1806.
Ukase of the Emperor of Russia--Duroc's mission to Weimar--
Napoleon's views defeated--Triumphs of the French armies--Letters
from Murat--False report respecting Murat--Resemblance between
Moreau and M. Billand--Generous conduct of Napoleon--His interview
with Madame Hatzfeld at Berlin--Letter from Bonaparte to Josephine--
Blucher my prisoner--His character--His confidence in the future
fate of Germany--Prince Paul of Wurtemberg taken prisoner--His wish
to enter the French service--Distinguished emigrants at Altona--
Deputation of the Senate to the Emperor at Berlin--The German
Princes at Altona--Fauche-Boiel and the Comte de Gimel.
In September 1806 it became very manifest that, as soon as war should
break out between France and Prussia, Russia would not be slow in forming
an alliance with the latter power. Peace had, however, been
reestablished between Napoleon and Alexander by virtue of a treaty just
signed at Paris. By that treaty Russia was to evacuate the Bouches du
Cattaro,--[The Bouches do Cattaro, on the eastern coast of the Adriatic,
had formed part of the Dalmatian possessions of Venice.]--a condition
with which she was in no hurry to comply. I received a number of the
Court Gazette of St. Petersburg, containing a ukase of the Emperor of
Russia, in which Alexander pointed out the danger which again menaced
Europe, showed the necessity of adopting precautions for general
tranquillity and the security of his own Empire, and declared his
determination of not only completing but augmenting his army. He
therefore ordered a levy of four men out of every 500 inhabitants.
Before the commencement of hostilities Duroc was sent to the King of
Prussia with the view of discovering whether there was any possibility of
renewing negotiations; but affairs were already too much embarrassed.
All Duroc's endeavours were in vain, and perhaps it was no longer in the
power of the King of Prussia to avoid war with France. Besides, he had
just grounds of offence against the Emperor. Although the latter had
given him Hanover in exchange for the two Margravates, he had,
nevertheless, offered to England the restoration of that province as one
of the terms of the negotiations commenced with Mr. Fox. This underhand
work was not unknown to the Berlin Cabinet, and Napoleon's duplicity
rendered Duroc's mission useless. At this time the King of Prussia was
at Weimar.
Victory everywhere favoured the French arms. Prince Hohenlohe, who
commanded a corps of the Prussian army, was forced to capitulate at
Prentzlau. After this capitulation General Blucher took the command of
the remains of the corps, to which he joined the troops whose absence
from Prentzlau exempted them from the capitulation. These corps, added
to those which Blucher had at Auerstadt, were then almost the only
ramparts of the Prussian monarchy. Soult and Bernadotte received orders
from Murat to pursue Blucher, who was using all his efforts to draw from
Berlin the forces of those two generals. Blucher marched in the
direction of Lubeck.
General Murat pursued the wreck of the Prussian army which had escaped
from Saxony by Magdeburg. Blucher was driven upon Lubeck. It was very
important to the army at Berlin that this numerous corps should be
destroyed, commanded as it was by a skillful and brave general, who drew
from the centre of the military operations numerous troops, with which he
might throw himself into Hanover, or Hesse, or even Holland, and by
joining the English troops harass the rear of the Grand Army. The Grand
Duke of Berg explained to me his plans and expectations, and soon after
announced their fulfilment in several letters which contained, among
other things, the particulars of the taking of Lubeck.
In two of these letters Murat, who was probably deceived by his agents,
or by some intriguer, informed me that General Moreau had passed through
Paris on the 12th of October, and had arrived in Hamburg on the 28th of
October. The proof which Murat possessed of this circumstance was a
letter of Fauche-Borel, which he had intercepted. I recollect a curious
circumstance which serves to show the necessity of mistrusting the vague
intelligence furnished to persons in authority. A fortnight before I
received Murat's first letter a person informed me that General Moreau
was in Hamburg. I gave no credit to this intelligence, yet I endeavoured
to ascertain whether it had any foundation, but without effect. Two days
later I was assured that an individual had met General Moreau, that he
had spoken to him, that he knew him well from having served under him--
together with various other circumstances, the truth of which there
appeared no reason to doubt. I immediately sent for the individual in
question, who told me that he knew Moreau, that he had met him, that the
General had inquired of him the way to the Jungfersteige (a promenade at
Hamburg), that he had pointed it out to him, and then said, "Have I not
the honour to speak to General Moreau?" upon which the General answered,
"Yes, but say nothing about having seen me; I am here incognito." All
this appeared to me so absurd that, pretending not to know Moreau, I
asked the person to describe him to me. He described a person bearing
little resemblance to Moreau, and added that he wore a braided French
coat and the national cockade in his hat. I instantly perceived the
whole was a mere scheme for getting a little money. I sent the fellow
about his business. In a quarter of an hour after I had got rid of him
M. la Chevardiere called on me, and introduced M. Billaud, the French
Consul at Stettin. This gentleman wore a braided coat and the national
cockade in his hat. He was the hero of the story I had heard from the
informer. A slight personal resemblance between the Consul and the
General had caused several persons to mistake them for each other.
