CLASS NAMES.
Classes later than Phratries. Anomalous Phratry Areas. Four-class
Systems. Borrowing of Names. Eight-class System. Resemblances and
Differences of Names. Place of Origin. Formative Elements of the
Names: Suffixes, Prefixes. Meanings of the Class Names.
The priority of phratries over classes is commonly admitted and it is
unnecessary to argue the question at length. The main grounds for the
assumption are: (1) that it is _a priori_ probable that the fourfold
division succeeded the twofold division, exactly as the eightfold
division has succeeded, and apparently is still gaining ground, at the
expense of the four-class system. (2) Over a considerable and compact
area phratries alone are found without a trace of named classes, if we
except the anomalous organisation recorded by Dawson in S.W. Victoria.
On the other hand, while we find certain tribes among whom no phratry
names have yet been discovered, it is inherently probable that this is
due to their having been forgotten and not to their never having
existed. It is possible that the encroachments of an alien class system
have in some cases helped on the extinction of the phratry names. (3) We
find classes without phratry names, not in a compact group, but
scattered up and down more or less at random, suggesting that chance and
not law has been at work to produce this result. (4) Where class names
are found without corresponding phratry names, they are invariably
arranged in what may be termed anonymous phratries; that is to say, in
pairs or fours, so that the member of one class is under normal
circumstances not at liberty to select a wife at will from the other
three, but is usually limited to one of the other classes. This state of
things clearly points to a time when the phratries were recognised by
the tribes in question.
(5) While the classes are arranged in pairs or fours, according to
whether the system is four- or eight-class, the totems, on the other
hand, are distributed phratry fashion; in other words, one group of
totems belongs to each pair or quadruplet of classes. This divergent
organisation of the classes (four or eight for the whole tribe) and
totems (two groups for the whole tribe) can only be explained on the
supposition that the phratry everywhere preceded the class organisation.
The spatial relations of the phratries and classes are sufficiently
clear from the map; and a table shows how far cross divisions are found.
The main area of disturbance of the normal relations is, as shown in
Table IV (p. 51), the district occupied by the Koorgilla class-system
and its immediate neighbourhood. The Yungaroo-Witteru group has three
representatives in the Koorgilla class and one in the Kurpal class. The
Pakoota-Wootaroo phratry has likewise three in the Koorgilla class, a
fourth being in the Yowingo organisation. A large area is occupied by
the Mallera-Witteru phratry in the Koorgilla class, and one tribe is
again found in the Yowingo group. No class names are recorded for the
Undekerebina in the Pakoota group, and no phratry names for the Mycoolon
and Workobongo in the Yowingo group, nor for the Yerunthully in the
Koorgilla group, which in addition to tribes belonging to the three
Wuthera phratries also embraces within its limits the small Purgoma and
Jouon tribes.
The only other anomaly recorded in addition to those mentioned is among
the tribes on the south and south-east of the area just dealt with,
which have the Barang class names with the Kamilaroi phratry names, or
the Kamilaroi class names with tribal phratry names. In four cases
therefore the phratry is found outside the limits of the class usually
associated with it, or, in other words, it is associated with a strange
class system. In one case, that of the Kalkadoon, this is sufficiently
explained by the fact that the tribe is itself now remote geographically
speaking from its fellows, owing to the interposition of Pitta-Pitta
and allied tribes. In the other three cases the facts seem to point to a
change in the intertribal relationships in the period intervening
between the adoption of phratry names and the introduction of the class
system. If the lines of intercourse and intermarriage had suffered a
revolution in the interval, the names, the origin of which we have yet
to consider, would naturally show a different grouping of the tribes;
for it is on the grouping of the tribes that the spread of the names,
whether of phratries or classes, must have depended.
The main mass of the tribes organised on the four-class system lies in
Queensland and New South Wales, and whereas only two sets of names are
found in the latter colony, no less than fifteen (some of which are,
however, of more than doubtful authenticity) are reported from various
parts of Queensland. From Northern Territory two (Anula and Mara) of
small extent are reported[111]; a considerable area of this colony, as
well as of South and West Australia, is occupied by the Arunta system,
and the closely allied classes to the north-west of them. The only other
four-class system in West Australia of which we have definite
information is that west and north of King George's Sound and eastwards
for an unknown distance.
