So far from talking puerilities about equality, we should all see that

there are degrees in our vast family; the elder and stronger brethren

are bound to succour the younger and weaker; the young must look up to

their elders; and the Father of all will perhaps preserve peace among us

if we only forget our petty selves and look to Him. Alas, it is so hard

to forget self! The dullest of us can see how excellent and divine is

brotherhood, if we do assuredly carry out the conception of fraternity

thoroughly; but again I say, How hard it is to banish self and follow

the teaching of our divine Brother! If we cast our eyes over the world

now, we may see--perhaps indistinctly--things that might make us weep,

were it not that we must needs smile at the childish ways of men. In the

very nation that first chose to put forward the word "fraternity" as one

of the symbols for which men might die we see a strange spectacle. Half

that nation is brooding incessantly on revenge; half the nation is bent

only on slaying certain brother human beings who happen to live on the

north and east of a certain river instead of on the south and west. The

home of the solacing doctrine of fraternity is also the home of

incessant preparations for murder, rapine, bitter and brutal vengeance.

About a million of men rise every morning and spend the whole day in

practising so that they may learn to kill people cleverly; hideous

instruments, which must cause devastation, torture, bereavement, and

wreck, should they ever be used in earnest, are lovingly handled by men

who hope to see blood flow before long. The Frenchman cannot yet venture

to smite his Teutonic brother, but he will do so when he has the chance;

and thus two bands of brethren, who might have dwelt together amicably,

may shortly end by inflicting untold agonies on each other. Both nations

which so savagely await the beginning of a mad struggle are supposed to

be followers of the Brother whose sweet message is read and repeated by

nearly all the men who live on our continent, yet they only utter bitter

words and think sullen thoughts, while the more acrid of the two

adversaries is the country which once inscribed "Brotherhood" on its

very banners. All round the arena wherein the two great peoples defy

each other the nations wait anxiously for the delivery of the first

stroke that shall give the signal for wrath and woe; and, strangely, no

one can tell which of the onlookers is the more fervent professor of our

Master's faith. "Let brotherly love continue!"--that was the behest laid

on us all; and we manifest our brotherly love by invoking the spirit of

murder.

We know what exquisite visions floated around the twelve who first

founded the Church on the principle of fraternity. No brother was to be

left poor; all were to hold goods in common; every man should work for

what he could, and receive what he needed; but evil crept in, and

dissension and heart-burning, and ever since then the best of our poor

besotted human race have been groping blindly after fraternity and

finding it never. I always deprecate bitter or despondent views, or

exaggerating the importance of our feeble race--for, after all, the

whole time during which man has existed on earth is but as a brief

swallow-flight compared with the abysmal stretches of eternity; but I

confess that, when I see the flower of our race trained to become

killers of men and awaiting the opportunity to exercise their murderous

arts I feel a little sick at heart. Even they are compelled to hear the

commands of the lovely gospel of fraternity, and, unless they die

quickly in the fury of combat, their last moments are spent in listening

to the same blessed words. It seems so mad and dreamlike that I have

found myself thinking that, despite all our confidence, the world may be

but a phantasmagoria, and ourselves, with our flesh that seems so solid,

may be no more than fleeting wraiths. There is no one to rush between

the scowling nations, as the poor hermit did between the gladiators in

wicked Rome; there is no one to say, "Poor, silly peasant from pleasant

France, why should you care to stab and torment that other poor

flaxen-haired simpleton from Silesia? Your fields await you; if you were

left to yourselves, then you and the Silesian would be brothers,

worshipping like trusting children before the common Father of us all.