During the Prussian campaign nothing was talked of throughout Germany but
Napoleon's generous conduct with respect to Prince Hatzfeld. I was
fortunate enough to obtain a copy of a letter which the Emperor wrote to
Josephine on the subject, and which I shall presently lay before the
reader. In conformity with the inquisitorial system which too frequently
characterised the Emperor's government, and which he extended to every
country of which he had military possession, the first thing done on
entering a town was to take possession of the post-office, and then,
Heaven knows how little respect was shown to the privacy of
correspondence. Among the letters thus seized at Berlin and delivered to
Napoleon was one addressed to the King of Prussia by Prince Hatzfeld, who
had imprudently remained in the Prussian capital. In this letter the
Prince gave his Sovereign an account of all that had occurred in Berlin
since he had been compelled to quit at; and at the same time he informed
him of the force and situation of the corps of the French army. The
Emperor, after reading this letter, ordered that the Prince should be
arrested, and tried by a court-martial on the charge of being a spy.
The Court was summoned, and little doubt could be entertained as to its
decision when Madame Hatzfeld repaired to Duroc, who on such occasions
was always happy when he could facilitate communication with the Emperor.
On that day Napoleon had been at a review. Duroc knew Madame Hatzfeld,
whom he had several times seen on his visits to Berlin. When Napoleon
returned from the review he was astonished to see Duroc at the palace at
that hour, and inquired whether he had brought any news. Duroc answered
in the affirmative, and followed the Emperor into his Cabinet, where he
soon introduced Madame Hatzfeld. The remainder of the scene is described
in Napoleon's letter. It may easily be perceived that this letter is an
answer to one from Josephine reproaching him for the manner in which he
spoke of women, and very probably of the beautiful and unfortunate Queen
of Prussia, respecting whom he had expressed himself with too little
respect in one of his bulletins. The following is Napoleon's letter:--
I have received your letter, in which you seem to reproach me for
speaking ill of women. It is true that I dislike female intriguers
above all things. I am used to kind, gentle, and conciliatory
women. I love them, and if they have spoiled me it is not my fault,
but yours. However, you will see that I have done an act of
kindness to one deserving woman. I allude to Madame de Hatzfeld.
When I showed her her husband's letter she stood weeping, and in a
tone of mingled grief and ingenuousness said, "It is indeed his
writing!" This went to my heart, and I said, "Well, madame, throw
the letter into the fire, and then I shall have no proof against
your husband." She burned the letter, and was restored to
happiness. Her husband now is safe: two hours later, and he would
have been lost. You see, therefore, that I like women who are
simple, gentle, and amiable; because they alone resemble you.
November 6, 1806, 9 o'clock P.M.
When Marshal Bernadotte had driven Blucher into Lubeck and made him
prisoner, he sent to inform me of the circumstance; but I was far from,
expecting that the prisoner would be confided to my charge. Such,
however, was the case. After his capitulation he was sent to Hamburg,
where he had the whole city for his prison.
I was curious to become acquainted with this celebrated man, and I saw
him very frequently. I found that he was an enthusiastic Prussian
patriot--a brave man, enterprising even to rashness, of limited
education, and almost to an incredible degree devoted to pleasure, of
which he took an ample share while he remained in Hamburg. He sat an
enormous time at table, and, notwithstanding his exclusive patriotism,
he rendered full justice to the wines of France. His passion for women
was unbounded, and one of his most favourite sources of amusement was the
gaming-table, at which he spent a considerable portion of his time.
Blucher was of an extremely gay disposition; and considered merely as a
companion he was very agreeable. The original style of his conversation
pleased me much. His confidence in the deliverance of Germany remained
unshaken in spite of the disasters of the Prussian army. He often said
to me, "I place great reliance on the public spirit of Germany--on the
enthusiasm which prevails in our universities. The events of war are
daily changing, and even defeats con tribute to nourish in a people
sentiments of honour and national glory. You may depend upon it that
when a whole nation is determined to shake off a humiliating yoke it will
succeed. There is no doubt but we shall end by having a landwehr very
different from any militia to which the subdued spirit of the French
people could give birth. England will always lend us the support of her
navy and her subsidies, and we will renew alliances with Russia and
Austria. I can pledge myself to the truth of a fact of which I have
certain knowledge, and you may rely upon it; namely, that none of the
allied powers engaged in the present war entertain views of territorial
aggrandisement. All they unanimously desire is to put an end to the
system of aggrandisement which your Emperor has established and acts upon
with such alarming rapidity. In our first war against France, at the
commencement of your Revolution, we fought for questions respecting the
rights of sovereigns, for which, I assure you, I care very little; but
now the case is altered, the whole population of Prussia makes common
cause with its Government. The people fight in defence of their homes,
and reverses destroy our armies without changing the spirit of the
nation. I rely confidently on the future because I foresee that fortune
will not always favour your Emperor. It is impossible; but the time will
come when all Europe, humbled by his exactions, and impatient of his
depredations, will rise up against him. The more he enslaves nations,
the more terrible will be the reaction when they break their chains.
