ohio.
Footnote 28:
_Ibid._, p. 40.
Footnote 29:
Report of the U. S. Industrial Commission, Vol. V, p. 100.
Footnote 30:
Studnitz Nordamerikanische Arbeiterverhältnisse.
Footnote 31:
Industrial Commission, Vol. V, p. 48.
Footnote 32:
Report of Industrial Commission (1900), Vol. V (pp. 3–4).
Footnote 33:
_Ibid._, p. 10.
Footnote 34:
See pamphlet upon “Child Labor in Alabama,” “An Appeal to the People
and Press of New England, with a Resulting Correspondence,” obtainable
from the secretary of the Alabama Child Labor Committee, P. O. Box 347
Montgomery, Alabama, and from Room 614, 205 East Twenty-second Street,
New York City.
Footnote 35:
Alabama Child Labor Committee: Edgar Gardner Murphy, Rector of St.
John’s Episcopal Church, Montgomery; Thomas G. Jones, ex-Governor of
Alabama; Lucien V. Lataste, Montgomery: J. H. Phillips, Superintendent
of Schools, Birmingham; John Craft, Member of Legislature, Mobile; A.
J. Reilly, Member of the Legislature, Ensley.
Footnote 36:
J. H. Nichols, Treasurer, Alabama City Mill, Boston _Evening
Transcript_, October 30.
Footnote 37:
Report of Industrial Commission Vol. V, p. 10. J. W. Daniel,
dissenting.
Footnote 38:
Report of Industrial Commission, Vol. V., pp. 4, 5, 7·
Footnote 39:
_Ibid._, p. 6.
Footnote 40:
Report of Industrial Commission, Vol. V., p. 9.
Footnote 41:
41 Neb., 127. Nebraska (1899, 197).—No female shall be employed in any
manufacturing, mechanical or mercantile establishments, hotel or
restaurant in this state more than sixty hours during any week, and
ten hours shall constitute a day’s labor. The hours of each day may be
so arranged as to permit employment of such females at any time from
six o’clock in the morning to ten o’clock in the evening; but in no
case shall such employment exceed ten hours in any one day.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
1. Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and variations in
spelling.
2. Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as printed.
3. Re-indexed footnotes using numbers and collected together at the end
of the last chapter.
4. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
5. Enclosed bold font in =equals=.