[Endnote 130: (p. 159). _What we have been ordered._--[By these

expressions it is evident that the views and plans of the illustrious

Infant were not concerned with making captives or slaves, or with

expeditions against the natives, but only with the prosecution of the

discoveries. The passage which occurs in the next chapter, as to the

"great joy" of the crews, and especially of the "lower class" at meeting

with the other caravels at the Isle of Herons, "in order to put in hand

the matter," _i.e._, a new incursion against the Moors, shows us the

spirit which] animated those sailors: which spirit, perhaps, some of the

captains were not able at times to hold in check and moderate.]--S.]

[Endnote 131: (p. 164). _The Banner of the Crusade ... Gil

Eannes._--[Barros omits these details, which are so interesting for the

history of those expeditions. This Gil Eannes was the same who had first

passed beyond Cape Bojador. (See ch. ix of this Chronicle.)]--S. On the

_Banner of the Crusade_, see Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xviii-xix.]

[Endnote 132: (p. 165). _Alvaro de Freitas._--[Barros says that Alvaro

de Freitas was Commander of Algezur. (_Decade I_, Bk. I, ch. ii.)]--S.

Cf. in this Chronicle, pp. 152, 157-8, 161, 165-6, 174, 194-5, 197.]

[Endnote 133: (p. 167). _Fra Gil de Roma_ [lived in the time of

Philippe le Bel, King of France. The treatise _De Regimine Principum_,

which he wrote in 1285 for the education of that Prince, was a book of

the highest reputation (in its time), especially at the close of the

fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. By the notice which is given us in

the _Chronicle of the Count D. Pedro_, and by the quotation of Azurara,

we perceive the estimation in which this book was held amongst us at the

beginning of the latter century (the fifteenth).]--S. In fact, King John

I (of Portugal), in his discourse at Ceuta in 1415, recalled to his

fidalgos and knights the maxims and precepts which they had read in the

same book, _De Regimine Principum_, and which he always kept in his own

room. And if we are to believe Barbosa (_Bibliotheca Lusitana_), the

Infant D. Pedro had made a Portuguese translation of the same treatise;

but this learned bibliographer calls Fr. _Gil de Roma_, Fr. _Gil

Correa_. This note is not a fitting place to show whether the name of

_Correa_, which Barbosa gives to that author, is or is not exact. We

must confine ourselves here to saying that King D. Edward (Duarte),

quoting this book several times in chs. xxxi, xxxii, xxxvi, lii, lvi of

his _Leal Conselheiro_, calls the author, like Azurara, Fr. _Gil de

Roma_. In the library at Cambrai there exists a manuscript, No. 856, of

the _De Regimine Principum_, which was finished in 1424, and

consequently at an epoch subsequent to the one of which King John I made

use. This is probably one of those used by King Edward and by Azurara.

The first printed edition was published in 1473 (see _Dictionnaire

bibliographique, La Serna Santander, etc._) If, as we have just said,

the manuscript used by King John I, by King Edward, and by Azurara, is

one of the most ancient of which any notice survives, the Portuguese

translation of the book of Fr. Gil de Roma by the Infant Don Pedro is

also one of the most ancient versions--if we except the French

translation attributed to Henry of Ghent. (On this consult the Abbé

Lebœuf, _Dissertation sur l'histoire ecclésiastique et civile de Paris_,

II, p. 41.) We think it well to give the reader this notice, in view of

the importance of Azurara's citation in this place, which shows us the

state of learning and literary culture among our people at the beginning

of the fifteenth century, and at the same time the literary relations

which existed between Portugal, France, and other countries at the end

of the Middle Ages.]--S. See Martins, _Os Filhos de D. João I_, chs. i,

iv, v, vi.]

[Endnote 134: (p. 169). _Pero Allemain, etc._--See p. 55 of this

Chronicle, on Balthasar, an undoubted German of the "household of the

Emperor."]