It cannot be denied that he is tormented with an insatiable desire of
acquiring new territories. To the war of 1805 against Austria and Russia
the present war has almost immediately succeeded. We have fallen.
Prussia is occupied; but Russia still remains undefeated. I cannot
foresee what will be the termination of the war; but, admitting that the
issue should be favourable to you, it will end only to break out again
speedily. If we continue firm, France, exhausted by her conquests, must
in the end fall. You may be certain of it. You wish for peace.
Recommend it! By so doing You will give strong proofs of love for your
country."
In this strain Blucher constantly spoke to me; and as I never thought it
right to play the part of the public functionary in the drawing-room I
replied to him with the reserve necessary in my situation. I could not
tell him how much my anticipations frequently coincided with his; but I
never hesitated to express to him how much I wished to see a reasonable
peace concluded.
Blucher's arrival at Hamburg was preceded by that of Prince Paul of
Wutrtemberg, the second son of one of the two kings created by Napoleon,
whose crowns were not yet a year old. This young Prince, who was imbued
with the ideas of liberty and independence which then prevailed in
Germany, had taken a headlong step. He had quitted Stuttgart to serve in
the Prussian campaign without having asked his father's permission, which
inconsiderate proceeding might have drawn Napoleon's anger upon the King
of Wurtemberg. The King of Prussia advanced Prince Paul to the rank of
general, but he was taken prisoner at the very commencement of
hostilities. Prince Paul was not, as has been erroneously stated,
conducted to Stuttgart by a captain of gendarmerie. He came to Hamburg,
where I received many visits from him. He did not yet possess very
definite ideas as to what he wished; for after he was made prisoner he
expressed to me his strong desire to enter the French service, and often
asked me to solicit for him an interview with the Emperor. He obtained
this interview, and remained for a long time in Paris, where I know he
has frequently resided since the Restoration.
The individuals whom I had to observe in Hamburg gave me much less
trouble than our neighbours at Altona. The number of the latter had
considerably augmented, since the events of the war had compelled a great
number of emigrants who had taken refuge at Munster to leave that town.
They all proceeded to Altona. Conquered countries became as dangerous to
them as the land which they had forsaken. The most distinguished amongst
the individuals assembled at Altona were Vicomte de Sesmaisons, the
Bailly d'Hautefeuille, the Duchess of Luxembourg, the Marquis de Bonnard,
the Due d'Aumont (then Due de Villequier), the wife of Marshal de Brogue
and her daughter, Cardinal de Montmorency, Madame de Cosse, her two
daughters and her son (and a priest), and the Bishop of Boulogne.
Bonaparte stayed long enough at Berlin to permit of the arrival of a
deputation from the French Senate to congratulate him on his first
triumphs. I learned that in this instance the Senatorial deputation,
departing from its accustomed complaisance, ventured not to confine
itself to compliments and felicitations, but went so far as to interfere
with the Emperor's plan of the campaign, to speak of the danger that
might be incurred and finally to express a desire to in passing the Oder,
see peace concluded. Napoleon received this communication with a very
bad grace. He thought the Senators very bold to meddle with his affairs,
treated the conscript fathers of France as if they had been inconsiderate
youths, protested, according to custom, his sincere love of peace, and
told the deputation that it was Prussia, backed by Russia, and not he,
who wished for war!
All the German Princes who had taken part against Napoleon fled to Altona
after the battle of Jena with as much precipitation as the emigrants
themselves. The Hereditary Prince of Weimar, the Duchess of Holstein,
Prince Belmonte-Pignatelli, and a multitude of other persons
distinguished for rank and fortune, arrived there almost simultaneously.
Among the persons who took refuge in Altona were some intriguers, of whom
Fauche-Borel was one. I remember receiving a report respecting a violent
altercation which Fauche had the audacity to enter into with Comte de
Gimel because he could not extort money from the Count in payment of his
intrigues. Comte de Gimel had only funds for the payment of pensions,
and, besides, he had too much sense to suppose there was any utility in
the stupid pamphlets of Fauche-Borel, and therefore he dismissed him with
a refusal. Fauche was insolent, which compelled Comte de Gimel to send
him about his business as he deserved. This circumstance, which was
first communicated to me in a report, has since been confirmed by a
person who witnessed the scene. Fauche-Borel merely passed through
Hamburg, and embarked for London on board the same ship which took Lord
Morpeth back to England.
--[Louis Fauche-Borel (1762-1829), a Swiss who devoted himself to
the cause of the Royalists. As Louis stepped on the shore of France
in 1814, Fauche-Borel was ready to assist him from the boat, and was
met with the gracious remark that he was always at hand when a
service was required. His services were however left unrewarded]--