Covering nearly the whole of New South Wales outside the area occupied
by the two-phratry tribes of the Darling country, and extending far up
into Queensland, we find the well-known Muri-Kubbi, Ippai-Kumbo classes
(1) of the Kamilaroi nation[112]. The Kamilaroi system appears to have
touched the sea in the neighbourhood of Sydney. According to Mr Mathews,
the Darkinung, who inhabited this part of New South Wales, substituted
Bya for Muri. (1_a_) In like manner the Wiradjeri are stated by Gribble
to have replaced Kumbo by Wombee; this may however be no more than a
dialectical variant.
Lying along the sea coast north-east of the Darkinung and east of the
main mass of Kamilaroi tribe were the Kombinegherry and other tribes,
whom Mr Mathews denominates the Anaywan. Their classes are given by him
as Irrpoong, Marroong, Imboong, and Irrong; but an earlier authority
gives the forms Kurbo, Marro, Wombo, and Wirro (2); at Wide Bay we find
Baran, Balkun, Derwen, and Bundar (3) with an alternative form Banjoor.
North of them, still on the coast, we find the Kuinmurbura with Kurpal,
Kuialla, Karilbura, and Munal (4); for the Taroombul, which I am unable
to locate, Mr Mathews gives Koodala in place of Kuialla and Karalbara
for Karilbura. For the Kangoollo, lying inland from this group, Mr
Mathews gives Kearra, Banjoor, Banniar, and Koorpal. This suggests that
there is some confusion, for the names include two from 4, and one or
two from 3.
A very large area is occupied by tribes with the classes (5) Koorgila,
Bunburi, Wunggo, and Obur (and variants). They include the Yuipera and
allied tribes, the Kogai, the Wakelbura and allied tribes, the Yambeena,
the Yerunthully, the Woonamurra, the Mittakoodi, the Pitta-Pitta, etc.,
together with the Purgoma of the Palm Islands and the neighbouring
Jouon, whose headquarters are at Cooktown. In the southern portion of
this group a correspondent of Curr's has reported the classes Nullum,
Yoolgo, Bungumbura, and Teilling. We have class names analogous in form
to the third of these names, it is true, but it resembles tribal names
so closely as to suggest that the observer in question was really
referring to a tribe and not to a class. If this is so we may perhaps
identify Teilling with the Toolginbura. There seems to be no reason for
admitting these four names to a place among the other groups of class
names. In like manner we may dismiss the class names assigned to the
Yukkaburra by an inaccurate correspondent of Curr's, who gives Utheroo,
Multheroo, Yungaroo, and Goorgilla. It seems clear that the first and
third of these are really phratry names; possibly the second is a
dialectical form for Utheroo.
From Halifax Bay and Hinchinbrook Island are reported the names Korkoro,
Korkeen, Wongo, and Wotero (with variants). Among the Joongoongie of
North Queensland we find Langenam, Namegoor, Packewicky, and Pamarung
(15); and among the Karandee Curr gives an anomalous and probably
defective set, Moorob, Heyanbo, Lenai, Roanga, and Yelet.
The Goothanto and Wollungurma have Ranya, Rara, Loora, and Awunga (8);
allied to these perhaps are the Jury, Ararey, Barry, and Mungilly of the
Koogobathy; the Ahjeerena, Arrenynung, Perrynung, and Mahngal of the
Koonjan are clearly variants of the latter set. East of the Koogobathy
lie the Warkeman with Koopungie, Kellungie, Chukungie, and Karpungie
(6), with an allied tribe on the Tully River with classes, Kurongon,
Kurkulla, Chikun, Karavangie, the two latter obviously corresponding to
Warkeman classes, the second to Koorgilla.
The Miappe, Mycoolon, Kalkadoon, and Workoboongo have Youingo, Maringo,
Badingo, and Jimmilingo (9), with alternatives Kapoodingo, Kungilingo,
and Toonbeungo.
The Yoolanlanya and others have Deringara, Gubilla, Koomara, and
Belthara, possibly a defective list, for Mr Mathews adds to these for
the Ullayilinya Lookwara and Ungella (probably a defective set) in
another communication. Two of these are obviously identical with the
Arunta Koomara and Bulthara, with which are associated Purula and
Panungka (13), while Ungilla and Gubilla are taken from the eight-class
system to which we may probably assign the tribe. North-west of the
Arunta, outside the eight-class area, the class names are almost
identical with, though they differ widely in form from the Arunta names.
They are Burong, Ballieri, Baniker, and Caiemurra (13). The form
Boorgarloo is given as a variant. Mrs Bates has found a system (14) in
S.W. Australia.
