THE BATTLE OF YPRES
(July 31st, 1917)
"'Tis Zero! Full of all the thoughts of years!
A moment pregnant with a life-time's fears
That rise to jeer and laugh, and mock awhile
The vaunted courage of the human frame,
Till Duty calls, till Love and beck'ning
Fame
Lead forth the heroes to that frenzied line.
The creeping death that, searching, never stays;
To brave the rattling, hissing streams of lead,
The bursting shrapnel and the million ways
That war entices death; when dying, dead
And living, mingle in the ghastly glare
That taints the beauty of a night once fair,
And seems to flout the Majesty divine."
F. SHUKER (_Zero_).
Safely ensconced beneath the sheets of a very comfortable hospital bed
at Worsley Hall, I wrote the following letter in which I described the
Third Battle of Ypres up to the time when I left the battlefield. For
the progress of the battle beyond that it will be necessary to quote
other documents. Here is my own account of the operations written on
August 3:
"I will now endeavour to tell you the story of the Third Battle of
Ypres. As you are aware, we were preparing for this battle the whole
time I was at the Front. It was part of Haig's general plan of campaign
for 1917. When I first arrived in the Prison at Ypres, the day before
Messines, Captain Andrews had me in his cell and explained to me the
plan of campaign. He opened some maps and explained to me that Plumer's
Second Army was, very shortly, going to attack on the south of the Ypres
Salient with the object of taking Hill 60 and the Messines Ridge. If
that attack should prove successful _we_ should, a few days afterwards,
do a little 'stunt' on a German trench named Ice Trench. We were issued
with photograph maps of this trench and many conferences were held with
regard to it. Further, he explained that this was only a preliminary
operation: the main campaign of the year was to be fought on the front
between Ypres and the Sea, and Sir Hubert Gough was coming to Ypres to
take command. Well, the Battle of Messines was fought the following
morning; all Plumer's objectives were gained; it was a perfect 'stunt';
but, still, our Ice Trench affair was cancelled! We left Ypres soon
afterwards and went into rest billets at Millain and then training
billets at Westbecourt. Hunter-Weston's VIII Corps became a reserve
corps behind the line and we, Jeudwine's 55th Division, were transferred
to Watts's XIX Corps which became part of Gough's Fifth Army--that
famous general having arrived in Flanders. While at Westbecourt
we--Stockwell's 164 Brigade--practised the Third Battle of Ypres in the
open cornfields and amongst the numerous vegetable crops between
Cormette and Boisdinghem. When we got back to the Salient we understood
Haig's plan to be that Gough's Army should smash forward from Ypres,
that there should be a French Army on Gough's left, and that Rawlinson's
Fourth Army should land upon, or push up, the Belgian Coast at precisely
the same moment as Gough struck north from the Ypres Salient. That plan
commended itself to me as highly satisfactory. But one always has to
reckon with an enemy as well! I do not know whether Armin got wind of it
or not, but he effectively thwarted Haig by doing precisely the kind of
thing I expected he would do. Rawlinson's Army was engaged and driven
back at Nieuport, thus disorganizing his plans; and Ypres--the other
flank--was intensely bombarded with high explosives and gas shells on
that never-to-be-forgotten night of July 12-13. The gas casualties in
Ypres who were taken to hospital on July 13 were, I was told, 3,000! A
much higher figure than I thought at first. A day or two after these
events Gratton came in to us at the Ramparts and casually informed us
that the Coast idea was postponed: the battle was going to be fought
north and south of Ypres only. The Coast landing was going to take place
later if the Third Battle of Ypres should prove a success--of which, of
course, no patriot could entertain any doubts! Rawlinson was not ready.
Nieuport was to me sufficient explanation for that. And Beatty was not
ready! That I do not understand. I was very disappointed, indeed, when I
heard this news, as I was not very hopeful as to the chance of success
in any battle fought in the centre. A flanking movement is, in my
opinion, the best policy; and the original idea would have meant, if a
landing had been effected, a triangular advance which would have left
before Armin only two alternatives--retreat or surrender. But attrition
seems to be far more in Robertson's line than strategy! So the Third
Battle of Ypres has begun. And, unless things change very quickly, I am
bound to say that it is not a success. So much for the general idea.
"During our twenty days in the Ypres Salient, from July 1 to July 20, we
suffered very heavily in casualties; and when we came out we were
certainly not strong enough to go into battle. So while we were at
Valley Camp, Watou, we were reinforced by large drafts. And, in
accordance with the above plans, we left Watou on the night of July 25
and marched to Query Camp, near Brandhoek, but on the left of the main
road. Here we remained awaiting 'XY night.' 'Z day' was the day on which
the battle was to take place. On 'XY night' we left Query Camp and took
up our positions in our concentration trenches near Vlamertinghe. My
platoon and Allen's platoon were in a trench on the right of the
Vlamertinghe-Ypres road, across the field stretching from the road to
the railway. Sergeant Brogden's platoon (6 Platoon) was a little further
on. Dickinson was in command of B Company. We had our Headquarters in a
little wooden dug-out[11] in the centre of the field behind the trench.
Battalion Headquarters were at the Cafe Belge--a house on the right of
the road close by. 'XY night' was the night of July 29-30. We got a
little sleep during the morning.
"For the last fortnight the artillery had been preparing the way for us,
raids had been taking place, and conflicts in the air had been of
frequent occurrence; the Royal Engineers had been constructing roads and
other means of advance; miniature railways were running up to the front
line; and the road from Watou, through Poperinghe and Vlamertinghe, to
Ypres was simply thronged with transport. The weather had been fine and
hot. On 'XY night' troops were swarming round Vlamertinghe and there was
every sign that a great push was about to commence.
"During July 30, in our little wooden dug-out here, Dickinson held
conferences consisting of Allen and myself with Sergeant Brogden,
Sergeant Baldwin, Sergeants Stokes and, of course, Sergeant-Major
Preston and Quartermaster-Sergeant Jack. Did it occur to us that within
twenty-four hours we should all be scattered to the winds--some killed,
others wounded? I expect it did. But it did not worry us. We smiled and
discussed plans. During the day Colonel Best-Dunkley looked in and
chatted most agreeably; he was in a most friendly mood. Padre Newman
also looked in.
"At 8.55 p.m. I marched off with my platoon along Track 1. All units
were moving up to the line. After I had been going about a quarter of an
hour half a dozen shells burst quite close to us, badly putting the wind
up us. We all lay on the ground. When the disturbance had subsided we
moved on again along Track 1, leaving Goldfish Chateau,[12] the one
building in that region which stands intact, on our right, along Track
6, touching Ypres at Salvation Corner, along the Canal Bank, again
across the open and though La Brique, where the Tanks (commanded by
Major Inglis) were congregating ready to go forward on the morrow, to
Liverpool Trench. We reached Liverpool Trench, the assembly trench from
which we were to go over the top on the morrow, about 11 p.m.... D and B
Companies were in Liverpool Trench, and C and A Companies in Congreve
Walk--the other side of Garden Street. It was a dull, cloudy night. The
guns were continually booming. Our howitzers were flinging gas-shells on
to every known German battery throughout the night. The enemy replied by
shelling Liverpool Trench and Congreve Walk--especially the latter. One
shell burst right in the trench, took one of Verity's legs almost clean
off, and killed his servant Butterworth. The shells were bursting all
night. All our trenches were simply packed with troops ready to go over
the top at Zero. Lewis's 166 Brigade filled the trenches in front of us.
The 55th Division occupied a front from the west of Wieltje to Warwick
Farm. Half of this frontage was occupied by Lewis's 166 Brigade on the
left, and Boyd-Moss's 165 Brigade occupied the other half on the right.
