Nasir-i-Khusraw, who visited Cairo in the years just preceding the
ministry of Yazuri and who left a most graphic account of the wealth and
splendour of the Fatimid court and the prosperity of Cairo even at that
period of comparative disorder. In the eyes of this traveller, familiar
with the most prosperous and cultured cities of Persia and ʿIraq, the
magnificence of Cairo and its court seemed astonishing, and exactly the
same impression was made years afterwards, after the Fatimids had long
passed the zenith of their glory, on the Crusaders from the west. Under
Fatimid rule, apparently, Cairo surpassed all the cities of the then
known world in its luxury, magnificence, and wealth. As we have already
noted ostentatious display was the besetting fault of the whole Fatimid
dynasty, but this, it must be remembered, is usually popular in oriental
circles. Nasir-i-Khusraw was a devout Ismaʿilian and regarded Cairo as
the metropolis of his religion and the Khalif as the true Imam, religious
beliefs which he expresses freely in his works. He was a secretary under
the government in Khurasan until he experienced a conversion to the
religious life and, resigning his office, became first a pilgrim and then
a _daʿi_ of the Ismaʿilian sect. In his best known work the _Safarnama_
he describes how, after he had turned to religion, he set out for Mecca
in 437, and relates the experiences of his journey. He reached Mecca in
439 and returned thence to Damascus, then went to Jerusalem, and then by
land to Cairo where he remained two or three years, and during his stay
was initiated into the higher grades of the Ismaʿilian fraternity. As
his work was intended for general reading he is cautious in referring to
the more intimate matters of religion, but makes it quite clear that he
believes in the allegorical interpretation of the Qurʾan, that he accepts
the Fatimid Khalif as the true Imam, and adheres whole-heartedly to the
doctrines of the Fatimite sect. He gives a most glowing description, not
only of the splendours; of the Cairene court, but of the extraordinary
wealth and prosperity of the bazars and their merchants, and this at a
time (circ. 440) which we generally regard as one of the less fortunate
periods of Fatimid rule. It is particularly interesting to note his
observations on the Egyptian army at the time when its factions were at
the bottom of all the domestic troubles of Cairo. He estimates the whole
army as about 215,000 men. Of the cavalry 35,000 came from North Africa,
Berbers and Arabs, 50,000 were Arabs from the Hijaz, and 30,000 were of
mixed composition. Of the infantry, where the racial elements are more
significant, 20,000 were black troops raised in North Africa, 30,000
were Ethiopians by which we must understand Nubians, Sudanis, etc.,
10,000 were Syrians, Turks and Kurds, 30,000 were slaves presumably from
central Africa for the most part, and 10,000 are described as the “palace
guard,” which seems to have been a kind of foreign legion of adventurers
from various parts of Africa, Asia, and Europe. We shall have to return
again to Nasir-i-Khusraw, for after leaving Cairo he became a _daʿi_ of
the Ismaʿilians in western Asia, and indirectly played an important part
in the formation of the off-shoot of the Ismaʿilians, which afterwards
became notorious as the “Assassins.”
Yazuri’s wazirate saw a great limitation of Fatimid control over
North Africa, where in 443 Ifrikiya definitely repudiated the Shiʿite
doctrines. At that time the ruler of Ifrikiya settled now at the town of
Mahadiya which had replaced Kairawan, was Muʿizz al-Himyari as-Sanhaji,
the hereditary chieftain of one of the more prominent Berber tribes,
and more or less hereditary governor of Ifrikiya. Hakim had conferred
on him robes of state with the title _Sharaf ad-Dawla_ (“nobleness
of the empire”) in 407. Up to this time the Hanifite system of canon
law had prevailed through North Africa, for the Shiʿite attempt to
introduce the system ascribed to Jaʿfar as-Sadiq seems to have been a
failure, but Muʿizz introduced the Malikite jurisprudence throughout his
governorate; this, it will be remembered, was the system banned by the
Khalif az-Zahir in Egypt, and by thus acting Moʿizz showed very plainly
his entire disregard of the Fatimid who claimed to be his suzerain. Now,
in 433, Muʿizz formally repudiated Fatimid authority, omitting the name
of Mustansir from the _khutba_, and replacing it with the name of the
ʿAbbasid Khalif of Baghdad. At this Mustansir wrote: “Thou hast not trod
in the steps of thy forefathers, showing us obedience and fidelity?”—but
Muʿizz replied: “My father and forefathers were kings in Maghrab before
thy predecessors obtained possession of that country. Our family rendered
them services not to be rewarded by any rank which thou canst give. When
people attempted to degrade them, they exalted themselves by means of
their swords.” Thus the Fatimids lost what had been the earliest part of
their dominions in Africa, although the loss was not without its benefit,
for Ifrikiya had always been a course of trouble and of little real
profit.