On the western shores of the Gulf of Carpentaria we find the Mara with
Purdal, Murungun, Mumbali, and Kuial (10); and the Anula with Awukaria,
Roumburia, Urtalia, and Wialia (11).
The only two remaining four-class systems of which the names are known
are on the Annan River with Wandi, Walar, Jorro, and Kutchal (7)--the
Ngarranga of Yorke Peninsula, with Kari, Wani, Wilthi, and Wilthuthu.
Attention has been called in the course of the above exposition to
various cases in which the class names found among one group of tribes
are in part if not entirely identical with those found among their
neighbours. A close examination discloses other possible though hardly
probable points of contact besides those already enumerated. The variant
form Banjoora in 3 seems to be the same as the Banjoor of the Kangulu,
which again has Koorpal in common with 4, and also Kearra, if we may
equate the latter with Kuialla. This again is perhaps the Kuial of the
Mara tribe (9).
The Marroong of 2 seems to be the Maringo of 9, and we may perhaps also
equate the Kurbo of this group with the Kurpal of 4. Irroong resembles
the roanga of the Karandee which is probably the Arawongo of the
Goothanto.
In 5 Wongo suggests the Youingo of 9; it reappears in the Halifax Bay
list, as also does Koorgilla in one of the variants. Again Kubi (1)
corresponds to Koobaroo (5), and Kumbo (Wombee) to Bunburi (Unburi), but
we can hardly regard them as the same words. Koodalla and Koorpal (4)
may be the same as Kellungie and Koopungie (6); the other pair shows no
resemblance.
Possibly the Wiradjeri Wombee is the Kombinegherry Wombo; it is at any
rate significant that the name is found in the portion of the tribe
nearest the Kombinegherry.
We have seen that the Arunta and their north-western neighbours have a
four-class system, the component names of which are found with little
variation over a range of nearly 25° of longitude. In the forms
Kiemarra, Palyeri, Burong, and Baniker, the class names in vogue among
the southern Arunta meet us again near the North-West Cape, thus
covering a larger area than even the widespread Koorgila-Bunburi class
names of Queensland, and forming a striking contrast to the narrow
limits of the majority of the four-class system. This peculiarity is
reproduced in the compact area of the central eight-class tribes, north
and north-east of the Koomara four-class area, though with much greater
variations in the names. Bulthara however in the form Palyeri is found
in more or less disguised shapes in the whole of the eighteen tribes,
whose class names are shown in Table I a; Koomara is found in shapes
which are on the whole harder to recognise, and Panunga and Purula in
two or three cases, either replaced by another word or so changed as to
be unrecognisable. Of the supplementary names belonging to the
eight-class Arunta, Uknaria, Ungalla, Appungerta, Umbitchana, Ungalla is
found in the whole of the tribes under consideration, and Appungerta
undergoes on the whole but little change; Uknaria is practically not
found outside the Arunta area, and Umbitchana is in six cases replaced
by Yacomary, which seems to be a form of Koomara (to this point we recur
later).
Although this suggests that the names were in the first case taken from
the Arunta a comparison of them shows that it is not among this tribe
that the greatest number of forms common to the whole group and the
greatest general resemblance of the names is to be found, as is shown by
the comparative tables below. Judged by the standard of resemblance the
Oolawunga of the north-west, on the Victoria River, have preserved the
names nearest their original forms. Judged by the standard of least
deviation from the common stock of names and basing the comparison, not
on resemblances but on differences, the Koorangie of the upper waters of
the same river take the first place, with the Oolawunga not far behind.
In each case the Inchalachee, the most easterly of the group, take the
last place, followed in the table of resemblances by the Walpari and the
Worgaia; and in the table of differences by the Worgaia and, though at a
considerable distance, the Mayoo and the Walpari.
_Figure of Resemblance_[113].
Oolawunga 55
Bingongina 54
Umbaia 51
Koorangie 50
Yookala, Binbinga 48
Gnanji 47
Meening 43
Warramunga, Yungmunni 41
Arunta, Mayoo 40
Kaitish, Yungarella, Tjingilli 39
Worgaia 37
Walpari 31
Inchalachee 28
_Figure of Difference_[114].
Koorangie 31
Oolawunga 33
Umbaia 35
Bingongina 37
Yungmunni 42
Gnanji, Tjingilli 44
Warramunga 45
Arunta 46
Binbinga 49
Yookala 50
Meening 52
Kaitish 54
Yungarella, Walpari 56
Mayoo 57
Worgaia 69
Inchalachee 84
Attention has already been drawn to the resemblance between the Arunta
four-class names and the names of the eight-class group. It is clearly
of high importance to determine whether the resemblance is on the whole
between the names of the western group and the eight-class names, or
whether the latter can more readily be derived from those of the Arunta.