Stockwell's 164 Brigade occupied the whole frontage in rear with the
object of passing through the front brigades and penetrating into the
enemy's positions. The 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers were the left front
battalion of the 164 Brigade. Colonel Hindle's 1/4th North Lancashires
were on the right. We were supported by the Liverpool Irish as 'moppers
up'; and the North Lancs. were supported by the 1/4th King's Own Royal
Lancaster Regiment in the same way. In our battalion, D Company,
commanded by Captain Bodington, were on the left front. On their right
were C Company, commanded by Captain Mordecai. In rear of D Company were
B Company commanded by Second-Lieutenant Talbot Dickinson, M.C.; and on
our right were A Company commanded by Captain Briggs. The front
companies comprised the first two waves; the rear companies the third
and fourth waves. The first wave of D Company contained Beesley's
platoon on the left; and behind Beesley's platoon was that of Telfer.
Then came Sergeant Brogden's platoon of B Company, with Allen on his
right. My platoon occupied the whole Company front behind Brogden and
Allen. My orders were to advance to the 'Green Line,' and when I got
there I was to take Lance-Corporal Tipping's rifle section and four
Lewis Gunners on to reinforce Allen at Aviatick Farm where he was to dig
a strong point in front of the front-line when the Gravenstafel Ridge
was reached. Two of my sections were detached: Corporal Livesey took his
bombers with Brogden's platoon to mop up a dug-out beyond Wurst Farm,
and Lance-Corporal Heap was sent with his rifle grenadiers to 15
Platoon. On my left was a platoon, commanded by Sergeant Whalley, of the
1/6th Cheshires. They belonged to the 118th Brigade of the 39th Division
of Maxse's XVIII Corps--so, you see, I was on the extreme left of Sir
Herbert Watts's XIX Corps. It was Cuthbert's 39th Division that was to
take St. Julien. We were to go through Fortuin and leave St. Julien just
on our left. On the right of our division was the 15th Division. Behind
us, in the Watou area, was Nugent's 36th (Ulster) Division, ready to go
through us in a day or two. The 15th Division is entirely Scottish. So
much for Gough's dispositions for the battle.
"Zero was fixed for 3.50 in the morning. As the moment drew near how
eagerly we awaited it! At 3.50 exactly I heard a mine go up, felt a
slight vibration, and, as I rushed out of the little dug-out in which I
had been resting, every gun for miles burst forth. What a sight! What a
row! The early morning darkness was lit up by the flashes of thousands
of guns, the air whistling and echoing with shells, the calm atmosphere
shaken by a racket such as nobody who has not heard it could imagine!
The weird ruins of Ypres towered fantastically amongst the flashes
behind us. In every direction one looked guns were firing. In front of
us the 166th and 165th Brigades were dashing across no man's land,
sweeping into the enemy trenches, the barrage creeping before them. I
stood on the parados of Liverpool Trench and watched with amazement. It
was a dramatic scene such as no artist could paint.
"Before the battle had been raging half an hour German prisoners were
streaming down, only too glad to get out of range of their own guns! I
saw half a dozen at the corner of Liverpool Trench and Garden Street.
They seemed very happy trying to converse with us. One of them--a boy
about twenty--asked me the nearest way to the station; he wanted to get
to England as soon as possible!
"The Tanks went over. As daylight came on the battle raged furiously.
Our troops were still advancing. Messages soon came through that St.
Julien had been taken.
"Our time was drawing near. At 8.30 we were to go over. At 8 we were all
'standing to' behind the parapet waiting to go over. Colonel
Best-Dunkley came walking along the line, his face lit up by smiles more
pleasant than I have ever seen before. 'Good morning, Floyd; best of
luck!' was the greeting he accorded me as he passed; and I, of course,
returned the good wishes. At about 8.20 Captain Andrews went past me and
wished me good luck; and he then climbed over the parapet to
reconnoitre. The minutes passed by. Everybody was wishing everybody
else good luck, and many were the hopes of 'Blighty' entertained--not
all to be realized. It is a wonderful sensation--counting the minutes on
one's wrist watch as the moment to go over draws nigh. The fingers on my
watch pointed to 8.30, but the first wave of D Company had not gone
over. I do not know what caused the delay. Anyhow, they were climbing
over. Eventually, at 8.40, I got a signal from Dickinson to go on. So
forward we went, platoons in column of route. Could you possibly imagine
what it was like? Shells were bursting everywhere. It was useless to
take any notice where they were falling, because they were falling all
round; they could not be dodged; one had to take one's chance: merely go
forward and leave one's fate to destiny. Thus we advanced, amidst shot
and shell, over fields, trenches, wire, fortifications, roads, ditches
and streams which were simply churned out of all recognition by
shell-fire. The field was strewn with wreckage, with the mangled remains
of men and horses lying all over in a most ghastly fashion--just like
any other battlefield I suppose. Many brave Scottish soldiers were to be
seen dead in kneeling positions, killed just as they were firing on the
enemy. Some German trenches were lined with German dead in that
position. It was hell and slaughter. On we went. About a hundred yards
on my right, slightly in front, I saw Colonel Best-Dunkley complacently
advancing, with a walking stick in his hand, as calmly as if he were
walking across a parade ground. I afterwards heard that when all C
Company officers were knocked out he took command in person of that
Company in the extreme forward line. He was still going strong last I
heard of him.
"We passed through the 166th Brigade. We left St. Julien close on our
left. Suddenly we were rained with bullets from rifles and machine-guns.
We extended. Men were being hit everywhere. My servant, Critchley, was
the first in my platoon to be hit. We lay down flat for a while, as it
was impossible for anyone to survive standing up. Then I determined to
go forward. It was no use sticking here for ever, and we would be wanted
further on; so we might as well try and dash through it. 'Come
along--advance!' I shouted, and leapt forward. I was just stepping over
some barbed wire defences--I think it must have been in front of Schuler
Farm (though we had studied the map so thoroughly beforehand, it was
impossible to recognize anything in this chaos) when the inevitable
happened. I felt a sharp sting through my leg. I was hit by a bullet. So
I dashed to the nearest shell-hole which, fortunately, was a very large
one, and got my first field dressing on. Some one helped me with it.
Then they went on, as they were, to their great regret, not hit! My
platoon seemed to have vanished just before I was hit. Whether they were
in shell-holes or whether they were all hit, or whether they had found
some passage through the wire, I cannot say. I only know that, with the
exception of Corporal Hopkinson and one or two Lewis Gunners who went
forward soon after, they had all vanished. It was one of the many
mysteries of a modern battlefield! Allen was going on all right: I saw
him going on in front: I believe he got to Aviatik Farm![13] It was 10.20
a.m. when I was wounded. I lay in this shell-hole for some time. When I
had been there about half an hour the enemy put down a barrage just on
the line which contained my shell-hole! It was horrible. I thought I was
lost this time. Shells were bursting all around me, making a horrible
row; some of them were almost in the trench. I was covered with the
fumes from one or two of them and also sniffed some gas. I put on my
box-respirator. One piece of shrapnel hit me on the head, but,
fortunately, I had my steel helmet on my head; so I was all right.
"At 11.30 a.m. I decided that I might just as well be blown to bits in
the open, trying to get back to safety, as lying in this shell-hole; so
I made a dash for it and got out of the barrage. I inquired the way to
the nearest aid post, and was told that it was a long way off. But I
proceeded in the direction indicated. Before long I met Corporal Livesey
returning from his bombing stunt with about half a dozen prisoners and a
shrapnel wound in his back; also another lance-corporal, from D Company,
who had been on a similar stunt and was wounded in the ear by a bullet.
Some of the prisoners were also wounded. So we all walked down together.
