During the first few days of the war, in that strange epoch of thrill
and shudder,--when there was mounting in hot haste, and warlike citizens
looked to their revolvers, and peaceful citizens looked up eligible
diseases for the family physician, ere examining surgeons yet were,--in
the midst of that general sense of untried powers and uncertain
destinies, who does not remember the sudden sense of relief which
diffused itself over any given community, on the announcement that
Brigadier-General Blank, of the Blank Division of State Militia, had
arrived in town? Here was one at last who could speak with some
authority. This man had slept three nights upon "the tented field," on
occasion of a muster. He had once formed a battalion in line, or at
least been present at that mystic process. He had been heard to quote
from the first volume of Scott, and had been known to nod significantly,
on an allusion to Hardee. Here was a man for opinions. Now we should
know what the Rebels meant to do, and precisely how many were killed by
the firing from Fort Sumter. We should ascertain the measures already
taken for defence, and the actual number of military overcoats in
possession of the State authorities.
Of course the local authorities waited upon him without delay. They
found him at the head-quarters of Rifle Company X. An imperfectly
developed rifleman, with coat unbuttoned and gun held anxiously, stood
sentinel in the entry,--taking no notice of any one, and looking as if
he would be profoundly grateful if no one would take notice of him.
Presently the great man appeared. He wore around his martial breast a
blue cloth cape, with a festive lining of white silk. His usually
good-natured countenance was attuned to an aspect of profounder thought.
Near him stood his only luggage, a large epaulet-box, of shape
inexplicable to the unwarlike. Behind him appeared the members of his
staff, wearing white cotton gloves, and maintaining attitudes of
unwonted stiffness, as if, though conscious of not carrying a great many
guns, they would at least contribute to their country's cause the
needful quota of ramrods. The whole scene was enough to awe the stoutest
heart, and the humbler and shorter among the selectmen or aldermen were
observed to whisper inaudibly to each other, in the background, and to
cough behind their hands solemnly, as at funerals.
At that day no one had yet dared to suggest that Brigadier-General Blank
should accept any military rank lower than that to which his previous
services had entitled him. Anything higher than that--a
Major-Generalship, for instance--he would prefer to waive for the
present, in order not to excite foolish jealousy among the West-Point
men. But it was an act of unexpected condescension, when he finally
consented to take command of a regiment; and it was doubtless this
lowliness of spirit which created some slight embarrassments in his
discharge of the duties of even that command. A man of larger
attainments should not be remanded to duties so small. He it was,
therefore, who, while drilling his battalion, and having given the
preliminary order, "Right about," omitted the final order, "March,"
until most of the men were perched, Zouave-like, upon the high
board-fence which bounded the camp. He it was who, in his school of
instruction, being questioned by the juniors as to the proper "position
of the soldier without arms," responded sternly, that a true soldier
should always have his arms with him; and on being further asked in
regard to the best way to "dress" a line of soldiers, answered with
dignity, that others might prefer fancy colors, but give him the good
old army-blue.
Mr. Pitt was of the opinion, that no man could be really useful to his
country in a position below his powers. It was doubtless a similar
conviction, combined with a sudden illness, so severe that he could not
even admit his surgeon, which led our hero to send in a reluctant
resignation, just before his regiment reached the seat of hostilities.
He enlisted for the war, but he has never yet got to it. He has since,
however, served his country as sutler of a camp of instruction,--where
there is said to be no question as to his profits, though there may be
as to his prices.
Remote as the "Old French War" seems now that epoch of conceited
ignorance. The brilliant career of many militia-trained officers has
more than atoned for the decline and fall of Blank; while the utter
defencelessness of any community, under such military leadership, is a
lesson thoroughly learned by the present generation. Yet that
educational process has been too costly to be repeated. We must use it
while it is fresh, or pay a yet higher price for its repetition. Every
State in this Union, which does not adopt some effective militia-system
within the next two years, will probably slide back into the old
indifference, to last until another war brings its terrible arousing.