[Endnote 135: (p. 173). _Directions from the Lord Infant._--These seem

to have been rather vague for purposes of exploration, and are

differently given by _Gomez Pirez_ (p. 173). See text of this version

pp. 95, 173, etc., and next note.]

[Endnote 136: (p. 174). _River of Nile._--[Compare this passage with

our remarks in the notes to chs. liii, xxxii, xv, and xiii, about the

true plans of the illustrious Infant, author of these discoveries. These

passages reveal to us, in spite of the brevity of the Chronicler, the

intention and the system of the Prince in relation to these expeditions.

It is clear that he desired not only to discover those countries, but

above all to obtain information from the natives themselves of the

interior of Africa, in order to compare it with the scientific,

historical, and geographical ideas of antiquity and of the Middle Ages,

with a view of prosecuting his discoveries till the East was reached.

Thus, Garcia de Resende says, with good reason (_Chronicle of the King

D. John II_, ch. cliv), when treating of the discovery of the Congo,

made twenty-five years after the death of the Infant:--"In the year

1485, the King desiring the discovery of India and Guinea, which the

Infant D. Henry, his uncle, first among all the Princes of Christendom,

commenced,..."]--S. What Gomez Pirez says here implicitly contradicts

Lançarote's statement, p. 172; see note 135.]

[Endnote 137: (p. 174). _The terrestrial Paradise._--[We call the

attention of the reader to this passage, in itself very interesting,

especially because the words of Alvaro de Freitas indicate beyond doubt

a certain geographical idea as to the situation of the terrestrial

Paradise agreeing with the cosmographical knowledge of the Middle Ages,

and as to the distance at which they found themselves from those

delicious parts of the world.

The sailors whom the Infant employed in these navigations and

discoveries were well instructed in nautical science. They set out from

Portugal furnished with "naval charts" in which the cosmographers of

that time had designed not merely the hydrographical configuration of

the coasts of the various countries then known, but also which is more

curious, the interior of the Continents, in which they represented, by a

multitude of figures, the various sovereigns, animals, birds, woodland,

and other details, both real, fantastic, and hypothetical: as the

curious reader may see in the Planisphere of Andrea Bianco of 1436,

published in the work of Formaleone, entitled _Saggio sulla nautica

antica de Veneziani_, and in the other planisphere of the famous Fra

Mauro, published by Cardinal Zurla in his work, _Sulle antiche Mappe

lavorate in Venezia_ (1818).

The idea, then, which Alvaro de Freitas had of his distance from the

terrestrial Paradise, according to his own words, shows that he

considered it to be at the extremity of the earth: that idea, we repeat,

proves the influence which the geography of the Middle Ages exercised

upon our sailors. As a matter of fact, that idea of the position of the

terrestrial Paradise dates from the time of the _Topographia Christiana_

of Cosmas Indicopleustes (see Montfaucon, _Nova Collectio Patrum_, vol.

ii), an idea which the journeys accomplished by land during the Middle

Ages fortified and reduced to a systematic opinion. On the map of Andrea

Bianco, the terrestrial Paradise is to be found marked in the most

easterly part of Asia.

Alvaro de Freitas in these words of his, alluded either to the locality

in which Paradise was to be found on the ancient charts--and this, we

think, is the more probable supposition--or he referred to the

_Cosmology_ of Dante, according to which Paradise was situate in the

middle of the seas of the southern hemisphere (Dante, _Purgatorio_,

cant. xxvi, ll. 100, 127.)]--S.

Santarem's commentary here needs a word of supplement, which we take

from the _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 332-3.

"The position of the Garden of Eden, the habitat of the people of Gog

Magog and other monstrous races, and the existence of a literal centre

for the earth-circle, were problems which exercised the patristic mind

only less than the great controversy upon the 'Spherical,'

'Tabernacular,' or other shape of the world itself.