"Corporal Livesey told me that Sergeant Brogden[14] was wounded in the
arm, Sergeant Stokes killed, and Corporal Chamley wounded. We saw some
horrible sights all the way along. We were joined by more prisoners as
we went down. German prisoners have only to be told which way to go and
they go. They are quite sociable people too--many of them bright-eyed
boys of seventeen and eighteen. They are only too glad to carry our
wounded men back; they need no escort. We got on very well indeed with
them. I suppose that in a sense we were comrades in distress, or, rather
comrades in good fortune, in that we were all leaving the field of
horrors behind us! Yet they were the very Boches who, an hour before,
had been peppering us with those bullets. One would never have imagined
that we had so recently been enemies. One of them asked for water to
'drinken;' so I let him have a drink from my water-bottle. About half a
dozen of them drank, and they appeared very grateful.
"Germans are not half so vile as they are painted.... They are only
doing their bit for their Empire as we are for ours. The pity of it is
that destiny should have thrown us into conflict. It is a great pity.
How fine it would be if we could let bygones be bygones, shake hands,
and lead the world in peace and civilization side by side! If we can
fraternize so speedily on the battlefield, why cannot those who are not
shooting each other also fraternize? It is a cruel insult to humanity
that this thing should go on. War is hell, and the sooner some one
arises who has the courage to stop it the better. Somebody will have to
take the lead some time. I myself believe in peace after victory--but we
are not yet going the right way about achieving victory; and, unless Sir
William Robertson speedily changes his plans, we might as well make
peace. This killing business is horrible. The present policy of the
General Staff is: see which side can do the most killing. A far wiser,
and far more humane, policy would be to win it by strategy. I believe in
out-manoeuvring the enemy and taking as many prisoners as possible;
make him evacuate territory or surrender by corps and armies; it can be
done if we go the right way about it, but this bloodshed is barbarous.
"When we walked over Wieltje we found our once 'strong point' no longer
existent. The sandbags were scattered all over. Yet in the mine
below--in the estam--General Stockwell had his Headquarters.
"We were sent on from aid-post to aid-post. They were all crowded with
wounded. The number of 'walking cases' was very large. At Potijze we
were again sent on. So I walked into Ypres and passed the Cathedral and
the Cloth Hall and reached the remains of the Prison which is now the
central aid-post for Ypres. There was a pleasant padre there; and he got
me a refreshing cup of tea. Then I went on again. I got on a lorry and
was taken to the mill at Vlamertinghe, which is known as the 2/1 Wessex
Dressing Station. When I got there I was sent upstairs for some tea. On
entering the mess, I found Lieutenant Francis also there, having tea. He
was wounded in the arm. His arm was in a sling. There were also two or
three German officers having tea there. They were quite as sociable as
our Allies! Who should come in to see us, a few minutes later, but Major
Brighten, who, being on 'battle reserve,' was down at the Transport! He
expressed surprise when he saw me, and asked me to tell him all about
it. He would insist on carrying some of my equipment downstairs. He
informed me that my batman, Critchley, was down below. So I went and
saw him. He had got one in the leg too.
"I had my wound dressed here and also had an anti-tetanous inoculation
put into me. I did not like it!
"Then Francis and I got into a motor-ambulance and were motored away,
through Poperinghe, to Watou. We passed what I assumed to be Nugent's
36th Division coming up in motor-lorries to relieve the 55th Division.
At Watou we were taken to the 10th C.C.S. We had our wounds dressed
again there and then had tea. Then we got on to a hospital train which
was standing in the siding. Who should join us in the saloon on this
train but Gaulter, of the King's Own! He, too, had got one in the leg!
The question which interested us most on the way back was whether we
would get to 'Blighty.' The train went very slowly. We were held up
because the Germans were shelling Hazebrouck of all places. They must
have some long-range guns!
"We arrived in Boulogne at 5.30 on Wednesday morning, August 1, and were
immediately motored to Wimereux, where we entered the 14th General
Hospital. We went to bed at once and remained in bed all day and night.
"The next morning I was awakened by the greeting: 'You're for England;
you leave at 8.15.' So I got up and had breakfast. Then we were motored
down to Boulogne again where we all embarked on the _St. David_, and
sailed for the shores of old England. It was a happy voyage. We landed
at Dover at midday....
"The train left Dover at 4.30 p.m. We reached Manchester at midnight and
I and seven others were immediately motored to Worsley. So here I am in
a nice cosy bed in the spacious mansion of the Egertons of
Ellesmere--Worsley Hall. What vicissitudes one does go through!" ...
* * * * *
So, as far as the writer of this book was concerned, Ypres and all that
its name implies was now but a memory: I was safely back on the right
side of the water once again. My feelings on leaving "Wipers" behind me
can best be expressed in the words which a poet of the 55th Division
dedicated to the British Soldier in the second number of _Sub Rosa_:
"Good-bye, Wipers! though I 'opes it is for good,
It 'urts me for to leave yer--I little thought it would.
When I gets back to Blighty, and all the fightin's done,
Mebbe the picters of the past will rise up, one by one.
Like movies at the Cinema, they'll bob up in my brain,
The places that I knew so well--I'll see them all again.
The battered-in Asylum; the Prison scorched and scarred;
And 'ole Salvation Corner with the guns a bellowin' 'ard.
The muddy, ruddy, Ramparts; the mist upon the Moat;
The grey Canal between whose banks no barges ever float.
An' them Cathedral ruins--O Gawd, the fearsome sight!
Like mutilated fingers they points up through the night.
The blighters what relieves us--we'll treat 'em fair an' kind,
They're welcome to the soveneers what we 'ave left be'ind.
Good-bye, Wipers! though I 'opes it is for good,
It 'urts me for to leave yer--I little thought it would."
It was with a thrill of pride that I read in the newspapers during the
following days of the magnificent achievement of the 55th Division--of
the "Lancashire Men's Great Fight:" "Stubborn in attack and withdrawal."
I read of heroic fights round Pommern Castle, of Wurst Farm being
captured by a gallant young officer, and, particularly, the case of: "An
officer who was left last out of his battalion to hold out in an
advanced position (who) said to the padre who has just visited him in
hospital, 'I hope the General was not disappointed with us.'" The
General, I am sure, was not disappointed with these Lancashire men. No
one could think of them without enthusiasm and tenderness, marvelling at
their spirit and at the fight they made in the tragic hours--because it
was a tragedy to them that, after gaining all the ground they had been
asked to take, and not easily nor without losses, they should have to
fall back and fight severe rear-guard actions to cover a necessary
withdrawal.[15]
It was, naturally, a matter of great interest to me to determine to what
particular officers these remarks referred, as no names were given and
no battalions mentioned by name. Now, of course, we all know. The
officer who reached Wurst Farm was John Redner Bodington, and the
gallant young officer who fought like a hound at bay, while wounded over
and over again, and hoped that "the General was not disappointed," was
none other than the hero whose name is upon the title-page of this
book--Bertram Best-Dunkley. And, as the days rolled by, one familiar
name after another was recorded in the casualty lists. It was the
bloodiest battle in History; the casualty list which contained my name
was the longest I have ever seen in the _Times_.
I wrote to Sergeant Baldwin for information as to the fate of my
platoon, and, some time afterwards, received the following reply:
"Ward 24,
"Ontario Military Hospital,
"Orpington, Kent.
"August 15th, 1917.
"Dear Sir,
"I have much pleasure in replying to your letter dated August 5th, 1917.