For it is to be observed, that the very effect of a recent war is to
make any such system appear for the time superfluous. A hundred returned
veterans in every village, with an arsenal full of rifles in every
State, might seem to supersede the necessity of all further preparation
for many years to come. Why give the time and money to create an
ineffective military force, when these heroes can at any time, within
two days, improvise a good one? No doubt, after the close of the
Revolution, the same thing was said. Yet even the Revolutionary veterans
were not immortal,--though no doubt there were moments when they seemed
so, to the Pension Agent; and ours will find their lease of life to be
but little longer. What is to occur then? Twenty-five years hence, our
whole present army will be beyond the age of active military service,
and will have left to their children only their example, unless we
establish, by their aid, some system of warlike training that shall be
available for the future. It is one thing to have a military generation,
and quite another thing to have a military people. Accidental experience
has given us the one, but only permanent methods can guaranty the other.
In another way, also, the war will prove a drawback upon forming an
effective militia system. We shall have, for some years to come, no
class disposed to take a very hearty part in it. For a returned soldier
to find pleasure in drilling is as if a wood-sawyer, at the close of his
week's work, should bring his tools into his sitting-room, and saw for
fun. On the other hand, those who have not served in the army will feel
some natural sensitiveness about playing soldier in presence of
veterans, and being satirized, perhaps, as a mere home-guard. Thus
experience and inexperience will equally tend to deplete the classes
available for this form of service.
These obstacles will be increased by the fact, that such duties, under
any conceivable arrangement, must involve a sacrifice both in time and
money. Reduce the period of annual service to its minimum, and it may
still occur at such a time as to cost an employer his contract, or an
_employe_ his place. Our young men are to meet the problem of increased
taxes, crowded occupations, and great competition. Who shall make the
needful sacrifice? The returned soldiers? But they have given precious
years of time already. The inexperienced? But they will naturally
reason, that they have already borne the immediate financial burden of
the war, and that the drilling should be done by those to whom it will
cost no additional time to learn it. Thus all will regard their days as
being too valuable to be used in preparing for a contingency which may
never arise: one half standing aloof because they have been soldiers,
and the other half because they have not.
A difficult problem seems, then, to lie before us: To find a class
available for purposes of military training,--a class which shall claim
exemption on grounds neither of experience nor of inexperience,--which
shall be discouraged neither by the ennui of knowing too much, nor by
the awkwardness of knowing too little,--and which, withal, can spare the
time, without financial detriment to the community. Fortunately, the
solution of the problem suggests itself, in part at least, almost as
soon as the problem itself is stated. Train the school-boys.
Every person who has taken any interest in athletic exercises knows the
enormous advantage in their acquisition which the mere fact of youth
confers. In gymnastics, swimming, skating, base-ball, cricket, it is the
same thing. As a mere matter of economy, one half the time at least is
saved in teaching children as compared with full-grown men. But more
than this, it is for them not only no loss in time, but, if it can be
taken out of their regular school-hours, it is a positive advantage.
There is probably but one conceivable position in which all the
physiologists agree, and that is, that the average time now given to
study in our schools is at least one hour too long. Take this hour and
devote it to military drill, and you benefit the whole rising generation
doubly,--by what you take away, and by what you give.
We fortunately have the experience of Switzerland and England, to which
we may appeal, in respect to this method of military instruction.
Charles L. Flint, Esq., Secretary of the Massachusetts Board of
Agriculture, in his report of an official visit to Europe in 1862, gives
the following brief summary of the Swiss method.
"The amount and thoroughness of military instruction in the schools vary
somewhat in the different cantons, though in all the cantonal schools
military instruction is given. In Berne, for example, the cantonal
schools rank somewhat like the grammar and higher-grade public schools
in Boston or the large towns generally in Massachusetts. They are open
to all boys upon examination. All the boys in these schools are
organized with military corps, and officered from their own class, but
provided by Government with special military instructors, and furnished
with small muskets, rifles, or carbines, suitable to the strength and
age of the boys; or, if organized into artillery corps, they are
supplied with small side-arms and field-pieces, which they can wield
without difficulty.