"As to the earthly Paradise, the plain word of Scripture [Genesis, ii,

8; iii, 24] compelled most Theologians to place it in the Furthest East,

though a minority inclined to give a symbolic meaning to the crucial

words, 'The Lord God planted a garden _eastward_ in Eden ... and placed

Cherubim at the East of the Garden, to keep the way of the Tree of

Life.' Augustine, here as elsewhere, shows himself inclined to

compromise, as well became one who attempted such a task as the

re-statement of the whole Catholic Faith. His knowledge was too

many-sided, and his intelligence too keen, for him not to perceive the

importance of a certain liberality of temper in a creed which aspired to

conquer the world, and his treatment of the question of the terrestrial

Paradise is a good example of his method. For himself, he holds fast to

the real existence of Eden, and the literal sense of Scripture on its

position, but he allows any one who will to give the texts at issue a

symbolical meaning (_De Civ. Dei_, XIII, ch. xxi; see also Eucherius,

Comm. on Genesis in the _Max. Bibl. Vet. Pat._ vi, 874, and A. Graf's

interesting essay on the _Legends of the terrestrial Paradise_, Turin,

1878). To the same effect, though more doubtfully, speaks St. Isidore of

Seville, who in so many ways reproduces at the end of the sixth century

the spirit and method of the Bishop of Hippo in the fifth. In one place

the Spanish Doctor repeats the traditional language about Eden, placed

in the East, blessed with perpetual summer, but shut off from the

approach of man by the fiery wall which reached almost to the Heaven:

yet elsewhere he seems to countenance a purely figurative sense. His

scepticism is expressed in the _De Differentiis_, i, 10; his

traditionalism in the _Etymologies_ or _Origins_, XIV, 3 (De Asia).

"The ordinary conclusion of the more philosophic school of Churchmen is

perhaps expressed by Moses Bar-Cepha, 'Bishop of Bethraman and Guardian

of sacred things in Mozal' [_i.e._, Mosul? or Nineveh], near Bagdad,

about A.D. 900 [Migne's editor of Moses, in _Pat. Græc._, cxi, pp.

482-608 (1863), places him later, about A.D. 950; but Marinelli,

Erdkunde, 20-1, dates him about A.D. 700, doubtless with the assent of

S. Günther and L. Neumann, who are responsible for the enlarged German

edition of Marinelli's admirable essay. The most interesting passages of

Moses' geography are in Pt. I, chs. i, ii, vii-ix, xi-xiv]. In his

_Commentary on Paradise_, the ingenious prelate solves past difficulties

in the spirit of Hegel himself. The terrestrial Eden had one existence

under two conditions, visible and invisible, corporeal and incorporeal,

sensual and intellectual. As pertaining to this world, it existed, he

considers, in a land which was on, but not of, the earth that we

inhabit; for it lay on higher ground, it breathed a purer air, and,

though many of the saints had fixed it in the East, it was really beyond

our ken.

"From Augustine onwards, through the writings of Eucherius of Lyons

[_Commentary on Genesis_], of St. Basil the Great, and many others,

something of this tendency to compromise between the literal meaning of

Scripture and the tacit opposition of geography, may be traced in this

attempt to give reality to the earthly Paradise; and the same comes out

in the conjecture of Severian of Gabala, adopted by Cosmas and by many

of the traditionalists, that the rivers of Eden dived under the earth

for a long space before reappearing in our world as Nile, Euphrates,

Tigris and Pison (Severian of Gabala, v, 6; according to S., this

subterranean course was to prevent men from tracking their way up to

Paradise; cf. _Philostorgius_, III, 7-12.)

"Homeric and other pre-Christian fancies led many in the early Christian

period still to look for Paradise in the north, among the Upper Boreans,

in the south among the blameless Ethiopians, or in the west in the Isles

of the Blessed, of the Hesperides, or of Fortune. Thus Capella, who was

probably a pagan survival at the beginning of the most brilliant age of

patristic literature, naturally enough looks for his Elysium 'where the

axis of the world is ever turning' at the northern pole [_Capella_, vi,

664]; but when we find Archbishop Basil of Novgorod speculating about a

Paradise in the White Sea [see Karamsin's _Russian History_, as cited by

Marinelli, _Erdkunde_, p. 22, note 84; and by Cardinal Zurla, _Vantaggi

derivati alla Geografia_, etc., p. 44] we have a better illustration of

the undying vigour of the oldest and most poetic of physical myths,

under almost any changes of politics and religion."]