The defection of Ifrikiya was not followed in all parts of North Africa.
There were still devoted Shiʿites in those parts, and they revolted from
Moʿizz when the Fatimid sent the Arab tribe of Hilal to win back the
country. The Arabs succeeded in recovering Barqa and Tripoli, but were
unable to advance further west. At the same time various independent
states, for the most part professing to be Shiʿite, arose in Maghrab.
In 448 the Turk, Tughril Beg, was recognised in Baghdad as the Sultan and
lieutenant of the Khalif. The Saljuq Turks were strictly orthodox, and
indeed at this time recognised themselves as the champions of orthodoxy.
When, two years later, the general of the troops in Baghdad, a Turk named
Arslan al-Basasiri, revolted against the Khalif al-Kaʾim and expelled him
from Baghdad, he put the seal on his revolt by causing the _khutba_ to
be said throughout Mesopotamia in the name of the Fatimid al-Mustansir,
and sent him his protestation of allegiance. The expelled ʿAbbasir Khalif
took refuge with the Emir of the Arabs and stayed with him one year,
and then the Saljuq Tughril Beg came to his relief, and having attacked
and slain al-Basasiri, reinstated the ʿAbbasid in Baghdad. The Khalif
made his entry into the city exactly one year after his expulsion, so
that Fatimid al-Mustansir had just one year’s nominal recognition in
Mesopotamia, but this cannot be seriously regarded as an extension of the
Fatimid dominion.
The proclamation of the Fatimid Khalifate in Baghdad and the exile of
the ʿAbbasid Khalif from his capital raised unduly high expectations
in Egypt. The more so as the official robe and jewelled turban of the
Baghdad Khalif, as well as the iron lectern, were carried off to Cairo,
and remained there until the fall of the Fatimids. Al-Mustansir was
confident that these symbols would be soon followed by the ʿAbbasid in
person, and laid out a large sum, stated to be no less than two million
dinars, in preparing the second palace which stood facing his own
dwelling across the great square in Kahira for the occupation, as he
hoped, of his illustrious captive.
In fact, however, the Fatimid Khalifate had already passed its happiest
hours and was rapidly approaching its decline. The Arabs still held
Tripoli and Barqa as subjects of Egypt, but this was the western limit
of Fatimid rule and the death of Anushtakin had practically ended its
authority in Syria.
Just about this time, however, there was a temporary restoration of
Fatimid authority in the Hijaz, and this not due to a rebel like
al-Basasiri, but to the work of a devout and earnest Shiʿite. Abu l-Hasan
ʿAli b. Muhammad b. ʿAli as-Sulaihi was the son of a Qadi of Yemen, a
strict and orthodox Sunni. The son, however, came under the influence
of an Ismaʿilian missionary named ʿAmir b. ʿAbdullah az-Zawwahi who,
concealing his Shiʿite opinions, was received into great favour by the
Qadi, but in private intercourse with the son taught him the Fatimid
system of canon law and the _tawil_ or allegorical interpretation of
the Qurʾan. For fifteen years as-Sulaihi acted as guide to the Meccan
pilgrims along the road between as-Sarat and Taif, then in 429 he broke
out in revolt against the established government and, at the head of
sixty followers, whom he bound by oath, seized upon Mount Mashar.
Secretly he supported the Khalifate of Mustansir, but this he concealed
for fear of Najah, the Chieftain of the Tihama. In 452 he presented Najah
with a beautiful female slave who, acting under his directions, poisoned
Najah and then released from all need of concealment openly proclaimed
the Fatimid Imamate. Three years later we find him the master of all
Yemen, having his headquarters at Sanaʿa, and for nearly twenty years
the _khutba_ in the cities of Yemen, and for part of that time also in
the holy cities of the Hijaz made mention of the name of the Khalif
al-Mustansir.