And now you can find nothing better to do than to do each other to

death!" Like the sanguine creatures who carried out the revolutionary

movements of 1789, 1830, 1848, and 1860, the weak among us are apt to

cry out--"Surely the time of fraternity has come at last!" Then, when

the murderous Empire, or the equally murderous Republic, or the grim

military despotism arrives instead of fraternity, the weak ones are

smitten with confusion. I pity them, for a bitterness almost as of death

must be lived through before one learns that God indeed doeth all things

well. The poor Revolutionists thought that they must have rapid changes,

and their hysterical visions appeared to them like perfectly wise and

accurate glances into the future. They were in a hurry, forgetting that

we cannot change our marvellous society on a sudden, any more than we

can change a single tissue of our bodies on a sudden--hence their

frantic hopes and frantic despair. If we gaze coolly round, we see that,

in spite of a muttering, threatening France and a watchful Germany, in

spite of the huge Russian storm-cloud that lowers heavily over Europe,

in spite of the venomous intrigues with which Austria is accredited,

there are still cheerful symptoms to be seen, and it may happen that the

very horror of war may at last drive all men to reject it, and declare

for fraternity. Look at that very France which is now so electric with

passion and suspicion, and compare it with the France of long ago. The

Gaul now thinks of killing the Teuton; but in the time of the good King

Henry IV. he delighted in slaying his brother Gaul. The race who now

only care to turn their hands against a rival nation once fought among

themselves like starving rats in a pit. Even in the most polished

society the men used to pick quarrels to fight to the death. In one year

of King Henry's reign nine thousand French gentlemen were killed in

duels! Bad as we are, we are not likely to return to such a state of

things as then was seen. The men belonged to one nation, and they ought

to have banded together so that no foreign foe might take advantage of

them; and yet they chose rather to slaughter each other at the rate of

nearly one hundred and ninety per week. Certainly, so far as France is

concerned, we can see some improvement; for, although the cowardly and

abominable practice of duelling is still kept up, only one man was

killed during the past twelve months, instead of nine thousand. In

England we have had nearly two hundred years of truce from civil wars;

in Germany the sections of the populace have at any rate stopped

fighting among themselves; in Italy there are no longer the shameful

feuds of Guelf and Ghibelline. It would seem, then, that civil strife is

passing away, and that countries which were once the prey of

bloodthirsty contending factions are now at least peaceful within their

own borders.

If we reason from small things to great, we see that the squabbling

nests of murderers, or would-be murderers, who peopled France, England,

Germany, Austria, and Italy have given way to compact nations which

enjoy unbroken internal peace. The struggles of business go on; the weak

are trampled under foot in the mad rush of the cities of men, but the

actual infliction of pain and death is not now dreamed of by Frenchman

against Frenchman or German against German. We must remember that there

never was so deadly and murderous a spirit displayed as during the

Thirty Years' War, and yet the peoples who then wrestled and throttled

each other are now peaceful under the same yoke. May we not trust that a

time will come when nations will see on a sudden the blank folly of

making war? Day by day the pressure of armaments is growing greater, and

we may almost hope that the very fiendish nature of modern weapons may

bring about a blessed _reductio ad absurdum_, and leave war as a thing

ludicrous, and not to be contemplated by sane men! I find one gun

specially advertised in our Christian country, and warranted to kill as

many men in one minute as two companies of infantry could in five! What

will be the effect of the general introduction of this delightful

weapon? No force can possibly stand before it; no armour or works can

keep out the hail of its bullets. Supposing, then, that benevolent

science goes on improving the means of slaughter, must there not come a

time when people will utterly refuse to continue the mad and miserable

folly of war? Over the whole of Britain we may find even now the marks

of cannon-shot discharged by Englishmen against the castles of other

Englishmen. Is there one man in Britain who can at this present moment

bring his imagination to conceive such an occurrence as an artillery

fight between bodies of Englishmen? It is almost too absurd to be named

even as a casual supposition. So far has fraternity spread. Now, if we

go on perfecting dynamite shells which can destroy one thousand men by

one explosion; if we increase the range of our guns from twelve miles to

twenty, and fight our pieces according to directions signalled from a

balloon, we shall be going the very best way to make all men rise with

one spasm of disgust, and say, "No more of this!"

We cannot hope to do away with evil speaking, with verbal quarrelling,

with mean grasping of benefits from less fortunate brethren. Alas, the

reign of brotherhood will be long in eradicating the primeval combative

instinct; but, when we compare the quiet urbanity of a modern gathering

with the loud and senseless brawling which so often resulted from social

assemblies even at the beginning of this century we may take some heart

and hope on for the best. Our Lord had a clear vision of a time when

bitterness and evil-doing should cease, and His words are more than a

shadowy prediction. The fact is that, in striving gradually to introduce

the third of the conditions of life craved by the poor feather-witted

Frenchmen, the nations have a comparatively easy task. We cannot have

equality, physical conditions having too much to do with giving the

powers and accomplishments of men; we can only claim liberty under the

supreme guidance of our Creator; but fraternity is quite a possible

consummation. Our greatest hero held it as the Englishman's first duty

to hate a Frenchman as he hated the Devil; now that mad and cankered

feeling has passed away, and why should not the spread of common sense,

common honesty, bring us at last to see that our fellow-man is better

when regarded as a brother than as a possible assassin or thief?