"For these arms arsenals are provided by the Government, and custodians
are appointed to keep them safely and in good condition when not in
actual use. The military instructors are officers of the federal
military organization, educated men, who have seen service, and who are
_au fait_ in the theory and art of war. The time devoted to military
studies and training in the manual exercises varies with the season and
in the various cantons. During the summer about three half-days in the
week is the average time. There is also an occasional general muster,
when all turn out together and occupy a spacious parade-ground. Then the
whole population of parents and friends, as well as the cantonal
authorities, turn out for a holiday, to witness the nascent valor and
heroism of the republic.
"It should be added, that all these cantonal cadets wear a simple and
modest stripe for a uniform, and one or two bright buttons, which, cost
almost nothing, but give the wearers a soldierly pride and love for this
branch of their studies."
In England the experiment of military drill has thus far been limited to
a few schools, but the result in those has been officially described as
being admirable. The well-known sanitary reformer, Edwin Chadwick, in
his "Report on Military Drill," addressed to the Royal Educational
Commission, states the following propositions as proved.
"1st. That the military and naval drill is more effectively and
permanently taught in the infantile and juvenile stages than in the
adolescent or adult stages.
"2d. That at school it may be taught most economically, as not
interfering with productive labor, and that thirty or forty boys may be
taught the naval and military drill, at one penny farthing per week per
head, as cheaply as one man, and the whole juvenile population may be
drilled completely, in the juvenile stage, as economically as the small
part of it now taught imperfectly on recruiting or in the adult stage;
and that, for teaching the drill, the services of retired
drill-sergeants and naval as well as military officers and pensioners
may be had economically in every part of the country."
It seems that in these English schools the military training is not
confined to the boys. "The girls go through the same exercises, with the
exception that they do not use the musket, but supply its place with a
cane." As to the age required, the "infantile and juvenile stages"
appear to be dated back tolerably near the cradle. Mr. William Baker,
drill-master at St. Olave's Grammar School, testifies as follows:--"From
his own experience in drilling children, he would say that they might be
taught to work and practise motions at from five to six years of age;
that they may be taught the sword drill at eight years of age; that they
may be taught the rifle drill at about ten years of age. He finds that
they can handle a light rifle very well at that age. He expects that a
prize, given for the best rifle drill, will be gained by a boy of that
age against older boys. If there were a proper place, with space, he
could practise them in firing at from thirteen to fourteen years of
age."
The most favorable results are stated to follow, in regard to school
discipline, among these English boys. Such, for instance, is the
testimony of Mr. William Smith, Superintendent of the Surrey District
School.
"'You have had experience of the effect of the military drill on the
mental and bodily training of young children in this establishment?'
"'Yes; but the effect of the military drill was most shown by the effect
of its discontinuance.'
"'In what way was it shown?'
"'In 1857, the drill-master was dismissed by the guardians, with a view
of reducing the expenditure. The immediate effect of the discontinuance
of the drill was to make the school quite another place. I am sure that
within six months we lost about two hundred pounds, in the extra wear
and tear of clothing, torn and damaged in mischievous acts and wild
plays, in the breakage of utensils from mischief, and damage done to the
different buildings, the breakage of windows, the pulling up of
gratings, and the spoiling of walls. A spirit of insubordination
prevailed amongst the boys during the whole of the time of the cessation
of the drill. In the workshop they were insubordinate, and I was
constantly called upon by the industrial teachers, the master shoemaker,
and the master tailor, to coerce boys who were quite impudent, and who
would not obey readily. The moral tone of the school seemed to have fled
from the boys, and their whole behavior was altered, as displayed in the
dormitories as well as in the yards.'
"'During this time were the religious services and exercises and the
internal discipline of the school maintained as before?'
"'They were maintained as before; the business of the school was kept up
as before, but the order was by no means as good. I was not only called
in to correct the boys in the workshop, but in the school; and I was
under the disagreeable necessity of reverting to corporal punishment,
and of dismissing one incorrigible boy entirely. The chaplain joined
with me and the schoolmasters in urging the restoration of the drill.'