After the death of Najah he offered to give the chieftainship of the
Tihama to anyone who would pay him 100,000 dinars of gold. The sum was at
once paid by his wife on behalf of her brother Asaad b. Shihab. “Where
didst thou get this, mistress?” asked as-Sulaih. “From God,” she replied,
“God is bounteous without measure to whom he will (Qur. ii. 208).”
Perceiving that the money came from his own treasury as-Sulaihi smiled
and took it saying, “Here is our money returned to us” (Qur. xii. 65).
In 473 he made the pilgrimage to Mecca, taking with him his wife and all
the princes whom he thought at all likely to revolt during his absence.
Having appointed his son al-Malik al-Mukarram as his deputy at home he
set out with 2,000 horsemen and encamped outside al-Mahjam. Whilst there
he was sought out and found by Saʿid, the son of the poisoned Najah, who
had been roving about the country but had managed to evade the soldiers
of as-Sulaihi. At the very moment when Saʿid entered as-Sulaihi’s tent
5,000 horsemen were out in search of him. Entering his enemy’s tent
Saʿid at once cut off his head and then, escaping, went out and joined
himself to the horsemen who were searching for him; he announced to them
as-Sulaihi’s death, declared who he was himself, claiming to be one of
their own race and simply acting to avenge his father’s death. At once
the horsemen placed themselves under his command, and returning to the
camp fell upon as-Sulaihi’s guards and defeated them. As-Sulaihi’s head
was placed on the top of his own state umbrella and carried round to the
chanting of the verse, “O God, possessor of all power, thou givest power
to whom thou wilt, and from whom thou wilt thou takest it away. Thou
raisest up whom thou wilt, and whom thou wilt thou dost abase. In thy
hand is good; for thou art over all things potent” (Qur. iii. 25). Thus
as-Sulaihi’s kingdom came to an end and with it ceased the recognition of
the Fatimid Khalif in Arabia (Ibn Khall. 512, etc.).
Thus, from time to time, Muntasir received temporary recognition in
various unexpected quarters and seemed to bulk more prominently than any
of the preceding Fatimid Khalifs in the history of Islam, but meanwhile
his kingdom was on the decline and in Egypt was in evil condition, indeed
the period 450 to 466 shows the nadir of their authority in Egypt itself.
The death of Yazuri in 450 was a very serious loss as it once more
liberated the factions and forces of disorder, the evil influence being
the Turkish general Nasir ad-Dawla, the same who had succeeded Anushtakin
in Syria. After the murder of Yazuri there were forty different wazirs in
the space of nine years, many of these being put to death at the end of
their term of office, although about this time the more humane practice
came into force of appointing the deposed minister to some minor post,
very often some provincial government, from which it was quite possible
for him to rise to the wazirate again. None of these was a man of any
great weight or marked personality, so that the Khalif fell entirely into
the hands of mere court flatterers, altogether obscure and incompetent
persons, and himself developed a childish and petulant attitude. He was
especially annoyed at the frequent interference of the Queen Mother in
the affairs of the state, but had not the strength or courage to check
her.
The faction fights between the Turkish mercenaries and the negro troops
became more constant and violent under this weak and incompetent rule. At
length in 454 the Turks, led by Nasir ad-Dawla the Commander-in-Chief,
drove the negro regiments out of Cairo and chased them to Upper Egypt
where they were kept, although for some years they made regular attempts
to recover their footing in Lower Egypt. The victorious Turks dominated
Cairo, held the successive wazirs in subjection, treated the Khalif with
contempt, and used their power to deplete the treasury by increasing
their pay to nearly twenty times its former figure. At last Nasir
ad-Dawla’s tyranny made him offensive even to his own officers, and gave
the Khalif the opportunity of getting rid of him in 462. Though deposed
in Cairo he was able to hold his own in Alexandria where he had the
support of the B. Qorra Arabs and the Lawata Berbers. Thus the Arab and
Berber tribes under Nasir, helped by some of the Turkish mercenaries,
were in command of Alexandria and a considerable portion of Lower
Egypt, whilst the expelled negro troops were in possession of Upper
Egypt, the Khalif’s authority being limited to Cairo and its immediate
vicinity. Added to this was the fact that beginning with 458 there had
been a series of bad Niles followed by a famine of seven years duration
(459-465), whose later period was aggravated by Cairo being practically
isolated by the rebel forces to the north and to the south, the Berbers
in Lower Egypt deliberately aggravating the distress by ravaging the
country, destroying the embankments and canals, and seeking every way to
reduce the capital and the neighbouring districts by sheer starvation.