Our corporate life and progress as nations, or even as a race of God's

creatures, is much like the life and progress of the individual. The

children of men stumble often, fall often, despair often, and yet the

great universal movement goes on, and even the degeneracy which must

always go on side by side with progress does not appreciably stay our

advance. The individual man cannot walk even twenty steps without

actually saving himself by a balancing movement from twenty falls. Every

step tends to become an ignominious tumble, and yet our poor body may

very easily move at the rate of four miles per hour, and we gain our

destinations daily. The human race, in spite of many slips, will go on

progressing towards good--that is, towards kindness--that is, towards

fraternity--that is, towards the gospel, which at present seems so

wildly and criminally neglected. The mild and innocent Anarcharsis

Clootz, who made his way over the continent of Europe, and who came to

our little island, in his day always believed that the time for the

federation of mankind would come. Poor fellow--he died under the

murderous knife of the guillotine and did little to further his

beautiful project! He was esteemed a harmless lunatic; yet,

notwithstanding the twelve millions of armed men who trample Europe, I

do not think that Clootz was quite a lunatic after all. Moreover, all

men know that right must prevail, and they know also that there is not a

human being on earth who does not believe by intuition that the gospel

of brotherhood is right, even as the life of its propounder was holy.

The way is weary toward the quarter where the rays of dawn will first

break over the shoulder of the earth. We walk on hoping, and, even if we

fall by the way, and all our hopes seem to be tardy of fruition, yet

others will hail the slow dawn of brotherhood when all now living are

dead and still.

_September, 1888._

_LITTLE WARS_.

Just at this present our troops are engaged in fighting various savage

tribes in various parts of the world, and the humorous journalist speaks

of the affairs as "little wars." There is something rather gruesome in

this airy flippancy proceeding from comfortable gentlemen who are in

nice studies at home. The Burmese force fights, marches, toils in an

atmosphere which would cause some of the airy critics to faint; the

Thibetan force must do as much climbing as would satisfy the average

Alpine performer; and all the soldiers carry their lives in their hands.

What is a little war? Is any war little to a man who loses his life in

it? I imagine that when a wounded fighter comes to face his last hour he

regards the particular war in which he is engaged as quite the most

momentous affair in the world so far as he is concerned. To me the whole

spectacle of the little wars is most grave, both as regards the nation

and as regards the individual Britons who must suffer and fall. Our

destiny is heavy upon us; we must "dree our weirde," for we have begun

walking on the road of conquest, and we must go forward or die. The man

who has the wolf by the ears cannot let go his hold; we cannot slacken

our grip on anything that once we have clutched. But it is terrible to

see how we are bleeding at the extremities. I cannot give the figures

detailing our losses in little wars during the past forty years, but

they are far worse than we incurred in the world-shaking fight of

Waterloo. Incessantly the drip, drip of national blood-shedding goes on,

and no end seems to be gained, save the grim consciousness that we must

suffer and never flinch. The graves of our best and dearest--our hardy

loved ones--are scattered over the ends of the earth, and the little

wars are answerable for all. England, in her blundering, half-articulate

fashion, answers, "Yes, they had to die; their mother asked for their

blood, and they gave it." So then from scores of punctures the

life-blood of the mother of nations drops, and each new bloodshed leads

to yet further bloodshed, until the deadly series looks endless. We sent

Burnes to Cabul, and we betrayed him in the most dastardly way by the

mouth of a Minister. England, the great mother, was not answerable for

that most unholy of crimes; it was the talking men, the glib Parliament

cowards. Burnes was cut to pieces and an army lost. Crime brings forth

crime, and thus we had to butcher more Afghans. Every inch of India has

been bought in the same way; one war wins territory which must be

secured by another war, and thus the inexorable game is played on. In

Africa we have fared in the same way, and thus from many veins the red

stream is drained, and yet the proud heart of the mother continues to

beat strongly. It is so hard for men to die; it is as hard for the Zulu

and the Afghan and the Ghoorka as it is for the civilized man, and that

is why I wish it were Britain's fortune to be allowed to cease from the

shedding of blood. If the corpses of the barbarians whom we have

destroyed within the past ten years could only be laid out in any open

space and shown to our populace, there would be a shudder of horror felt

through the country; yet, while the sweet bells chime to us about peace

and goodwill, we go on sending myriads of men out of life, and the

nation pays no more heed to that steady ruthless killing than it does to

the slaughter of oxen. Alas!