I am very pleased indeed to know that you are safe in 'Blighty.' Well,
sir, you ask me where I got to when we went over the top. I think you
will remember halting and lying down in no man's land. Well, as I lay
there the time seemed to be long; then I got up and went to the front of
the platoon to see what had gone wrong. When I got there I found you had
gone on and the remainder of the men had not the sense to follow you. So
I led on with the remainder, taking my direction from the compass. I
reached the hill and passed Schuler Farm on the right. We started to
climb the hill and then a funny thing happened: those already at the top
came running back again shouting 'Get back and dig in; they are
outflanking us.' I took the warning and retired to a suitable position
and got the men digging themselves in. We could see the Boches coming
over the ridge like a swarm of bees. When they got nearer we opened
machine gun and rifle fire. All the time this was going on the artillery
had ceased firing, and I began to feel a bit downhearted. Then things
quietened down a bit; so I told the lads to make a drink of tea for
themselves, which they did gladly enough. All the time we could see
Fritz preparing for a counter-attack and we knew it had to come. I
waited patiently keeping a look-out for them coming. The men were
getting knocked out one by one, until I had only five; and the Lewis Gun
had got a bullet through its pinion which rendered it useless. Nothing
happened until the evening, and then the bombardment started and we knew
we had something to put up with. I sent up an S.O.S. rocket and our
artillery opened out, but the shells were dropping short and hitting our
men. Then we retired for about fifty yards and took up some shell-holes.
I looked round and found all my men had vanished. I was amongst some of
the Cams. and Herts. I really did not know what to do. The artillery
became more intense and still our shells were dropping short. There was
another sergeant out of the Cams. in this shell-hole with a few men; so
I told him I would go back and try and get in touch with the artillery.
On my way back I got wounded in the leg, so I rolled into a shell-hole.
It began to rain and rained heavily all the night. When day broke I
found myself covered with clay and mud, and wet through to the skin. I
crawled out and looked about me. It was a quiet morning except for a
shell bursting now and again, and I could see some men through my
glasses, about a mile away, working on a road. I made my way towards
them. How I got there I do not know, for I was more dead than alive. I
inquired for the dressing-station, which I found after a long walk. I
was sent down to the Base to hospital and was sent to England on August
6.
"I am pleased to say that I am feeling much better and my wound is
getting on nicely. I hope my letter will find you feeling much better
for the rest you have worked so hard for. I saw in the casualty list
that the Colonel had died of wounds, the Adjutant killed, Sec.-Lt.
Gratton missing, Captain Andrews wounded, and Lt. Telfer missing. I
think I have told you all the news you require, and hope you enjoy
reading it.
"With best wishes,
"Yours sincerely,
"ROBERT CHARLES BALDWIN, Sgt."
Sergeant Baldwin was awarded the Military Medal for his services on July
31--August 1, 1917.
Having reproduced the personal narratives of our experiences at Ypres,
first by myself and then by my platoon sergeant, it is now desirable to
see what happened to the Battalion as a whole. For this it will be
necessary to quote the official account in the _Lancashire Fusiliers'
Annual_. After mentioning the machine-gun fire which caused me to extend
my platoon the account goes on to say:
"This fire was so heavy that it not only inflicted severe casualties,
but caused confusion in the shaking out into extended order, and it is
to be believed that from this moment the correct formation was never
absolutely regained. Machine-gun fire was active chiefly from Wine
House, Spree Farm, parts of Capricorn Support and Capricorn Keep, Pond
Farm, Hindu Cot and other points. Seeing that they could not advance
till these points were dealt with, the commanders of the leading waves
took steps to take the first points, such as Wine House, Spree Farm,
Capricorn Support. These were dealt with at considerable loss, some
enemy being captured, some killed and some running away. It was
difficult to obtain a definite account of all the incidents that
happened before the Black Line was reached, but great gallantry was
shown by the officers and N.C.O.'s in rallying and leading the men in
face of heavy fire. The Commanding Officer, Lieut.-Colonel B.
Best-Dunkley, put himself at the head of all men in his immediate
vicinity, and led them on through intense machine-gun fire. Ultimately
the Black Line was reached. The casualties up to this point may be
estimated at anything up to 50 per cent of the total strength of the
Battalion. However, the advance had to continue and that quickly, as it
was impossible to wait to reorganize under the heavy fire; moreover, the
advance was timed to a programme of artillery. The advance to the Green
Line, the Gravenstafel Switch, 6,000 yards from our original front line,
therefore continued. Few details necessarily are obtainable owing to the
heavy casualties. The creeping barrage, not a heavy one, certainly not
sufficient to deal with the country up to the Green Line, had run away
from us. Many more casualties were suffered, but the Battalion
eventually reached its objective. Digging in and consolidation at once
commenced. Captain J. R. Bodington, commanding left Company, reached
Wurst Farm with ten men, this number being shortly reduced by casualties
to two. The Green Line had only been in our possession for about twenty
minutes when the first enemy counter-attack, consisting of two
companies, commenced. This came from a north-easterly direction,
sweeping across the front of the division on our left. It was very
determined, as the division on our left had not been able to get up; our
left flank was quite unprotected.
"An attempt was therefore made to form a defensive flank. The
counter-attack halted on a road running north-west and south-east.
Finding we had not sufficient men to form a defensive flank, a further
withdrawal was ordered to Jew Hill, east of St. Julien. From this point
a large enemy counter-attack was observed commencing. This also came
from a north-easterly direction, and was apparently simultaneous with
that from the south-east affecting the 1/4th Loyal North Lancs.--the
battalion on our right. This counter-attack was overwhelming in its
strength. It had been preceded by four enemy aircraft, flying low over
our advanced positions and firing Very lights and machine-guns. The
lights were apparently the call for artillery cooperation. They were
answered by the opening of fire by heavy guns which dealt with
individual points. Owing to the general disorganization caused by the
very heavy casualties, troops on the whole front of this unit had now to
commence a general withdrawal. Isolated points, however, held out most
gallantly and held up the advance of the enemy while consolidation on or
about the Black Line was completed by troops in rear and whilst the
withdrawal of the remainder was safely effected. A small strong point
situated west of Schuler Farm was held by one hundred and thirty men of
this Battalion, and the 1/8 (Irish) Battalion, King's Liverpool Regiment
and with them Captain Bodington, one of the few remaining officers of
the Battalion. Those were first attacked from the front, which attack
they warded off. The enemy counter-attack then developed on their left
and right; both these attacks also were held off for some time by
machine-gun, Lewis gun, and rifle fire. The few survivors were forced to
withdraw and fight their way back, Captain Bodington and ten other ranks
reaching the Black Line safely.
"Battalion Headquarters was situated at Spree Farm, and they only
received late warning that the enemy were near them. Lieutenant-Colonel
B. Best-Dunkley gathered together all men available, and, placing
himself at the head, beat off the counter-attack at this point. At this
time our own artillery brought down an extremely heavy barrage on the
enemy which appeared to catch him, and it was probably due to this that
they were unable to gain a footing in the Black Line on our immediate
front. During this withdrawal the Adjutant--Lieutenant R. Andrews--was
killed. The Commanding Officer was wounded shortly afterwards--about 8
p.m. There was then no officer of this Battalion known to be alive, and
the Orderly Room Sergeant--Sergeant F. Howarth--took command, organizing
the defence of that part of the line until the Battalion was withdrawn
to Bilge Trench, about 9 a.m. the following morning--August 1. Captain
Bodington, who was the one surviving officer, came in subsequently from
the left of the line."
Let us now follow the movements of Captain Bodington. He afterwards
wrote the following report:
"Up to the time of reaching a point a hundred yards in rear of the Black
Line, the advance was easy.
"On crossing the small rise behind Wine House we came under very heavy
machine-gun and rifle fire from both Wine House and Spree Farm. Two
platoons had to be used in driving the enemy from the above-named farms,
and the casualties were heavy in this minor operation.
