change of air and complete rest from writing, and now I have got both.
Of course, the position is not without its anxieties, but I have no
fear.... It is such a chance!’
Such a chance! It was worth while running the risk, for, though there
was danger in it, there was fame and fortune beyond the danger: there
would be no more debt and difficulty; no more days and nights of
uncongenial toil. No wonder as he sat under the awning, ‘like a tent,’
as he said, and did nothing, that these thoughts came into his mind, and
found their way on to his paper—it was a chance indeed!
It seems certain that the plan of the enterprise had been laid down
before Palmer left London, though no formal instructions were given to
him in writing. It was understood between him and the Government that he
was to travel about in the Desert and Peninsula of Sinai, and ascertain
the disposition of the tribes; secondly, that he was to attempt the
detachment of the said tribes from the Egyptian cause, in order to
effect which he was to make terms with the sheikhs; thirdly, that he was
to take whatever steps he thought best for an effective guard of the
banks of the Canal, and for the repair of the Canal, in case Arabi
should attempt its destruction. Lastly, he was instructed, probably at
Alexandria, to ascertain what number of camels could be purchased, and
at what price.
Arrived at Alexandria, Palmer put himself under the orders of Admiral
Lord Alcester, then Sir Beauchamp Seymour, who, after a few words of
welcome and encouragement, ordered him to go at once to the Desert and
begin work. It was decided that he should proceed by steamer to Jaffa,
thence to Gaza, and across the Desert to Tor in the Sinaitic Peninsula,
where he could be taken up and join the fleet at Suez. On the morning of
July 9 he reached Jaffa, where he bought his camp-equipage and stores,
hired a servant, and opened communications with certain Arabs of the
Desert, whom he ordered to meet him at Gaza. We know the details of this
time from a long letter which he wrote to his wife just before he left
Jaffa.
‘It is bad enough here where I find plenty of people to talk to and be
civil to me; but how will it be when I am in the Desert with no one but
wild Arabs to talk to? Not that I am a bit afraid of them, for they were
always good friends to me; but it will be lonely, and you may be sure
that when I sit on my camel in the burning sun, or lie down in my little
tent at night, my thoughts will always be with you and our dear happy
home. I am quite sure of succeeding in my mission, and don’t feel
anything to fear except the being away for a few months.... I feel very
homesick, but quite confident.’
He got to Gaza on July 13, and on July 15 plunged into the Desert. Here
Professor Palmer disappears, and we have instead a Syrian officer,
dressed in Mohammedan costume, known as the Sheikh Abdullah, the name
which had been given to him by the Arabs on his former journey. The
expedition occupied just a fortnight, for Suez was reached on August 1.
He was fortunately able to keep a brief journal, which he sent home by
post from Suez. This invaluable document, with two or three letters
written to friends, and a formal Report addressed from Suez to the
Government, but not yet printed, enables us to ascertain what he did,
and what sufferings and dangers he endured in the accomplishment of it.
It was the middle of the summer, and apparently an unusually hot and
stormy summer, for we read of even the natives being overcome by the
heat, wind, and dust. His business admitted of no delay; whether well or
ill, he must ride forward, in the full glare of the sun, with the
thermometer ‘at 110 in the shade in the mountains, and in the plains
about twice that’; and yet never show, by the slightest hint, that he
was either overcome by the physical exertion, or alarmed at the imminent
peril which he ran at every moment. So well was the bodily frame
sustained by the brave heart within, that he could write cheerfully, nay
humorously, even before he had reached a place of safety. Here is an
extract from one of his letters, dated ‘Magharah, in the Desert of the
Tih, July 22’:
‘This country is not exactly what you would call, in a truthful spirit,
safe just now. I have had to dodge troops and Arabs, and Lord knows
what, and am thankful and somewhat surprised at the possession of a
whole skin....
‘I wish to remark that about the fifth consecutive hour (noon) of the
fifth consecutive day’s camel-ride, with a strong hot wind blowing the
sand in your face, camel-riding loses, as an amusement, the freshness of
one’s childhood’s experience at the Zoo....