In the latter case it is obvious that the position of the Oolawunga and
Koorangie in the comparative tables is due, not to their having been the
tribes from which all the others derived their names, but rather to
movements of population subsequent to the adoption of the class names.
If on the other hand it appears that the names came in the first
instance from the more western portion of the Koomara group, we have
some grounds for supposing that the names and the system reached the
eight-class area from the west and not from the south.
We have already seen that in the case of Palyeri-Bulthara all the
evidence points to the name having come from the west. In the case of
Panunga the evidence is weaker, certain of the forms being derivable
from either Baniker or Panunga, but with the exception of the
Warramunga, and possibly the Tjingili, there are no tribes of whom we
can definitely say that they took the name from the Arunta, whereas
there are at least four cases where the resemblance is distinctly with
the western class names, and several more in which it can more readily
be derived from them. The resemblance between Koomarra and Kiemarra or
Kiamba is already considerable, and makes it difficult to estimate the
probabilities in most cases; the problem is complicated by the question
of prefixes, which will come up for discussion later, and on the whole
there appears to be no certain solution of the problem, though the Mayoo
seem to have taken over and varied the western form. In the case of
Purula-Burong there appear to be indeterminate cases; six seem to tell
in favour of a southern origin; three suggest a western origin; and one
word Chupil (f. Namilpa) seems to be from a different root.
The problem is further complicated by the anomalous class name Yakomari,
to which allusion has already been made. As will be seen later, _cha_ or
_ja_ seem to be prefixes, and if that is so we can hardly avoid the
conclusion that Yakomari is Koomara or Kiemara. But in the table it
takes the place of Umbitchana, with which it is not even remotely
connected philologically; Jamara and its various forms take the place in
the table occupied by Koomara among the Arunta when Yakomari holds the
eighth place as well as in other cases. If therefore _ku_, _ja_, and
_ya_ are simply prefixes, as seems to be the case, we have this class
name duplicated among five of the tribe--the Umbaia, Yookala, Binbinga,
Worgaia, Yangarella, and Inchalachee, of which one comes near the top,
and two fairly high in the comparative table. It is however worthy of
notice that these six tribes form the eastern group, and are
consequently precisely those among which we should, on the hypothesis
that the class names originated in the western portion of the area,
expect to find the greatest amount of variation and the most numerous
anomalies. Dividing the six tribes into two groups, western and eastern,
each of three tribes, we find that the cumulative resemblance of the
western group to the Arunta is 132, to the Oolawunga 186; the same
figures for the eastern group, more remote from the Oolawunga, but
practically equidistant with the western group from the Arunta, are 91
and 112. This again seems to lend support to the hypothesis of a western
origin. It is perhaps simplest to suppose that the majority of the names
came from the west; but that Yakomari, travelling upwards from the
south-west, displaced the more usual eighth class name, or perhaps we
should say, replaced it, when the eight-class system was adopted, for a
name is not likely to have gone out of use when it had once been applied
as a designation.
Attention has been called in connection with the phratries to the
suffixes such as _um_, _itch_, _aku_[115], etc. Their precise meaning is
usually uncertain. An attentive consideration of the class names seems
to show that similar suffixes have been used in forming them. If we
compare Panunga and Baniker, it seems a fair conclusion that the _ban_
or _pan_ is compounded with _iker_ (_aku_) or _unga_, for among the
Yookala, the nearest neighbours of the Bingongina, who have it as a
phratriac suffix, the _-agoo_ of the class names is unmistakeably
independent of the root word, whatever that may be. In addition to
_unga_ we find _inginja_, _angie_, _inja_, _itch_ (recalling the _itji_
of the phratries), _itchana_, and the form _anjegoo_ which seems to have
a double suffix. _Ara_, _yeri_, _aree_, _um_, _ana_, _ula_ (as we see by
comparing Purula with Burong), _ta_, and the possibly double form
_tjuka_, seem to be further examples.