"Both the dug-outs at Wine House and Spree Farm were in fairly good
condition, and from here with the remainder of the men we pushed forward
towards Border House without much difficulty, and hence to Winnipeg,
where we got into touch with the 1/6th Cheshires on our left, and
proceeded to the Gravenstafel Ridge. Being left here with only two of my
men, I could do no more than reconnoitre Wurst Farm and Aviatik Farm.
"Both the dug-outs and O.P. in these farms were in fairly good
condition, but must have been evacuated hurriedly, although no documents
of any importance could be found.
"We could see at a distance of about six hundred yards more of our
troops on the right, but unable to get into touch with them as the enemy
held posts between us.
"On returning to the 1/6th Cheshires on our left, a counter-attack had
already been launched against their left flank, consequently it was
decided to withdraw to the Winnipeg-Kansas Cross Roads. It was found
impossible to make a stand here, so the withdrawal continued to a point
where the 13th Sussex Regiment had dug themselves in on Jew Hill.
"About two hours elapsed, when it was found that a party of the enemy
were getting round their left flank. A party was at once detailed to
deal with this, but at this time I became detached from this party and
consequently reported back to Battalion Headquarters, then situated at
Spree Farm.
"I was at once detailed to take a party up to reinforce a partly
organized strong point about the dug-outs at D. 13. a. 8.0. I found here
two officers and about one hundred men. The position was strong, but
both flanks were unguarded.
"There were two machine-guns and one Lewis gun. After a short time a
strong counter-attack was made by the enemy on this position from the
front which was easily beaten off, but almost simultaneously we were
attacked on either flank.
"By this time, another machine-gun had been brought into position, but
the Lewis gun had used up all its magazines. A number of casualties had
been caused. We held the enemy for half an hour, and a heavy battery was
shelling us considerably. Two direct hits were obtained causing a number
of casualties. Meanwhile the enemy was advancing on either flank. It was
found that only forty or fifty men remained, and little means of escape
was left, but it was decided to withdraw to a line well wired about
three hundred yards in rear. On reaching this point it was found to be
untenable and the withdrawal continued to the Black Line, where some of
the 165 and 166 Brigades had been digging in.
"They were at once warned of the advance of the enemy, and here he was
finally beaten off. A number of casualties were sustained in the
withdrawal from the dug-outs behind Schuler Farm. At that time we could
not get into touch on our left, but the gap was soon filled in by a
party of the 6th King's Liverpool Regiment and the Battalion
Headquarters from Spree Farm. Later we got into touch with the 1/5th
South Lancashire Regiment on our left and the 45 Brigade on our right.
"At that time I could find none of my own Battalion.
"(Signed) J. R. BODINGTON,
"Captain,
"2/5th Battalion Lancashire Fusiliers."
The 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers, what remained of them, "spent August 1,
Minden Day, in the utmost discomfort in Bilge Trench, everybody was
soaked through from the pouring rain. However, we all flaunted Minden
roses in our helmets. On August 2nd we were relieved and marched back to
our transport lines. There all preparations had been made for us and
everybody enjoyed a good hot meal. The same evening we were taken back
in buses to the Watou area." Thus writes the official chronicler in the
_Lancashire Fusiliers' Annual_.
It was on July 31 that Philip Cave Humfrey distinguished himself by his
able and courageous leading of his Transport to carry supplies to the
worn and wearied troops. "He led one hundred pack mules, laden with
ammunition and bombs, through heavy enemy barrage to a point close
behind our lines which was then being defended against a strong
counter-attack. At this point he unloaded his mules in spite of hostile
machine-gun and rifle fire, and the ammunition which he brought up was
immediately used by the troops who were defending the position. By his
promptness and fearlessness he greatly assisted the defence at a
critical moment." For this act of gallantry he was awarded the Military
Cross.
Many were the brave deeds done and numerous the honours gained by the
officers, non-commissioned officers and men of the Battalion on this
historic day. Captain Bodington was awarded the Military Cross as a
matter of course. He was the sole combatant officer who came through
unscathed, and his unique services have already been fully recorded; he
showed himself on July 31, what he has invariably shown himself since,
an incomparable man over the top, fearless and ruthless, ever where the
fight is hottest and always ready to display his individual initiative
on all possible and impossible occasions, a born man of action to whom
long experience of shot and shell has made the art of modern war a
second nature--an officer after Best-Dunkley's own heart: the Military
Cross was the least form of recognition which could reward such an
achievement as his. The bright and chivalrous Newman too--who had
already been recommended for the Military Cross for his bravery in
tending wounded at the Menin Gate on Messines Night--won this decoration
by his unselfish devotion to duty on July 31. Horace Beesley commanded
his platoon with such courage and success right out on our far-flung
battle line in the vicinity of Wurst Farm and Aviatik Farm until he was
badly wounded; and to him also was the Military Cross awarded. And John
Agnew, who was second-in-command of C Company, took command of that
company when Captain Mordecai was wounded: "Although shot through the
knee, he continued to advance and lead his men to their objective--a
distance of some 4,000 yards. He was then again wounded and had to
return, being wounded a third time on his way back. Although his wounds
were serious he refused to take a stretcher, in order that more serious
cases might be dealt with. He set a splendid example of pluck and
unselfishness." The Military Cross was also Agnew's reward. When I met
him again at Scarborough he was a cripple. Heroic, too, was the end of
that flamboyant patriot Talbot Dickinson, M.C., my Company Commander.
"He was wounded in the arm," wrote one of his friends, "but carried on
to a very advanced position, and, while encouraging his men, was shot
through the head." With him Sergeant-Major Preston, too, was killed.
Sergeant Howarth was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal for his
personal initiative in taking command of the Battalion when no officers
were to be found, and for the able way in which he executed his task;
and the D.C.M. was also awarded to Lance-Corporal Lawson.
Eleven Military Medals were awarded for deeds done that day: Sergeant
Baldwin, Sergeant Olive, Corporal Fox, Lance-Corporal Furnes, Sergeant
Hudson, and Privates Baron, Daynes, R. Turner, Rouse, Rodwell and
Fitzpatrick.
The casualties, as has already been pointed out, were tremendous. Five
hundred and ninety-three other ranks went into battle; four hundred and
seventy-three became casualties. It was a very tiny Battalion therefore
that went to rest, reorganize, and train at Le Poirier a few days later!
Gilbert Verity had expired shortly after his misfortune in Congreve
Walk. Douglas Bernard Priestly was shot through the head and killed
instantly almost as soon as he got over the top. The fate of the
Adjutant, Reggie Andrews, whom I last saw aimlessly wandering about the
battlefield shortly after we went over and who looked over his glasses
at me and inquired whether I had seen anything of Headquarters, has
already been recorded. And the Assistant-Adjutant met a similar fate:
Gratton was, first of all, wounded and he lay in a shell-hole; and while
he was in the shell-hole another shell came right into the hole and took
his head clean off. Joye remained with Colonel Best-Dunkley until quite
late in the day, when he got the 'Blighty' in the leg which was to send
him to join me at Worsley Hall. Captain Briggs, Telfer, and Young,
together with a large number of other ranks, were taken prisoners;
Briggs and Telfer were also wounded. West was badly wounded. Captain
Andrews, Captain Mordecai and Donald Allen were all wounded quite early
in the day. Out of nineteen combatant officers eighteen were casualties.
The non-combatants, Padre Newman and Dr. Adam came through this battle
safely, but they were both wounded at the Battle of Menin Road on
September 20! Newman got to England with his wound after that battle,
but he was very soon back with the Battalion again to play an even more
conspicuous part in the drama of the Great War.
It was a great day was the 31st of July. General Gough sent the
following message of congratulation to Brigadier-General Stockwell:
"The Army Commander wishes to convey his thanks and congratulations to
the G.O.C. and all ranks of the 164th Infantry Brigade on their fine
performance on July 31st. They carried out their task in a most gallant
manner and fought splendidly to retain their hold on the ground won.