[Endnote 138: (p. 176). _Or else upon their feathers for the rest of

the time ... other fish._--[This bird is the _Phœnicopterus_.]--S.

_Ibid_: _Other birds_, etc.--[See note 128 to p. 156, on the _Buceros

Africanus_.]--S.

_Ibid_: _Other fish._--[This is the _Pristis_.]--S.]

[Endnote 139: (p. 176). _Quite alive._--[This fish appears to be the

_Remora_.]--S.]

[Endnote 140: (p. 176). _The two palm trees, etc._--[These palm trees

exist on some old MS. maps. We may compare this passage with what the

author says in ch. xxxi, and with the notes on pp. 96, 177; also

Introduction, p. iv. Barros (_Decade I_, ch. xiii) says "Lancerote

reached the two palm trees which Dinis Fernandez, when he went there,

marked out as a feature worthy of notice ... where the natives of the

land say the Azanegue Moors are divided from the idolatrous Negroes."

And, in fact, the course of this stream forms a remarkable boundary

between the Moors, or Berbers, who inhabit the northern bank, and the

Negro Jaloffs who dwell on the southern bank (see _Durand_, vol. ii, p.

60, and _Rennell_, Appendix, p. 80).]--S.]

[Endnote 141: (p. 177). _This green land._--[On the manuscript map of

João Freire of 1546, appears marked at the entrance of the river

Senegal, the "arvoredo" of which Azurara speaks.]--S.]

[Endnote 142: (p. 177). _Azanegue prisoners._--[Compare this important

passage with what Azurara says in other places, pp. 41, 45-6, 48-9, 55;

and Introduction to vol. ii, pp. iv, xxvi, lviii, lix, about the Infant

and the information which he collected from the natives, and which he

compared with the geographical charts he was constantly studying.]--S.]

[Endnote 143: (p. 178). _Entereth into it so._--[This same confusion

which the Portuguese mariners made between the Senegal and the Nile is

one more proof of the influence which the geographical system of the

ancients exercised over them. According to Pliny, the Niger was an arm

of the Nile. The river Senegal traverses in its course nearly 350

leagues from its source in the country of Fouta (Jallon) to the Atlantic

(see Durand, _Voyage au Sénégal_, p. 343, and Demanet, _Nouvelle

histoire d'Afrique_, vol. i, p. 62, iv, xii, xxii-xxv, xxxiii,

xlii-xliii, xlvii-xlix, lviii.)]--S. Also see Introduction to vol. ii, p.

lviii, etc.]

[Endnote 144: (p. 180). _Mediterranean Sea, etc._--[This passage shows

that Azurara only had notice at that time of the ivory commerce which

was carried on through the ports of the Levant situated on the

Mediterranean, and that he had no knowledge that a like commerce was

carried on through the ports of the empire of Marocco, situated on the

west coast of Africa. "I learnt," says he, "that in the eastern part of

the Mediterranean Sea," etc. ... and these words of his are important,

as showing that a man, otherwise well informed in matters of commerce

and navigation, was not aware that the ivory trade was carried on by the

western coast; which gives us one more proof of the priority of the

Portuguese in the discovery of Guinea. Our author, then, knew the truth:

for until that epoch the trade in ivory was carried on by the Arabs by

way of Egypt, the Arabs going to the coast of Zanzibar to seek for the

same, since there the better quality was to be found (see Masudi,

_Notices et Extraits des MSS. de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, i, p. 15;