The feminine forms Nalyirri for Thalirri (=Palyeri), Nala for Chula,
Ninum for Tjinum, Nana for Tjana or Thama, etc. suggest that prefixes
are also to be distinguished. They seem to be _choo_, _joo_, _ja_, _ya_,
_n-_, _yun_, _u-_, _ku_, _pu_, _bu_, _nu_, etc. We are however on very
uncertain ground here, for the feminine forms may be deliberate
creations. Allowance has to be made too for the personal equation of the
observer, which is by no means inconsiderable. Possibly this factor,
together with ordinary laws of phonetic change, the most elementary
principles of which have yet to be established for the Australian
languages, will suffice to account for the variations in the names as
recorded. Otherwise the words are in most cases reduced to monosyllabic
roots from which it seems hopeless to attempt to extract a meaning.
These questions of suffixes and prefixes are intimately connected with
the very difficult problem of the origin of the classes. The languages
of these tribes are at present, if not distinct linguistic stocks, at
any rate very far from being mere dialectical variations of a common
tongue, for the members of two tribes appear to be mutually
unintelligible, unless, contrary to the custom of the American Indians,
they are bilingual. But if each tribe added a suffix, and thus adopted
into their own language words which, from the general agreement among
the class names of this group, seem to have come to them from outside,
it is a reasonable hypothesis that the word which they adopted had some
meaning for them. Of course we may suppose that the class names were all
adopted in the far off time when all spoke a common language. But apart
from the difficulty that this presupposes the existence of an
eight-class system at that early period, it is clear from the Queensland
evidence that class names have been handed on from tribe to tribe, and
it is reasonable to suppose this to have been the case with the northern
tribes. This conclusion is borne out by the forms of the suffixes, which
do not appear to have been developed from one root determinative, as
must have been the case if we suppose that the names originated when the
language spoken by these tribes was undifferentiated; and by the facts
as to the apparent duplication of Koomara, to which allusion has already
been made.
The important point about the class, as distinguished from the phratry
systems, is the great extent covered by the former. The north-west area
of male descent is virtually one from the point of view of class names;
two other areas are very large, six are of medium size, three are small,
and the remaining one is probably medium.
Although the question of the meaning of the class names is closely bound
up with that of their origin, the problem is closely bound up with some
of the points discussed in this chapter. The meaning of the eight-class
names is connected with the area of origin of the system, and linguistic
questions, such as those relating to suffixes, come in. We may therefore
briefly discuss at this point the meaning of the class names.
On the whole it may be said that we know the meaning of the class names
only in exceptional cases. The Kiabara, Kamilaroi, Annan River,
Kuinmurbura, Narrang-ga, and two of the West Australian names can be
translated (see Table I). But with these exceptions we have no certain
knowledge of the meaning of the single class names.
Conjectures are of comparatively little value. For in the first place
the number of words recorded from any given tribe is as a rule very
small, and little or no indication of the pronunciation is given even in
the latest works on Australian ethnography. The variations, evidently
purely arbitrary and due to the want of training in phonetics, are
frequently very considerable. And finally the area over which the names
prevail is sufficiently great to give us our choice from half a dozen or
more different tribal languages, which combined with the variation in
the form of the words, adds very considerably to the probability that
there will be found somewhere within the area a word or words bearing a
deceptively close resemblance to the class names. How far this is the
case may be made clear by one or two instances of chance resemblances
between animal names (it seems on the whole probable that if the names
are translateable they will turn out to be animal names) in the same or
neighbouring tribes. The meaning of Arunta seems to be white
cockatoo[116], but we also find a word almost indistinguishable from it
in sound--eranta--with the meaning of pelican[117]. Kulbara means emu
and koolbirra kangaroo[118]. Malu (=kangaroo), mala (=mouse), and male
(=swan) are found in tribes of West Australia, though not of tribes
living in immediate proximity one to another[119]. But perhaps the best
example is that of Derroein, which, as we have seen, means kangaroo. In
addition to durween (young male kangaroo) we find at no great distance
the words dirrawong (=iguana) and deerooyn (=whip snake), either of
which bears a sufficiently close resemblance to the class name to be
accepted as a translation for it in the absence of other
competitors[120].
With these facts in mind such suggestions as an attentive study of
vocabularies has disclosed are naturally put forward with a full sense
of their uncertainty, they are of a purely tentative nature.