"'The drill having been restored, has order been restored?'
"'Yes, excellent order.'
"The present chaplain of the school, the Rev. Charles G. Vignoles, who
was present, expressed his entire concurrence in the description given
of the disorganization produced by the discontinuance of the military
drill, which was illustrated by entries in his own reports."
It is no exaggeration to say, that, by introducing such a system of
drill into our schools, we can obtain for the whole boy population some
of the most important advantages of the West-Point training,--the early
habit of obedience and of command, together with the alphabet of
military science.[G] The experiment has frequently been tried in
private schools, always with certain favorable results. It has had,
however, this drawback,--that, as the drill has been thus far a special
trait of certain particular seminaries, and hence a marketable quality,
there has been rather a temptation to neglect other things for its
sake,--an evil which will vanish when the practice becomes general. In
public schools, no satisfactory experiment seems to have been made
public, except in Brookline, Massachusetts,--always one of the foremost
towns in the State as to all educational improvements. It appears that
the local School Committee, in 1863, decided upon offering to all boys
above ten years of age the opportunity to learn military drill. There
was already a drill-master in the employ of the town, and a hall
appropriated for the purpose. The greater part of the school-boys
reported themselves for instruction. Three classes were formed,
consisting respectively of large boys who knew something of drill, of
large boys who knew nothing of it, and of small boys who were presumed
ignorant. The first and third classes proved entirely successful. The
second class proved a failure, apparently because it was chiefly made up
of pupils from an adult evening school, which was itself not very
successful. The total result of the experiment was so wholly
satisfactory that the chairman of the town Military Committee urges its
universal adoption. He considers it proved, that "a perfect knowledge of
the duties of a soldier can be taught to the boys during their time of
attendance at the public schools; thus obviating the necessity of this
acquisition after the time of the pupil has become more valuable." He
adds: "A proper system of military instruction in the schools of our
Commonwealth would furnish us with the most perfect militia in the
world; and I have very little doubt that the good sense of the people
will soon arrange such a system in all the schools of the Commonwealth."
The general adoption of this method of instruction was officially
recommended, in January, 1864, by a special committee of the
Massachusetts Board of Education,--this committee consisting of Governor
Andrew, Ex-Governor Washburn, and the Hon. Joseph White, Secretary of
the Board. It was afterwards urged by the Rev. James F. Clarke, another
member of the Board, in an elaborate report, giving many valuable facts
from European authorities. It is not known, however, that any
legislative action has yet been taken on the subject in any part of the
country.
We do not need more military colleges. One is enough for the nation, and
all public expenditure should be concentrated on that. But it is as easy
for children to learn the drill as to learn swimming; and the knowledge
should be as universal. For this purpose it should be made a required
part of grammar-school training. Of course the instruction cannot
ordinarily proceed from the teacher of the school. But it is the growing
practice of our towns to employ instructors in special branches, who go
from school to school, teaching music, penmanship, or calisthenics. It
is only carrying this method one step farther, to employ some returned
soldier to teach infantry drill. Let this be prescribed by legislative
action, in each State, and it will soon become universal. A uniform
ought not to be required; a little effort would at least secure buttoned
jackets, which are quite needful for a good _alignement_, and hence for
good drill. This being attained, anything further is matter of taste,
not of necessity. As to guns and equipments, they should of course be
provided by the State or national authorities, probably by the former.
There should be a State superintendent of drill, and a thorough
application of his authority.
This is not the place to work out the details of the system; it is
sufficient to indicate its general principles. Supposing all obstacles
conquered, and this introduction of military drill into grammar-schools
to be successful, it may be still objected that this does not give us a
militia. Certainly not; but it gives us the materials for a militia,
needing only to be put together. Given a hundred young men, of whom
seventy-five have already been taught a uniform drill, and the saving
of time in their final training will be prodigious. Any officer, with
such recruits, can do in a week what could not be done in a month with
men utterly untrained. Here also the English observations come in, to
corroborate those often repeated, but less accurately, in our own army.