_Ibn-al-Wardi, ibid_, ii, p. 40; _El Bakoui, ibid_, pp. 394, 401). The

Arab caravans also brought ivory from places in the neighbourhood of the

Niger. These caravans followed the routes of the ancient Itineraries

(see _Ibn-al-Wardi, Notices et Extraits des MSS._, ii, pp. 35-7, and

Edrisi (Jaubert), vol. i, pp. 10-26, 105-120, 197-293). But the

principal centre of this commerce with the interior of Africa was in the

northern part, then already known under the name of Barbary, and in the

countries which form to-day the kingdoms of Fez and Marocco. The

expressions of Azurara about the size of the elephant are evidently

exaggerated, because the species indigenous to Africa is only the second

in size in the (animal) family of the Proboscidians, or "trunked"

Pachyderms. The African elephant is smaller than the Asiatic elephant,

although the tusks of the latter are smaller than those of the former.

The details given in this part of our Chronicle are, in our opinion, so

important for the information they give about the state of knowledge

among our first discoverers, the influences of ancient tradition, and

the mediæval spirit which dominated them, that it seems opportune to

indicate here to the reader what we consider most worthy of study and of

reflection, in order that we may be able to estimate the state of

instruction in Portugal relative to those matters in the beginning of

the fifteenth century, seeing that up to now no (writing) work has yet

appeared upon the subject from any one of our nation. Among other

passages of this Chronicle we noted, on p. 156, note 128, the

extraordinary exaggeration with which our seamen described the beak of

the _Buceros Africanus_, of which they said "the mouth and maw of these

birds is so great that the leg of a man, however large it were, could go

into it as far as the knee." We have also seen another marvellous

description of the beak of the _Phœnicopterus_, and finally the one

which was inspired by the account given them of the elephant by the

Negroes--an exaggeration which reminds one of the description given by a

Byzantine writer of the eleventh century, Michael Attaliotes, when he

saw an elephant for the first time in Constantinople (see the extract

from the Greek MSS. of the Royal Library at Paris [Bibliothèque

Nationale], on p. 499 of the work of M. Berger de Xivrey: _Recits de

l'antiquité sur quelques points de la fable, du merveilleux et de

l'histoire naturelle_). In these exaggerated and marvellous accounts,

therefore, of birds and animals which were unknown as late as then, we

find a proof of the influence of the teratological traditions of

antiquity and of the Middle Ages, in consequence of the studies which

men had previously made of the figures they saw depicted in the

planispheres and Mappemondes of their time; and also we may see in this

a result of the reading of Pliny, and above all of the _Treatise on

Marvels_, attributed to Aristotle, "the philosopher," as Azurara calls

him (see p. 12, note 19), whose authority was so great among the

Portuguese of the fifteenth century that even the "Proctors of the

People" (in the _Cortes_ of 1481), quoted his work on "Politics" (see

our _Memoir on the Cortes_, ii, p. 186). We see, then, that our seamen

of that period were impregnated with these traditions, and were diligent

readers of works which during the Middle Ages were given the title of

_Mirabilia_, the reading of which enchanted (in that age) not only men

of education, but even students, and often the people, to whom

ecclesiastics read in public those marvellous relations, as we see,

among other examples from the case of Giraldus Cambrensis, who thrice

read to the people in Oxford his description of Ireland; and still more

in the celebrated statutes made in 1380 by Bishop Wykeham for the

college which he founded in the same city, in which he determined that

the chronicles of various realms should be read to the students and the

marvels of the world (_Mirabilia Mundi_); see _Sprengel_, p. 221, and

Wharton, _History of English Poetry_, i, p. 92. In the period at which

the statutes we mention were given to (New) College in Oxford, the

relations between Portugal and England were knit more closely than in

preceding centuries. The Court of the King, D. John I, adopted most of

the English usages, and the literary communication between the two

peoples was more extensive than in earlier time. The citation of the

romances of chivalry made by the King to his knights, the adoption of

the French language (which was then that of the Court of England), the

devices and mottoes of which the Infants made use, prove the existence

of that influence. Besides this, divers passages of King D. Duarte's

_Leal Conselheiro_ show that the Infants of the House of Aviz (often)

discussed various literary matters with the King, their father, and

other literary persons, and that they even debated about the rules and

regulations for properly translating classical works. We have also

noticed that King D. John I, in the discourse which he made to the

fidalgos who remained at Ceuta in 1415, cited the _De Regimine

Principum_ of Fr. Gil de Roma, bidding them recall to memory how they

had often read the same in his Privy Chamber. So then, at that epoch of

discoveries, in which the greatest enthusiasm prevailed for the

prosecution of enterprises of such moment, the reading of the _Marvels

of the World_, and of the _Travels of Marco Polo_, which the Infant D.