"All officers showed energy, courage, and initiative in dealing with the
situation, and the men under their command in spite of heavy losses did
their utmost by carrying out their orders to ensure our success and the
enemy's defeat. Great credit is due to G.O.C. 164th Brigade for the
magnificent behaviour of the troops under his command." And Stockwell
sent on the message with the following personal addition: "The
Brigadier-General Commanding has much pleasure in forwarding the above
remarks of the Army Commander. He considers that all the credit is due
to the officers and men of the Brigade."
Major-General Jeudwine congratulated Stockwell in the following terms:
"Well done, 164th Brigade. I am very proud of what you did to-day. It
was a fine performance and no fault of yours you could not stay." And in
the course of a Special Order of the Day issued to his Division on
August 3, General Jeudwine said: "The attack you made on the 31st is
worthy to rank with the great deeds of the British Army in the past, and
has added fresh glory to the records of that Army."
Meanwhile, the supreme hero of the day lay at the Main Dressing Station
mortally wounded. But like Sir Henry Lawrence long ago he had the
consolation of feeling that he had tried to do his duty. The Reverend
James Odgen Coop, D.S.O., T.D., M.A., the Senior Chaplain to the 55th
Division, visited the dying Best-Dunkley at the Main Dressing Station
on August 1. It was to Colonel Coop that Colonel Best-Dunkley said that
he hoped the General was satisfied, and Colonel Coop recounted the
conversation to General Jeudwine. Old "Judy's" heart was touched as it
always was by any deeds of gallantry, and to Best-Dunkley he immediately
wrote the following historic letter:
"Headquarters, 55th Division.
"1st August, 1917 (Minden Day).
"Dear Best-Dunkley,
"The padre has given me your message, and I am very much touched by it.
"Disappointed! I should think not, indeed. I am more proud of having you
and your Battalion under my command than of anything else that has ever
happened to me.
"It was a magnificent fight, and your officers and men behaved
splendidly, fighting with their heads as well as with the most superb
pluck and determination.
"The 31st July should for all time be remembered by your Battalion and
Regiment and observed with more reverence even than Minden Day. It was
no garden of roses that you fought in. I have heard some of the stories
of your Battalion's doings and they are glorious. And I have heard of
your own doings too, and the close shave you had.
"Nothing would give me greater pleasure than that you should come back
and command your Battalion, and I greatly hope you will. I am afraid
you have painful wounds, but I trust they will not keep you long laid
by.
"The best of luck to you.
"Yours,
"H. S. JEUDWINE."
"General Jeudwine's hopes were not to be realized. After a few days'
agony Best-Dunkley passed away. On August 6 Major Brighten issued the
following pathetic Special Order to the 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers at Le
Poirier:
"I regret to inform all ranks of the Battalion that our late Commanding
Officer, Lieut.-Colonel B. Best-Dunkley, died at a C.C.S. yesterday from
wounds received in the attack on 31st July--an attack to the magnificent
achievement of which he contributed so largely in the long preparation
and training and in the actual carrying out. His personal gallantry in
leading on the Battalion in the face of heavy enemy fire was an example
of bravery and courage which has added to the laurels of the Regiment,
and his loss is one which will be felt deeply.
"(Signed) G. S. BRIGHTEN,
"Major, Commanding 2/5 Battalion
Lancashire Fusiliers.
"August 6th, 1917."
Best-Dunkley was buried at Proven. The funeral was taken by Padre
Newman. As the body was lowered into the Flanders clay General Jeudwine
exclaimed: "We are burying one of Britain's bravest soldiers!" The
Battalion buglers played the Last Post. And the spot where the hero lies
is marked by the traditional Little Wooden Cross.
The crowning triumph came when he was awarded the Victoria Cross;
though, to the great sorrow of all, he did not live to know that he had
won it. I well remember the excitement in the Mess at "Montpellier" at
Scarborough when we read the following announcement in the _Manchester
Guardian_:
"CAPT. (T./LT.-COL.) BERTRAM BEST-DUNKLEY, LATE LAN. FUS.
"For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty when in command
of his battalion, the leading waves of which, during an attack,
became disorganized by reason of rifle and machine-gun fire at
close range from positions which were believed to be in our hands.
Lieutenant-Colonel Best-Dunkley dashed forward, rallied his leading
waves, and personally led them to the assault of these positions,
which, despite heavy losses, were carried.
"He continued to lead his battalion until all their objectives had
been gained. Had it not been for this officer's gallant and
determined action it is doubtful if the left of the brigade would
have reached its objectives. Later in the day, when our position
was threatened, he collected his battalion headquarters, led them
to the attack, and beat off the advancing enemy. This gallant
officer has since died of wounds."
And some time afterwards I noticed, in an illustrated paper, a little
photo entitled "Daddy's V.C." It was the picture of a little baby being
held in his mother's arms at Buckingham Palace, while His Majesty King
George the Fifth pinned upon his frock the Victoria Cross.
[Illustration: Map of FREZENBERG]
FOOTNOTES:
[11] This refers to the officers' quarters. Company Headquarters were
stationed in the cellar mentioned in the previous chapter.
[12] See Appendix V.
[13] He did not get as far as Aviatik Farm. We met again at Scarborough
in October, and he told me that he was wounded about the same time that
I was wounded.
[14] Sergeant Brogden was afterwards killed in action at the Battle of
Menin Road, September 20, 1917.
[15] _Manchester Guardian_, August 4th, 1917.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX I.
MURRAY AND ALLENBY
In view of my comments upon the appointment of Sir Edmund Allenby to
succeed Sir Archibald Murray, the following extract from the _Manchester
Guardian_ of September 17, 1919, is of interest:
_The Victor and His Predecessor._
When Field-Marshal Allenby stepped off the train at Victoria to-day one
of the first men whom he greeted was General Sir Archibald Murray, his
predecessor in the East. The meeting must have been a pregnant one to
them both. Sir Edmund Allenby came home victor of our most successful
campaign in the war to receive a peerage, while inside and outside the
station London was roaring its welcome. General Murray, after the
failure of the battle of Gaza, had been transferred home and had been
received there with the severest criticism and some personal attacks.
The War Office is famous for its short ways when it does make up its
mind to do something disagreeable, and its treatment of Sir Archibald
Murray is said to have lacked nothing in discourtesy. Since then a good
deal has come out about the early part of our war in the East and the
work done by General Murray, and the nearness he got to success with
quite inadequate support had become recognized even before Sir Edmund
Allenby's dispatch was published, which officially re-established his
military reputation.
To-day, at Dover, Sir Edmund Allenby spoke even more clearly of the debt
he owed for the foundations laid by General Murray and for the loyal way
in which he started him off as a beginner. It is not too common in our
military history to find great commanders on the same battle-ground as
sensitive about one another's reputation as they are of their own. It is
so easy to say nothing and leave matters to history. The lustre of
Allenby's achievement is even greater for his acknowledgment of his debt
to his predecessor.
_The First Palestine Campaign._
Something may be added now about General Murray's work in the East. He
commanded in Egypt from January, 1916, to May, 1917. During that time he
dealt with the Gallipoli forces, disorganized and with most of their
supplies gone. He had to reorganize them into a fighting force again and
to send them West. He had to organize and plan the campaign against the
Senussi, to be responsible for the internal condition of Egypt, and to
defend Egypt from the Turks, then relieved of the Gallipoli operations.
The Turkish attack was beaten off and four thousand prisoners taken, the
defences of Egypt were pushed forward through the Sinai desert,
water-lines carried up and wire ways laid, and all the vast preparations
made by which it became possible to take Palestine. His two assaults on
Gaza failed, but he held the ground he had taken, including the Wadi
Ghuzze, which would have been a big natural defence of Palestine.