Then, if we think of the lot of those who fight for us and slaughter our

hapless enemies by deputy as it were, their luck seems very hard. When

the steady lines moved up the Alma slope and the men were dropping so

fast, the soldiers knew that they were performing their parts as in a

vast theatre; their country would learn the story of their deed, and the

feats of individuals would be amply recorded. But, when a man spends

months in a far-off rocky country, fighting day after day, watching

night after night, and knowing that at any moment the bullet of a

prowling Ghilzai or Afridi may strike him, he has very little

consolation indeed. When one comes to think of the matter from the

humorous point of view--though there is more grim fact than fun in

it--it does seem odd that we should be compelled to spend two thousand

pounds on an officer's education, and then send him where he may be

wiped out of the world in an instant by a savage little above the level

of the Bushman. I pity the poor savages, but I certainly pity the

refined and highly-trained English soldier more. The latest and most

delightful of our Anglo-Indians has put the matter admirably in verse

which carries a sting even amidst its pathos. He calls his verses

"Arithmetic on the Frontier."

A great and glorious thing it is

To learn for seven years or so

The Lord knows what of that or this,

Ere reckoned fit to face the foe,

The flying bullet down the pass,

That whistles clear, "All flesh is grass."

Three hundred pounds per annum spent

On making brain and body meeter

For all the murderous intent

Comprised in villainous saltpetre!

And after--ask the Yusufzaies

What comes of all our 'ologies.

A scrimmage in a border station,

A canter down some dark defile--

Two thousand pounds of education

Drops to a ten-rupee jezail!

The crammer's boast, the squadron's pride

Shot like a rabbit in a ride.

No proposition Euclid wrote,

No formulae the text-book know,

Will turn the bullet from your coat

Or ward the tulwar's downward blow;

Strike hard who cares--shoot straight who can--

The odds are on the cheaper man.

One sword-knot stolen from the camp

Will pay for all the school expenses

Of any Kurrum Valley scamp

Who knows no word of moods and tenses,

But, being blessed with perfect sight,

Picks off our messmates left and right.

With home-bred hordes the hillsides teem;

The troop-ships bring us one by one,

At vast expense of time and steam,

To slay Afridis where they run.

The captives of our bow and spear

Are cheap, alas, as we are dear!