‘I am now two days from Suez, and before the third sun sets shall be
either within reach of beer and baths, or be able to dispense altogether
with those luxuries for the future. The very equally balanced
probabilities lend a certain zest to the journey....
‘My man stole some melons from a patch near some water (if I may use the
expression), and I feel better for the crime. Still I am dried up, and
burnt, and thirsty, and bored.’
Let us now extract from the Journal a few passages bearing directly on
the main object of the journey. All of these, we ought to state are
fully corroborated by the subsequently written Report, and by incidental
allusions in the telegrams embodied in the Blue Book.
‘_July 15._—My sheikh has just come, and I have had a long and very
satisfactory talk with him. I think the authorities will be very pleased
with the report I shall have for them.
‘_July 16._—I now know where to find and how to get at every sheikh in
the Desert, and I have already got the Teyáhah, the most warlike and
strongest of them all, ready to do anything for me. When I come back I
shall be able to raise 40,000 men! It was very lucky that I knew such an
influential tribe.
‘_July 18._—I have been quite well to-day, but as usual came in very
fatigued. I had an exciting time, having met the great sheikh of the
Arabs hereabouts[104]. I, however, quite got him to accept my views....
It was really a most picturesque sight to see the sheikh ride into my
camp at full gallop with a host of retainers, all riding splendid camels
as hard as they could run; when they pulled up, all the camels dropped
on their knees, and the men jumped off and came up to me. I had heard of
their coming, so was prepared, and not at all startled, as they meant me
to be. I merely rose quietly, and asked the sheikh into my tent.
‘_July 19._—I have got hold of some of the very men whom Arabi Pasha has
been trying to get over to his side, and when they are wanted I can have
every Bedawin at my call from Suez to Gaza.
‘_July 20._—The sheikh, who is the brother of Suleiman, is one who
engages all the Arabs not to attack the caravan of pilgrims which goes
to Mecca every year from Egypt, so that he is the _very man_ I wanted.
He has sworn by the most solemn Arab oath that, if I want him, he will
guarantee the safety of the Canal even against Arabi Pasha.... In fact,
I have already done the most difficult part of my task, and as soon as I
get precise instructions the thing is done, and a thing which Arabi
Pasha failed to do, and on which the safety of the road to India
depends.... Was I not lucky just to get hold of the right people?... I
have seen a great many other sheikhs, and I know that they will follow
my man, Sheikh Muslih.
‘_July 21._—I am anxious to get to Suez, because I have done all I
wanted by way of preliminaries, and as soon as I get precise
instructions, I can settle with the Arabs in a fortnight or three weeks,
and get the whole thing over. As it is, the Bedouins keep quite quiet,
and will not join Arabi, but will wait for me to give them the word what
to do. They look upon Abdullah Effendi—that is what they call me—as a
very grand personage indeed!
‘_July 22._—I have got the man who supplies the pilgrims with camels on
my side too, and as I have promised my big Sheikh 500_l._ for himself,
he will do anything for me.... It may seem a vain thing to say, but I
did not know that I could be so cool and calm in the midst of danger as
I am, and I must be strong, as I have endured _tremendous fatigue_, and
am in first-rate health. I am very glad that the war has actually come
to a crisis, because now I shall really have to do my big task, and _I
am certain of success_.
‘_July 26._—I have had a great ceremony to-day, eating bread and salt
with the Sheikhs, in token of protecting each other to the death[105].’
This Journal, it will be remarked, speaks of the expedition as
preliminary to something else. What this was is explained by the Report
above alluded to, and by the telegrams which Sir William Hewett and Sir
Beauchamp Seymour sent to the Admiralty after Palmer’s arrival at Suez.
On August 4 Sir William Hewett telegraphs:
‘Professor Palmer confident that in four days he will have 500 camels,
and within ten or fifteen days, 5,000 more.
‘He waits return of messenger sent for 500, so he cannot start for
Desert before Monday.’