For the Koobaroo (var. Obur) of the Goorgilla set I find in the same
group the homophone _obur_ (gidea tree), which is also a totem of the
group of tribes in question[121]. The Wotero of Halifax Bay suggests
Wutheru, for which I am unable to find a meaning, unless it be emu, as
given by one observer, who however on another occasion gave a different
translation. Korkoro in the same set may be the same as korkoren
(opossum) of a tribe some 150 miles away[122]. The muri[123] and kubbi
of the Kamilaroi and Turribul (?) mean kangaroo and opossum in the
latter language, and ibbai means Eaglehawk in Wiraidhuri[124]. The
Kamilaroi bundar (=kangaroo) may give us a clue to the meaning of the
Dippil Bundar[125]; the Kiabara Bulcoin has a homophone in the Peechera
tribe, where it means kangaroo; on the Hastings River it means red
wallaby. Balcun however means native bear according to Mathew[126].
If we turn to the eight-class tribes the results are hardly more
striking. The Dieri Pultara, Palyara and Upala[127], are homophones of
the class names which we have seen as alternative forms; but this very
fact makes it certain, or nearly so, that one of the homophones is due
to chance coincidence. Bearing in mind that the Arunta alone have the
form Bulthara, we may perhaps see in the change undergone by the word in
their language the result of attraction, though it must be confessed
that the hypothesis is far-fetched in the case of a non-written
language. On the other hand it tells against the Palyeri=Palyara
equation that the Arunta, who are by far the nearest to the Dieri, use
the form Bulthara. The equation Kanunka=Panunga is not backed by any
evidence that the p-k change is admissible. Finally three of the four
words mentioned seem to be compounded with a suffix; and if this is so
it is clearly useless to equate them with words in which this suffix is
a component part.
One class name only, Ungilla, is found in the Arunta area itself (and
far beyond it, as far as the Gulf of Carpentaria) with the meaning
crow[128]. If we may regard the _j_ and _k_ of the forms jungalla,
kungalla, as a prefix, the equation seems justified; otherwise it seems
an insuperable difficulty that not the original form of the class name,
but the derivative and shortened form is the one to which the equation
applies. Our very defective knowledge of the languages of the
eight-class tribes makes it possible that when we know more of them
other root words may be discovered. At present it can only be said that
in very few instances have we either in the four-class or the
eight-class areas any warrant for saying that we know the meaning of the
class names, much less that we know them to be derived from the names of
animals.
One piece of evidence on the subject we need mention only to reject. The
Rev. H. Kempe, of the Lutheran Mission among the southern Arunta, has on
two occasions stated that the classes in signalling to each other use as
their signs the gestures employed to designate animals[129]. On one
occasion however he assigns to the Bunanka class the eaglehawk gesture,
on another the lizard gesture; the remaining three, which he added only
on the second occasion, were ant, wallaby and eaglehawk. It may be noted
that the eaglehawk sign is attributed by him to the two classes which
would form the main part of the population of a local group; in the
second place all four animals are among the totems of the tribe; it
seems therefore probable that Mr Kempe has merely confused the sign made
to a man of the given kin with a sign which he supposed to be made to a
man of a certain class. If he paid little attention to the subject, and
especially if on the second occasion he gained his information at a
large tribal meeting, the large number of totems would render it
improbable that conflicting evidence would lead him to discover his
mistake. If he pursued his enquiries far enough he might, it is true,
get more than one sign for a given class; but if he contented himself
with asking four men, one of each class, the probability would be that
he would get four separate gestures. In any case we have no warrant for
arguing that the gesture in any way translates the class name.
FOOTNOTES:
[111] In practice they are eight-class.
[112] The numbers refer to those used in chapter IV.
[113] These are merely rough percentages based on arbitrary values for
partial resemblances.
[114] This table shows what percentage of names is completely different;
partial differences are not allowed for.
[115] Possibly a prefix also; cf. _Koocheebinga_, _Koorabunna_ and their
sister names.
[116] Curr, vocab. no. 37.
[117] ib. no. 39. Spencer and Gillen give "loud voiced" as the meaning.
[118] ib. nos. 34, 40, 49 _a_, 104.
[119] Moore, _Vocab._; Mathew, p. 226.
[120] Mathew, p. 232; Curr, nos. 164, 170, 178.
[121] ib. no. 143.
[122] ib. no. 110.
[123] Elsewhere muri means red kangaroo.
[124] ib. nos. 168, 181, 190; Mathew, _Eaglehawk_, p. 227.
[125] Curr, no. 181.
[126] Mathew, _Eaglehawk_, p. 100; Curr, no. 177.
[127] ib. no. 55.
[128] Roth, _Studies_, p. 50; Curr, nos. 37, 38, 39.
[129] _Halle Verein fur Erdkunde_, 1883, p. 52; _Aust. Ass. Adv. Sci._
II, 640.