Pedro brought from Venice, formed beyond doubt the delight of all those

famous men, courtiers of the Infant D. Henry, of his illustrious father,

and of his brothers--courtiers, moreover, who received their education

in the royal or princely palaces. The passages, then, which we read in

this Chronicle, and which we indicate to the reader, in spite of their

brevity, and of the defects which the critical study of our own time

enables us to note--these passages, we say, are of the highest

importance when they are studied in harmony with other contemporary

documents. The great men of the fifteenth century, formed in the school

of the Infant Don Henry, were unquestionably possessed of great

erudition for those times--an erudition and knowledge which at first

eludes observation, through being muffled up in the rudeness of a

language without polish, and which was more energetic in action than

explicit and agreeable in writing, but it is nevertheless clear that

they knew all that was known in their age.

It was this notable school, therefore, which prepared the great body of

geographical learning which we note appearing in the famous congress of

Portuguese and Spanish geographers at Badajoz in 1524 and 1525: at

which, in the discussion which took place on the demarcation of the

Moluccas and on the size of the world, Aristotle was quoted along with

Strabo, Eratosthenes, Macrobius, St. Ambrose, Pliny, Theodosius, Marinus

of Tyre, Alfergani, and Pierre d'Ailly, etc.]--S.

Long as this note is, a word must be added to it:--

Santarem here covers a large part of the field of mediæval geography,

but his treatment in this place is hardly so clear or exhaustive as one

might expect from the author of the _Essai sur Cosmographie_, or the

compiler of the leading _Atlas_ of mediæval maps. As to the immediate

subject, the phrase _Mediterranean_ [_Sea_] was first used in the sense

of a proper name by St. Isidore of Seville, _c._ A.D. 600 (_Origins_ or

_Etymologies_, Book xiii); though its adjectival use, like the parallel

expressions "Our [sea]," "the Roman [sea]," "the Inner [sea]," was of

course much earlier. As late as Solinus (_c._ A.D. 230) this last is

clearly the only shade of meaning. As to the commerce of North Africa,

we must refer to the Introduction to vol. ii, pp. xxii-xxvi, xlv-lvi,

lxiv. As to the mediæval _Mirabilia_, it is strange that Santarem gives

no adequate reference to the great sources of these collections: Pliny's

_Natural History_, and above all Solinus' _Collectanea_, principally

compiled from Pliny, Mela, and Varro, and itself reproduced (wholly or

partially) in well-nigh every mediæval work of similar character,

translated into the pictorial language of Mappemonde, such as that of

_Hereford_, of _Ebstorp_, or of the _Psalter_ (Brit. Mus. _Add. MSS._

28,681). On these, see _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 243-273, 327-391.

Santarem's remarks hardly give a sufficient idea of the systematic

domination exercised over much of mediæval thought, not only in

geography, natural history and ethnology, but in other departments also

by the pseudo-science represented in these _Mirabilia_.]

[Endnote 145: (p. 183). _Paulus Orosius._--[Here we must note the

omission of the name of Diodorus Siculus among the authors cited by

Azurara, especially as he is, among all the ancient historians, the one

who has left us the most important and circumstantial account of the

Nile. The first Latin version of Diodorus by Poggio only appeared in

1472, nineteen years after Azurara had finished this chronicle. The

works of Orosius were held in high estimation among the learned of the

Middle Ages. This writer was born at Braga in Lusitania, agreeably to

the opinion of some authors. (See _Fr. Leam de St. Thomas, bened. lusit.