In the city a house could be bought for 20 pounds of flour, an egg was
sold for a dinar, a cake of bread for fifteen dinars, and even horses,
mules, cats, and dogs were sold at high prices for food. In the Khalif’s
own stable where there had been 10,000 animals there were now only three
thin horses, and his escort fainted from hunger as it accompanied him
through the streets. Many great princes and ex-officials of the court
gladly filled menial offices in the few houses where food was still
found, and sought employment as grooms, sweepers, and attendants in the
baths. Of all the Fatimids Mustansir had at one time enjoyed the largest
revenues and in 442 he had inherited the almost incredible wealth of two
aged ladies descended from his ancestor Moʿizz. But most of this had long
since been plundered by the Turkish guard, and now he also was reduced
to dire poverty. The Queen Mother and other ladies of the Khalif’s
family made good their escape and took refuge in Baghdad. At length the
people of Cairo were reduced to feeding on human flesh, which was even
sold publicly in the markets. Wayfarers were waylaid in the lonelier
streets, or caught by hooks let down from the windows, and devoured. As
an inevitable result of this protracted famine plague broke out, whole
districts were absolutely denuded of population, and house after house
lay empty.
Meanwhile the Turkish mercenaries had drained the treasury, the works of
art and valuables of all sorts in the palace were sold to satisfy their
demands; often they themselves were the purchasers at merely nominal
prices and sold the articles again at a profit. Emeralds valued at
300,000 dinars were bought by one Turkish general for 500 dinars, and in
one fortnight of the year 460 articles to the value of 30,000,000 dinars
were sold off to provide pay for the Turks. But this selling of the
valuable collections accumulated in the palace was as nothing compared
to the damage done wantonly by sheer mischief or unintentionally by
carelessness. The precious library which had been rendered available to
the public and was one of the objects for which many visited Cairo was
scattered, the books were torn up, thrown away, or used to light fires.
At length, after the Queen and her daughters had left Cairo, the Turks
began fighting amongst themselves. Nasir ad-Dawla attacked the city
which was defended by the rival faction of the Turkish guard and,
after burning part of Fustat and defeating the defenders, entered as
a conqueror. When he reached the palace he found the Khalif lodged in
rooms which had been stripped bare, waited on by only three slaves, and
subsisting on two loaves which were sent him daily by the charitable
daughters of Ibn Babshad the grammarian.
After this victory over the unhappy city Nasir ad-Dawla became so
over-bearing and tyrannical in his conduct that he provoked even his own
followers, and so at length he was assassinated in 466. But this only
left the city in a worse condition than ever, for it was now at the mercy
of the various Turkish factions which behaved no better than troops of
brigands.
At this desperate juncture al-Mustansir was roused to action and wrote to
the Armenian Badr al-Jamali, who had once been purchased as a slave by
Ibn ʿAmmar and was now acting as governor of Tyre, begging him to come
to the rescue. Badr replied that he would do so if he were allowed to
bring his own army with him and were given a free hand. This was granted,
and soon Badr was on his way. With courage quickened by the approach of
rescue the Khalif ventured to arrest Ildeguz, the Turkish governor of
Cairo, and thus put some check on the military tyranny. At his arrival
Badr was well received by the Turkish mercenaries who had no idea that he
had been invited by the Khalif. His first act was to invite the Turkish
leaders to a conference: each of his own chief officers was told off to
deal with one of these leaders and, at a given signal, each slaughtered
the man who had been designated. Badr then set himself to restore order
in Cairo, and this he did efficiently but with the severity rendered
necessary by the desperate condition of the city, and thus re-established
the Khalif as master. The grateful prince could not do too much to show
his appreciation of these services, and Badr was created wazir of the
sword and of the pen, _i.e._, chief minister of affairs military and
civil, Chief Qadi and Chief _Daʿi_. After reducing Cairo to complete
order he proceeded with his troops through Lower Egypt, putting down
brigandage and disorder until he reached Alexandria where he had some
resistance to overcome, but in due course that also was reduced. The
settlement of Cairo and Lower Egypt occupied the greater part of 467:
then in 468 he proceeded to Upper Egypt and succeeded in disbanding the
black troops which held out there, and reduced those parts also to good
order. Thus, once more, Egypt was under an efficient and firm government.