He was fighting with three divisions very far short of their full
strength and several battalions of dismounted yeomanry, four big guns,
and thirty aeroplanes, all of old-fashioned type. His pipe-line was
within distance from which it seemed possible to "snap" the Turks at
Gaza, but fog delayed the start, and the manoeuvre took too long, and
the cavalry fell back from want of water. The snap was so near a success
that they picked up a wireless from the Germans in Gaza to their base
saying "Good-bye," as they were going into captivity. That was the main
point of the story.
According to General Murray's friends what happened in Palestine was
what has happened so often in our history. A general is given a job to
do with insufficient forces, and urged on despite his appeals for a
sufficient force. He fails. Another commander is appointed, and the new
man naturally can exact his own conditions, begins the task with an
adequate force, and succeeds. All this, of course, does not take away a
single leaf from Sir Edmund Allenby's brilliant bays or suggest that
General Murray could have done so well. All that is suggested is that he
did not get the same chance.
APPENDIX II
THE INFANTRY AT MINDEN
The six Infantry Regiments engaged at Minden, on August 1, 1759, were:
12th Foot--Suffolk Regiment.
20th Foot--Lancashire Fusiliers.
23rd Foot--Royal Welsh Fusiliers.
25th Foot--King's Own Scottish Borderers.
37th Foot--Hampshire Regiment.
51st Foot--King's Own (Yorkshire Light Infantry).
Tradition tells that in the course of the operations at Minden, the 20th
were passing through flower gardens and, while doing so, the men plucked
some of the roses and wore them in their coats. This story was the
origin of the "Minden Rose" which is worn annually, on August 1, by all
ranks of the Lancashire Fusiliers.
APPENDIX III
GENERAL RAWLINSON AND OSTEND
Field-Marshal French did not definitely state in his fourth dispatch
that General Rawlinson landed at Ostend, but he devoted a number of
paragraphs to the subject of "the forces operating in the neighbourhood
of Ghent and Antwerp under Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Rawlinson, as
the action of his force about this period exercised, in my opinion, a
great influence on the course of the subsequent operations." However, in
"1914" Lord French has written (page 200): "I returned to Abbeville that
evening. I found that an officer had arrived from Ostend by motor with a
letter from Rawlinson, in which he explained the situation in the north,
the details of which we know." And John Buchan in _Nelson's History of
the War_, Vol. IV (page 33), states that "On 6th October the 7th
Division began to disembark at Zeebrugge and Ostend, and early on 8th
October the former point saw the landing of the 3rd Cavalry Division,
after a voyage not free from sensation. The force formed the nucleus of
the Fourth Corps, and was commanded by Major-General Sir Henry
Rawlinson, who had a long record of Indian, Egyptian, and South African
service." G. H. Perris in _The Campaign of 1914 in France and Belgium_
is even more emphatic: on page 305 of that work he writes: "Part of the
4th British Corps--the 7th Infantry Division and the 3rd Cavalry
Division--under Sir Henry Rawlinson, had been landed at Ostend and
Zeebrugge without interference, and had advanced eastward to cover the
Belgian-British retreat to the south."
APPENDIX IV
EDWARD III AND THE ORDER OF THE GARTER
Colonel Best-Dunkley's question on this subject can best be answered by
quoting in full the first paragraph of Chapter XVI of David Hume's
_History of England_, Vol. I:
"The prudent conduct and great success of Edward in his foreign wars had
excited a strong emulation and a military genius among the English
nobility; and these turbulent barons, overawed by the crown, gave now a
more useful direction to their ambition, and attached themselves to a
prince who led them to the acquisition of riches and glory. That he
might further promote the spirit of emulation and obedience, the king
instituted the order of the garter, in imitation of some orders of a
like nature, religious as well as military, which had been established
in different parts of Europe. The number received into this order
consisted of twenty-five persons, besides the sovereign; and as it has
never been enlarged, this badge of distinction continues as honourable
as at its first institution, and is still a valuable, though a cheap
present, which the prince can confer on his greatest subjects. A vulgar
story prevails, but is not supported by any ancient authority, that at a
court ball, Edward's mistress, commonly supposed to have been the
Countess of Salisbury, dropped her garter; and the king, taking it up,
observed some of the courtiers to smile, as if they thought that he had
not obtained this favour merely by accident: upon which he called out,
'Honi soit qui mal y pense,' Evil to him that evil thinks; and as every
incident of gallantry among those ancient warriors was magnified into a
matter of great importance, he instituted the order of the garter in
memorial of this event, and gave these words as the motto of the order.
This origin, though frivolous, is not unsuitable to the manners of the
times; and it is indeed difficult by any other means to account, either
for the seemingly unmeaning terms of the motto, or for the peculiar
badge of the garter, which seems to have no reference to any purpose
either of military use or ornament."
APPENDIX V
GOLDFISH CHATEAU
The following note about Goldfish Chateau, contained in the _Manchester
Guardian_ of September 8, 1919, is relevant to the text:
All the men who had any part in the tragic epic of Ypres will be
interested in the news that the Church Army has taken over "Goldfish
Chateau" as a hostel for pilgrims to the illimitable graveyards in the
dreadful salient.
For some reason (writes a correspondent who was in it) we christened the
place "Goldfish Chateau." It was a somewhat pretentious mansion, in
Continental flamboyant style, standing just off the Vlamertinghe road
about half a mile our side of Ypres. Its grounds are ploughed up by
shells and bombs, but most of the fountains and wretched garden statuary
remains with the fishponds which perhaps gave the villa its army name,
and rustic bridges most egregiously incongruous with the surrounding
death and desolation.
All through the Ypres fighting it was a conspicuous landmark well known
to every soldier, and used, as things got hotter and hotter, as staff
headquarters, first for corps, then for division, and finally for
brigade and battalion.
Strangely enough, the chateau never received a direct hit, though all
the country round was ploughed up and every other building practically
flattened out. The camp tales accounted for this immunity in all sorts
of sinister ways. One story was that some big German personage had
occupied the place. Probably these were romantic fictions. But the fact
remained that "Goldfish Chateau" bore a charmed life in spite of the
fact that the German sausage balloons almost looked down the chimneys
and so many staffs lived there. Hundreds of thousands of men in this
country who could not name half the county towns in England would be
able to describe every room in this Belgian villa outside Ypres.
Lancashire soldiers are well acquainted with it.
During the third battle of Ypres the transport of the 55th Division had
to leave the fields just opposite the chateau in a hurry. The Germans
not only shelled the place searchingly, but one morning sent over about
a dozen bombing planes. Simultaneous shelling and bombing is not good
for the nerves of transport mules. But the luck of the "Goldfish
Chateau" held. Nothing hit it.
* * * * *
THE ROAD TO EN-DOR
By E. H. JONES, Lt, I.A.R.O.
With Illustrations by C. W. HILL, Lt., R.A.F. Fourth
Edition. 8s. 6d. net.
This book, besides telling an extraordinary story, will appeal to
everyone who is interested in spiritualism. The book reads like a wild
romance, but is authenticated in every detail by fellow-officers and
official documents.
_Times._--"Astounding ... of great value."
_Daily Telegraph._--"This is one of the most realistic, grimmest, and at
the same time most entertaining books ever given to the public.... _The
Road to En-dor_ is a book with a thrill on every page, is full of
genuine adventure.... Everybody should read it."
_Morning Post._--"It is easily the most surprising story of the escape
of prisoners of war which has yet appeared.... No more effective
exposure of the methods of the medium has ever been written. This book
is indeed an invaluable reduction to absurdity of the claims of the
spiritualist coteries."
_Birmingham Post._--"The story of surely the most colossal 'fake' of
modern times."