Mr. William Baker, drill-master at St. Olave's Grammar School, stated,
that, "Whilst he was in the army, and having to drill recruits, he has
occasionally met with individuals to each of whom, from his bearing and
action, he has said at once, 'In what regiment have you been?' The
answer was, 'In none; I was taught the drill at school.' He found the
individuals almost ready drilled; they would be more complete for
service in a quarter of the time of the previously undrilled.
"The first infantry drill-master [in the Richmond Military College] said
he had had experience of boys from the Duke of York's and the Royal
Hibernian Schools, and that they made excellent soldiers, and required
little or no additional drill, and that they were promoted to be
non-commissioned officers in large proportion.
"Mr. S. B. Orchard, drill-master, has been sergeant in the 3d Light
Dragoons. Whilst in the army, has had to drill, as recruits, boys who
had been in the Duke of York's School, at Chelsea, and at the Royal
Hibernian School, where they had been taught the drill. He found that
they took the drill in one third the time that it was usually taken by
other recruits who had been previously undrilled, and took it
better,--that is to say, the horse as well as the foot-drill,--although
these boys from the Duke of York's and the Hibernian Schools had had no
previous horse-drill."
It is obvious that boys thus trained will not look upon an occasional
period of militia service with the bashfulness of raw recruits, nor yet
with the ennui of veteran soldiers. The revival of their boyish pursuits
will create some fresh interest; they will take pride in exhibiting the
training of their respective schools, and will be pleased at finding the
public utility of this part of their preparation. Instead of being a
Primary School for military duty, the musters and encampments will have
the dignity of a High School. Young men will find themselves forming a
part of larger battalions than ever before,--placed under abler
officers,--engaged in more complex evolutions. They will also have an
opportunity to practise camp and garrison duty, which they have before
learned in theory alone. Three or four consecutive days of such
instruction will be of substantial service to those already well
grounded in the rudiments, though they avail almost nothing to the
ignorant.
Further than this the present essay hardly aspires to go, in treating of
our future militia. It is enough to have indicated its proper material.
The proper employment of that material involves separate questions.
These have lately been discussed, with abundant citations and
statistics, in a valuable pamphlet, entitled, "The Militia of the United
States; What it is; What it should be," attributed to Colonel Henry Lee,
Jr., of Boston, whose position on the staff of the Governor of
Massachusetts, during the whole war, has enabled him to understand the
strength and the weakness of the existing systems. His pamphlet also
includes the whole of Mr. Clarke's report, above mentioned, and I am
indebted for valuable information to both.
As to the form which future militia laws should take, the following
appear among the points of most prominent importance, and may be briefly
stated.
1. There should be no exemption from personal service, except on the
ground of age or physical infirmity. The necessary limitation of number
should be obtained by varying the prescribed ages in the different
States, according to the proportion of young men in the population.[H]
2. Whether the appointment of officers be elective or gubernatorial,
they should equally undergo a strict examination.[I]
3. The strictest military law should be enforced during the musters or
encampments.[J]
4. There should be a national Inspector-General of Militia, appointed by
the War Department, with Assistant-Inspectors-General for the different
States,--all to be Regular-Army officers, if possible, thus securing
uniformity of drill and discipline.[K]
The recent transformation of our array is almost as startling as the
changes which followed the Revolution and the War of 1812. After the
Revolution, there were retained in service "twenty-five privates to
guard the stores at Fort Pitt, and fifty-five to guard the stores at
West Point and other magazines, with an appropriate number of officers."
After the War of 1812, the army was cut down from thirty-five thousand
to six thousand. It behooves us, who have just seen a far grander host
melt away almost as rapidly, to turn our eyes forward to the next
national peril, and be prepared. The coming session of Congress should
give us, partly by edict, partly by recommendation, a system that will
put the mass of our young men inside instead of outside the class of
trained militia; exchanging our town-meetings-in-uniform for an
effective force, and all our Blanks for prizes.