It is true that his efforts were greatly assisted by the fact that the
year 466 saw an exceptionally good Nile, so that prosperity and abundance
once more reigned through the land. It is interesting to note that the
Khalif set himself to the formation of a new library at Cairo as one of
his first tasks; it helps us to realize that the Shiʿites were then as
always the friends of learning.
Meanwhile difficult problems had arisen in Syria. The Saljuq Turks,
who were now dominant in Baghdad, were fanatically orthodox and set
themselves deliberately to root out the Fatimids from Islam. In 461,
during the period of disorder in Egypt, they had gained possession of
Jerusalem, and in 466 they took Damascus which never again acknowledged
a Fatimid ruler. The Saljuq general Atsiz then planned an expedition
against Egypt itself, and as this threat came just at the moment when
Badr was setting himself to the task of restoring order in Egypt he was
not in a position to attempt an expedition against the Saljuk Turks.
Ships were made ready to remove the court to Alexandria, and messengers
were sent out to attempt to bribe the Turkish general to retire. In
fact Atsiz was not well supported and felt himself not in a position
to press forward, so that this danger was averted. As soon as Badr had
reduced Lower Egypt he sent an expedition to recover Palestine and
Syria, and his army was able to gain possession of Jerusalem, where
Atsiz had been governor since 468. Hard pressed by the Egyptians Atsiz
appealed for help to the Saljuq general Tutush who had entered Syria
with large reinforcements, and at length evacuated from Jerusalem and
marched out to join with him. He met Tutush at Damascus, but the Saljuq
Commander-in-Chief severely rebuked Atsiz for quitting Jerusalem and
arrested and executed him (A.H. 471), and then himself took possession
of the whole of Syria. In 478 Tutush, now ʿAbbasid viceroy in Syria took
Aleppo, but soon after this he found himself opposed by his nephew
Barkyaruk, with whom he was compelled to wage war for some time until
he was slain in battle by his nephew’s forces in 488. Taking advantage
of this civil war Badr made another attempt upon Damascus, but this was
unsuccessful, although the Egyptians recovered Tyre and Akka. Shortly
after this success, in 487, Badr died and was succeeded as wazir by his
son Abu l-Kasim Shahanshah, commonly known as al-Afdal; and the wazir’s
death was soon followed by that of the Khalif Mustansir.
The rule of Badr was especially associated with a great development
of building, and especially with the construction of new walls and
gates round Cairo. In this work Badr employed Syrian architects who
introduced Byzantine styles of architecture and of fortification, and
made a greater use of stone in place of the brick which predominated in
the older constructions. The existing gates known respectively as the
Bab an-Nasr, the Bab al-Futuh, and the Bab az-Zuwayla, are specimens of
Badr’s work, and show an almost purely Byzantine style in marked contrast
to the native Egyptian work, and so the outpost tower called by the
unintelligible name of the Burg adh-Dhiffir. All these formed part of the
south boundary of the ancient Kahira, but are now included within the
area of the modern city. To the same period belongs the restoration of
the Nilometer in the island of Roda (A.H. 485).
In 483 Badr made a new assessment and return of taxation for Egypt and
Syria. Under his rule the annual revenue had risen from 2,000,000 dinars
to 3,100,000, and peace and prosperity reigned in all the land of Egypt,
though war prevailed in Syria, the mark of the first waves of Saljuq
invasion.
Before closing the narrative of the reign of Mustansir we must take
note of a visit to Egypt paid by a Persian missionary in 471, closely
connected with the visit of Nasir-i-Khusraw some years before, and
important in its bearing upon events which followed soon after
Mustansir’s death.