On August 6 Sir Beauchamp Seymour telegraphed to the Admiralty:
‘Palmer, in letter of August 1 at Suez, writes that, if precisely
instructed as to services required of Bedouin, and furnished with funds,
he believes he could buy the allegiance of 50,000 at a cost of from
20,000_l._ to 30,000_l._’
On the receipt of this telegram the Admiralty telegraphed to Sir William
Hewett:
‘Instruct Palmer to keep Bedouins available for patrol or transport on
Canal. A reasonable amount may be spent, but larger engagements are not
to be entered into until General arrives and has been consulted.’
The Admiralty must have been satisfied with what Palmer had accomplished
in the Desert, or they would not have directed him to proceed with his
‘big task’; and it came out afterwards that in consequence of promises
made to him one at least of the tribes refused to join Arabi. Meanwhile
he was appointed Interpreter-in-Chief to her Majesty’s Forces in Egypt,
and placed on the Admiral’s staff. It is important to note this, as it
gave him the command of money, brought him into prominence, and paved
the way for the disaster which was so soon to overtake him. Captain Gill
joined him at Suez on the morning of the same day, August 6. He brought
£20,000 with him, which he considered to be paid to Palmer, as appears
from his Journal, and Palmer took the same view. Sir William Hewett,
however, after the receipt of Lord Northbrook’s telegram, determined to
limit the preliminary expenditure to £3,000, which was paid to Palmer on
August 8. Soon after Gill’s arrival at Suez, he and Palmer had a long
discussion, in which they agreed to combine their respective duties.
Gill had been ordered to cut the telegraph wires from Kartarah to
Constantinople, and so destroy Arabi’s communications with Turkey, and
Palmer had made arrangements for a meeting of the sheikhs at Nakhl. We
have seen that the Journal mentions presents to the sheikhs (as much as
£500 had been promised to Misleh), and these would have to be conveyed
to them before they were likely to arm their followers. The rest of the
£20,000 was intended to be spent in fair payment for services rendered
when the General should give the order to engage the Bedouin; and the
word ‘buy,’ in Sir Beauchamp Seymour’s telegram of August 6, need not be
interpreted to mean ‘bribe.’ The purchase of camels was another object
which Palmer had before him in going to the Desert; but this, we take
it, was quite subsidiary to the former, though perhaps, as a matter of
policy, it was occasionally made prominent, in order to disarm
suspicion. That much more important business than buying camels was
intended is also proved by a letter from Palmer to Admiral Hewett, in
which he said that ‘it would be most desirable that an officer of her
Majesty’s Navy should accompany me on my journey to the Desert, as a
guarantee that I am acting on the part of her Majesty’s
Government[106].’
It must now be mentioned that on Palmer’s first journey, when staying in
the camp of Sheikh Misleh, he had been introduced by him to a man of
about seventy years of age, of commanding stature, and haughty,
peremptory manner, named Meter ibn Sofieh. This man Misleh had
represented to be the Sheikh of the Lehewat tribe, occupying all the
country east of Suez. This was not true. Meter was not a sheikh of the
Lehewats, and the Lehewats as a tribe do not live east of Suez, but on
the south border of Palestine. Meter was a Lehewat, but he was simply
the head of a family who had left the tribe, and taken up their abode
near Suez, where they had collected together two or three other
families, who called themselves the Sofieh Tribe, but had no power or
influence. Palmer, however, believed Meter’s story about himself, called
him his friend, and trusted him implicitly. It was Meter whom he sent
into Suez from Misleh’s camp to fetch his letters; Meter who conducted
him thence to the place called ‘The Wells of Moses’ between July 27 and
July 31; Meter with whom he corresponded respecting his second journey;
and there is little doubt that it was Meter who betrayed him.
In the Report which Palmer addressed to the Admiralty on August 1 he
stated that when he started on his second journey a company of 300 or
400 Bedouin should go with him, ‘for the sake of effect.’ Most
unfortunately, this precaution was not taken. On August 7, Meter,
accompanied by his nephew, Salameh ibn Ayed, came to Moses’ Wells, and
asked Mr Zahr, one of the native Christians who reside there, to read a
letter which he had received from Palmer. The letter, signed ‘Abdullah,’
contained a request that Meter would bring down one hundred camels and
twenty armed men. Meter then crossed over to Suez by water, Mr Zahr’s
son going with him, saw Palmer, who did not, so far as we know, express
surprise that he came without men or camels, and in the evening was
presented to Consul West and Admiral Hewett, from whom he received a
naval officer’s sword, as a mark of confidence and respect. This sword
Meter subsequently gave secretly to Mr Zahr’s son to take care of for
him, saying that he was going to the Desert with some English gentlemen,
and was afraid that the Bedouin might kill him if they saw him with a
sword, as they were not quiet at that time. After the murder, Mr Zahr’s
son brought the sword to the English Consul, and told the above story.