_Daily Graphic._--"The most amazing story of the war."
_Spectator._--"The reader who begins this book after dinner will
probably be found at one o'clock in the morning still reading, with eyes
goggling and mouth open, beside his cold grate."
_Punch._--"It is the most extraordinary war-tale which has come my way.
The author is a sound craftsman with a considerable sense of style and
construction. His record of adventures is really astounding."
_Country Life._--"More exciting than any novel.... The book is a record
or almost incredible courage and inventiveness."
_Bystander_.--"It is one of the most unexpected and engaging books for
which the War has been responsible."
_Pall Mall Gazette_.--"A really entertaining account of a wonderfully
successful and useful rag on an unusually big scale."
_Westminster Gazette_.--"Lieuts. Jones and Hill displayed an
inventiveness, an ingenuity, and a patience worthy of the greatest
admiration."
_Outlook_.--"The book deserves to become a classic."
_Illustrated London News_.--"It is an amazing story, humorously told, of
a subtle and successful conspiracy to escape. But it is also a most
telling indictment of the spiritualistic craze."
_New Age_.--"As a mere story of adventure and suffering the book is one
of the most remarkable known to me; it is an epic of human ingenuity and
human endurance."
_Queen_.--"Sensational and amazing ... absorbingly interesting."
_Daily Mail_.--"A really striking and diverting story."
_Evening News_.--"The tale of the two lieutenants is perhaps the noblest
example of the game and fine art of spoof that the world has ever seen,
or ever will see ... their wonderful and almost monstrous elaboration
... an amazing story."
_Everyman_.--"One of the most amazing tales that we have ever read. The
gradual augmentation of the spook's power is one of the most
preposterous, the most laughable histories in the whole literature of
spoofing. Lieut. Jones has given us a wonderful book--even a great
book."
* * * * *
THE SILENCE OF COLONEL BRAMBLE
By ANDRE MAUROIS.
_Translated from the French._
Second Edition. With Portrait. 5s. net.
_Westminster Gazette_.--"_The Silence of Colonel Bramble_ is the best
composite character sketch I have seen to show France what the English
gentleman at war is like ... much delightful humour.... It is full of
good stories.... The translator appears to have done his work
wonderfully well."
_Daily Telegraph_.--"This book has enjoyed a great success in France,
and it will be an extraordinary thing if it is not equally successful
here.... Those who do not already know the book in French, will lose
nothing of its charm in English form. The humours of the mess-room are
inimitable.... The whole thing is real, alive, sympathetic, there is not
a false touch in all its delicate, glancing wit.... One need not be a
Frenchman to appreciate its wisdom and its penetrating truth."
_Star_.--"An excellent translation ... a gay and daring translation....
I laughed over its audacious humour."
_Times_.--"This admirable French picture of English officers."
_Daily Graphic_.--"A triumph of sympathetic observation ... delightful
book ... many moving passages."
_Daily Mail_.--"So good as to be no less amusing than the original....
This is one of the finest feats of modern translations that I know. The
book gives one a better idea of the war than any other book I can
recall.... Among many comical disputes the funniest is that about
superstitions. That really is, in mess language, 'A scream'."
_New Statesman_.--"The whole is of a piece charmingly harmonious in tone
and closely woven together.... The book has a perfect ending.... Few
living writers achieve so great a range of sentiment, with so uniformly
light and unassuming a manner."
_Observer_.--"The flavour of M. Maurois' humour loses little in this
translation.... The admirable verisimilitude of the dialogue.... M.
Maurois' humorous gift is unusually varied.... He tells a good story
with great vivacity."
Holbrook Jackson in the _National News_.--"The Colonel is an eternal
delight.... I put the volume under my arm, started reading it on the way
home, and continued reading until I had finished the same evening....
That ought to be sufficient recommendation for any book...."
_Times Lit. Supplement_.--(Review of French Edition.)--"M. Maurois ...
is indeed so good an artist and so excellent an observer that we would
not for worlds spoil his hand, or do more than merely introduce to
English readers by far the most interesting and amusing group of British
officers that we have met in books since the war began."
_Gentlewoman_.--"The translation of this book is so splendidly done that
it seems impossible that it can be a translation.... One of the very few
war books which survive Peace.... This is one of the few war books that
will not collect dust on the bookshelf."
James Milne in the _Graphic_.--"It is all very wise and very charming."
_Morning Post_.--"This gently-humorous little book.... Half an hour with
Colonel Bramble and his entertaining friends will stop you worrying for
a whole day."
_Saturday Review_.--"The wittiest book of comment on warfare and our
national prejudices that we have yet seen."
* * * * *
A KUT PRISONER
By Lieut. H. C. W. BISHOP. Illustrated. 6s. 6d. net.
This book is the remarkable story of the first three British officers to
escape from a Turkish prison camp. It contains a description of the
siege and the march of 1,700 miles to Kastamuni; of their capture,
escape and dramatic rescue, and finally the voyage in an open boat to
Alupka, in the Crimea.
* * * * *
SONNETS FROM A PRISON CAMP
By ARCHIBALD ALLEN BOWMAN
Crown 8vo. 5s. net.
This book falls naturally in two parts; the first is a sonnet sequence
describing the author's capture with his battalion in the great March
Offensive, his weary tramp as a prisoner, and internment in a German
camp; the second consists of a series of meditative sonnets on these
inevitably suggested by close confinement. The poems show great promise,
their intense sincerity being foremost among their merits.
_Morning Post_.--"Mr. Bowman's rich and dignified sonnets."
_Scotsman_.--"There is only one possible verdict on this volume--well
done."
* * * * *
SAPPER
DOROTHY LAWRENCE
THE ONLY ENGLISH WOMAN SOLDIER
_Late Royal Engineers, 51st Division, 179th Tunnelling Coy. B.E.F._ With
Portraits. Crown 8vo. 5s. net.
_Daily Mail_.--"Her very astonishing tale ... an extraordinary
performance."
_Daily Chronicle_.--"Miss Lawrence's book is interesting and well done."
_Scotsman_.--"Her exploit supplies the materials for a fine tale of
adventure, and she tells her story uncommonly well."
* * * * *
A Last Diary of the Great Warr
By SAML. PEPYS, Jun.
With a coloured Frontispiece and eight Black-and-White Illustrations by
JOHN KETTELWELL. Uniform with "A Diary of the Great Warr" and
"A Second Diary of the Great Warr." 6s. net.
_Punch_.--"This admirable book.... I would certainly recommend intending
historians to lay in these three volumes as an epitome in a brilliant
shorthand of the facts and moods of the war--packed with shrewd comment
and happy strokes of irony.... As a literary and dramatic _tour de
force_ I should judge it to be unsurpassed of its kind."
* * * * *
The Hohenzollerns in America
AND OTHER IMPOSSIBILITIES
By STEPHEN LEACOCK
Author of "Literary Lapses," "Nonsense Novels," etc. 5s. net.
_Daily Chronicle_.--"Equal in gay humour and deft satire to any of its
predecessors, and no holiday will be so gay but this volume will make it
gayer.... It is a book of rollicking good humour that will keep you
chuckling long past summertime."
* * * * *
Temporary Crusaders
By CECIL SOMMERS
Author of "Temporary Heroes." 4s. net.
_Morning Post_.--"A cheery, chatty chronicle.... The author has a keen
eye for the humour of circumstance and a most beguiling way."
_Scotsman_.--"Bright and exhilarating.... It is sure to be read widely."
_Liverpool Courier_.--"Even more hearty and sincere than the successful
_Temporary Heroes_."
JOHN LANE, THE BODLEY HEAD, VIGO ST., W.1
End of Project Gutenberg's At Ypres with Best-Dunkley, by Thomas Hope Floyd