There is a world of meaning in those half-sad, half-smiling lines, and

many an hour-long discourse might fail to throw more lurid light on one

of the strangest historical problems in the world. The flower of

England's manhood must needs go; and our most brilliant scholars, our

boldest riders, our most perfect specimens of physical humanity drop

like rabbits to the fire of half-naked savages! The bright boy, the hero

of school and college, the brisk, active officer, passes away into

obscurity. The mother weeps--perhaps some one nearer and dearer than all

is stricken: but the dead Englishman's name vanishes from memory like a

fleck of haze on the side of the valley where he sleeps. England--cold,

inexorable, indifferent--has other sons to take the dead man's place and

perhaps share his obscurity; and the doomed host of fair gallant youths

moves forward ever in serried, fearless lines towards the shadows. That

is what it costs to be a mighty nation. It is sorrowful to think of the

sacrificed men--sacrificed to fulfil England's imposing destiny; it is

sorrowful to think of the mourners who cannot even see their darling's

grave; yet there is something grandiose and almost morbidly impressive

in the attitude of Britain. She waves her imperial hand and says, "See

what my place in the world is! My bravest, my most skilful, may die in a

fight that is no more than a scuffling brawl; they go down to the dust

of death unknown, but the others come on unflinching. It is hard that I

should part with my precious sons in mean warfare, but the fates will

have it so, and I am equal to the call of fate." Thus the sovereign

nation. Those who have no very pompous notions are willing to recognize

the savage grandeur of our advance; but I cannot help thinking of the

lonely graves, the rich lives squandered, the reckless casting away of

human life, which are involved in carrying out our mysterious mission in

the great peninsula. Our graves are spread thickly over the deadly

plains; our brightest and best toil and suffer and die, and they have

hardly so much as a stone to mark their sleeping-place; our blood has

watered those awful stretches from the Himalayas to Comorin, and we may

call Hindostan the graveyard of Britain's noblest. People who see only

the grizzled veterans who lounge away their days at Cheltenham or

Brighton think that the fighting trade must be a very nice one after

all. To retire at fifty with a thousand a year is very pleasant no

doubt; but then every one of those war-worn gentlemen who returns to

take his ease represents a score who have perished in fights as

undignified as a street brawl. "More legions!" said Varus; "More

legions!" says England; and our regiments depart without any man

thinking of _Morituri te salittant!_ Yes; that phrase might well be in

the mind of every British man who fares down the Red Sea and enters the

Indian furnace. Those about to die, salute thee, O England, our mother!

Is it worth while? Sometimes I have my doubts. Moreover, I never talk

with one of our impassive, masterful Anglo-Indians without feeling sorry

that their splendid capacities should be so often cast into darkness,

and their fame confined to the gossip of a clump of bungalows. Verily

our little wars use up an immense quantity of raw material in the shape

of intellect and power. A man whose culture is far beyond that of the

mouthing politicians at home and whose statesmanship is not to be

compared to the ignorant crudities of the pigmies who strut and fret on

the English party stage--this man spends great part of a lifetime in

ruling and fighting; he gives every force of a great intellect and will

to his labours, and he achieves definite and beneficent practical

results; yet his name is never mentioned in England, and any vulgar

vestryman would probably outweigh him in the eyes of the populace.

Carlyle says that we should despise fame. "Do your work," observes the

sage, "and never mind the rest. When your duty is done, no further

concern rests with you." And then the aged thinker goes on to snarl at

puny creatures who are not content to be unknown. Well, that is all very

stoical and very grand, and so forth; but Carlyle forgot human nature.

He himself raged and gnashed his teeth because the world neglected him,

and I must with every humility ask forgiveness of his _manes_ if I

express some commiseration for the unknown braves who perish in our

little wars. Our callousness as individuals can hardly be called lordly,

though the results are majestic; we accept supreme services, and we

accept the supreme sacrifice (Skin for skin: all that a man hath will he

give for his life), and we very rarely think fit to growl forth a chance

word of thanks. Luckily our splendid men are not very importunate, and

most of them accept with silent humour the neglect which befalls them.

An old fighting general once remarked, "These fellows are in luck since

the telegraph and the correspondents have been at work. We weren't so

fortunate in my day. I went through the Crimea and the Mutiny, and there

was yet another affair in 1863 that was hotter than either, so far as

close fighting and proportional losses of troops were concerned. A

force of three thousand was sent against the Afghans, and they never

gave us much rest night or day. They seemed determined to give their

lives away, and they wouldn't be denied. I've seen them come on and grab

at the muzzles of the rifles. We did a lot of fighting behind rough

breastworks, but sometimes they would rush us then. We lost thirty

officers out of thirty-four before we were finished. Well, when I came

home and went about among the clubs, the fellows used to say to me,

'What was this affair of yours up in the hills? We had no particulars

except the fact that you were fighting.' And that expedition cost ten

times as many men as your Egyptian one, besides causing six weeks of

almost constant fighting; yet not a newspaper had a word to say about

it! We never grumbled much--it was all in the day's work; but it shows

how men's luck varies."

There spoke the old fighter, "Duty first, and take your chance of the

rest." True; but could not one almost wish that those forlorn heroes who

saved our frontier from savage hordes might have gained just a little of

that praise so dear to the frivolous mind of man? It was not to be; the

dead men's bones have long ago sunk into the kindly earth, the wind

flows down the valleys, and the fighters sleep in the unknown glens and

on far-distant hillsides with no record save the curt clerk's mark in

the regimental list--"Dead."

When I hear the merry pressman chatting about little wars and proudly

looking down on "mere skirmishes," I cannot restrain a movement of

impatience. Are our few dead not to be considered because they were few?

Supposing they had swarmed forward in some great battle of the West and

died with thousands of others amid the hurricane music of hundreds of

guns, would the magnitude of the battle make any difference?

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