The following day was spent in making preparations for the journey.
During the afternoon, Palmer received a package containing three bags,
each containing £1,000 in English sovereigns. These bags were taken
intact into the Desert. The party, consisting of Professor Palmer,
Captain Gill, Lieutenant Charrington, of the _Euryalus_ (who had been
selected by Palmer out of seven officers who volunteered to go with
him), Gill’s dragoman, a native Christian, and the servant whom Palmer
had engaged at Jaffa, a Jew, named Bokhor, crossed over to Moses’ Wells
in a boat after sunset, and passed the night in a tent supplied by Mr
Zahr. Next morning they started soon after sunrise, and, after the usual
midday halt, pitched their camp for the night in Wady Kahalin, a shallow
watercourse, about half-a-mile wide, and distant eighteen miles from
Moses’ Wells. So far their proceedings can be followed with certainty;
but after this it becomes a most difficult task to compose an exact
narrative of what befell them. We have followed the account drawn up by
Colonel Warren, through whose persevering energy some of the murderers
were brought to justice, supplementing it, in a few places, by facts
stated in the Blue Book, generally on the same authority.
On Thursday, August 10, the travellers were unable to start at dawn as
they had intended, because it was found that two of their camels had
been stolen during the night, probably with the intention of delaying
the start, and so giving time to warn the Bedouin appointed to waylay
them. Several hours elapsed before the camels were found, and they were
not able to start until 3 p.m. Meter is said to have suggested that the
baggage should be left to follow slowly (both the stolen camels and
those which had been sent out to bring them back being tired), and that
the three Englishmen and the dragoman should ride forward with him,
taking with them only their most valuable effects, among which was a
black leather bag containing the £3,000, and Palmers despatch-box
containing £235 more. At about 5 p.m. they reached the mouth of the Wady
Sudr. This valley is described as a narrow mountain-gorge, bounded by
precipices which, on the northern side, are from 1,200 to 1,600 feet in
height; on the southern side they are much lower, not exceeding 300 or
400 feet. They turned into the Wady, and rode up it, intending no doubt
not to halt again until they reached Meter’s camp, at a place called
Tusset Sudr. Shortly before midnight they were suddenly attacked by a
party of about twenty-five Bedouin, who fired upon them, disabled one of
the camels, and took prisoners Palmer, Gill, Charrington, and the
dragoman. The accounts of the attack are very conflicting, but it
appears certain that Meter deserted his charge at once, and escaped up
the Wady to his own camp, which he reached at sunrise; while his nephew,
Salameh ibn Ayed, who had been riding with Palmer on one of his uncle’s
camels, rode rapidly off in the opposite direction, down the Wady,
taking with him the bag containing the £3000, and the despatch-box. It
has been affirmed that he struck Palmer off the camel; but, as it is
stated in evidence that the attacked party knelt down behind their
camels and fired at their assailants, the truth of this rumour may be
doubted. It is certain, however, that had he not been at least a thief,
if not a traitor, he would have warned the men in charge of the baggage
of what had occurred, for it was proved afterwards, by the tracks of his
camel, that he had passed within a few feet of them; or, if he really
missed them in the dark, that he would have gone straight on to Moses’
Wells and given the alarm there, or even to Suez, as it was deposed he
was desired to do. As it was, he rode straight on to the mouth of the
Wady, and thence by a circuitous route to Meter’s camp, having hid part
of the money and the despatch-box in the Desert. What he did with the
remainder will probably never be known.
Meanwhile the four prisoners were stripped of everything except their
underclothing, which, being of European make, was useless to Arabs, and
taken down to a hollow among the rocks about 200 yards from the place of
attack. Here they were left in charge of two of the robbers. The rest,
disappointed at finding no money, rode off, some to pursue Salameh, some
to look for the baggage. They were presently followed by one of the two
guards, so that for several hours the Englishmen were left with only one
man to watch them. The drivers were just loading their camels for a
start, when they were attacked, disarmed, and the baggage taken from
them. Palmer’s servant was made prisoner, but the camel-drivers were not
molested, and were even permitted to take their camels away with them.
The robbers then retraced their steps, and rode up the valley for about
three miles. There they halted, and laid out the spoil, with the view of
dividing it; but they could not agree, and finally each kept what he had
taken. This matter settled, they mounted their camels again, and went to
look after their prisoners, taking Palmer’s servant with them.
We will now return to Meter ibn Sofieh. On arriving at his own camp he
collected his four sons and several other Bedouin, and came down to the
place of attack. This they were able to recognize by the dead or wounded
camel, which had not then been removed. Finding nobody there, they
shouted, and were answered by the prisoners in the hollow. Meter and
another went down to them and found them unguarded, their guard having
run away on the approach of strangers. Had Meter really come to save
them—and it is difficult to explain his return from any other motive
than that of a late repentance—there was not a moment to be lost. Much
valuable time, however, was wasted in useless expressions of pity and
exchange of Bedouin courtesies, and they had hardly reached Meter’s
camels before the hostile party came in sight. It is reported that
Meter’s men said, ‘Let us protect the Englishmen,’ and raised their
guns; but that Meter answered, ‘No, we must negotiate the matter,’ and
allowed his men to be surrounded by a superior force. What happened next
will never be known with certainty. Meter himself swore that he offered
£30 for each of the five; others, that he offered thirty camels for the
party; while there is a general testimony that Palmer offered all they
possessed if their lives could be spared, adding, ‘Meter has all the
money.’ The debate did not last long, not more than half an hour, and
then Meter retired, it being understood that the five[107] prisoners
were all to be put to death. The manner of the execution of this foul
design had next to be determined, and it seems to have been regarded as
a matter requiring much nicety of arrangement. The captors belonged to
two tribes, the Debour and the Terebin, and it was finally arranged that
two should be killed by the Debour, and three by the Terebin. The men
who were to strike the blow were next selected, one for each victim; and
when this had been done the prisoners were driven before their captors
for upwards of a mile, over rough ground, to the place of execution. It
was now near the middle of the day, and the unfortunate men had no means
of protecting their heads from the August sun. It is to be hoped,
therefore, that they were nearly unconscious before the spot was
reached. At that part of the Wady Sudr a ledge or plateau of rock, some
twenty feet wide, runs for a considerable distance along the steep face
of the cliffs; and below it the torrent cuts its way through a narrow
channel, not more than eighteen feet wide, with precipitous sides, about
fifty feet high. At the spot selected for the murder a mountain stream,
descending from the heights above, works its way down the cliffs to the
water below. The bed of this stream was then dry; but it would be a
cataract in the rainy season, and might be trusted to obliterate all
traces of the crime. The prisoners were forced down the mountain side
until the plateau was reached, and then placed in a row facing the
torrent, the selected murderer standing behind each victim. Some of the
Bedouin swore that they were all shot at a given signal, and that their
bodies fell over the cliff; others that Abdullah was shot first, and
that the remaining four, seeing him fall, sprang forward, some down the
cliff, some along the edge of the gully. Three were killed, so they
said, before they reached the bottom; the fourth was despatched in the
torrent-bed by an Arab who followed him down. There is, however, reason
for believing that some at least were wounded or killed before they were
thrown into the abyss; for the rocks above were deeply stained with
blood. It may be that one or more of them had been wounded in the first
encounter, or intentionally maimed by their captors; and this may
explain what seems to us so strange, that they made no effort to escape
during the long hours they were left unguarded. At the moment of death
Palmer alone is said to have lifted up his voice, and to have uttered a
solemn malediction on his murderers. He knew the Arab character well,
and he may have thought that the last chance of escape was to terrify
his captors by the thought of what would come to pass if murderous hands
were laid upon him and his companions.