I_, ii, p. 308; and Baronius, an. 414.) His work, _Historiarum adversus

Paganos_, which begins with the creation of the world and comes down to

the year 316 of Jesus Christ, was printed for the first time in 1471,

that is, eighteen years after Azurara had finished his Chronicle, but

during the Middle Ages copies of this work were so multiplied that even

in England the book was to be found in the hands of the Anglo-Saxon

people (see Wright, _Essay on the State of Literature and Learning under

the Anglo-Saxons_, p. 39), a detail which affords one proof the more of

the literary relations between the Spanish peninsula, and the peoples

and nations of the North in the first centuries of the Middle Ages.]--S.

See _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 353-5.]

[Endnote 146: (p. 184). _Mossylon Emporion_ (_Mossille

Nemporyo_).--[Azurara alters the name. The passage to which the

Chronicler refers is the following:--_Et Ægyptum superiorem fluviumque

Nilum, qui de litore incipientis maris Rubri videtur emergere in loco

qui dicitur Musilon Emporium_, not _Mossile Nemporyo_. (_Orosius_, Bk.

I, vi.)]--S. On this _Emporion_, see Bunbury's _Ancient Geography_, vol

ii, pp. 692; _Solinus_, ch. lvi.]

[Endnote 147: (p. 184). _Josepho Rabano._--[This is the celebrated

author of the history of the Jews, Flavius Josephus, whose work was

first composed in Syriac and afterwards in Greek. It was so much

esteemed by the Emperor Titus that he ordered it to be put into the

public library. The first Latin translation which was printed, according

to some bibliographers, was in 1470, seventeen years after this

Chronicle was finished.]--S.]

[Endnote 148: (p. 184). _Meroë._--[On this African island the reader

can consult _Ptolemy_, iv, 8; _Herodotus_, ii, 29; _Strabo_, Bks.

XVII-XVIII; and, above all, _Diodorus Siculus_, i, 23, etc. The Master

Peter quoted by Azurara is the famous Petrus Aliacus, or de Aliaco

(d'Ailly), in his book _Imago Mundi_, finished in 1410: a book which had

a great vogue in the fifteenth and even in the sixteenth century.]--S.

Cf. also Pliny, _H. N._, ii, 73; v, 9; Cailliaud, _L'isle de Meroe_.]

[Endnote 149: (p. 184). _Gondojre._--[According to our belief the

reading should be Gondolfo. This writer had travelled in Palestine, and

his life is (to be found) written in _Anglia Sacra_, tom. ii].--S. The

Master Peter mentioned just before is rather a doubtful case. He is

possibly the writer of the eleventh-century treatise "Contra Simoniam,"

etc., or the "Magister Scholarum" of the thirteenth, usually called the

"Master of Stommeln."]

[Endnote 150: (p. 185). _Crocodiles._--Here we have an original MS.

note.--[This is an animal, as Pliny relateth, which breedeth in the

Nile, and whose custom and nature is to live by day on land and by night

in the water; in the water to feed on the fish upon which it liveth and

maintaineth itself, and on the land to sleep and refresh itself. But

when it cometh out in the morning to the bank, if it findeth a boy or a

man it quickly killeth him, and it is said that it swalloweth them

whole. And it is a very evil and very dangerous beast.]

Compare other original notes of MS. written in the same character on pp.

7, 8, 13, etc. On the Nile and its crocodiles and other wonders, as

conceived by mediæval writers, we may also compare _Solinus_, ch. xxxii.

On Azurara's reference to _Cæsarea_ (Cherchel) immediately preceding,

Santarem remarks as follows:--[This is Julia Cæsarea, now Cherchel, as

is proved by various Roman inscriptions discovered there lately, and

communicated to the Institute of France (Royal Academy of Inscriptions)

by M. Hase. This city was one of the busiest of the ancient Regency of

Argel.]]

[Endnote 151: (p. 188). _Dog Star_ (_Canicolla_).--Here we have an

original MS. note.--[This star, as saith the interpreter of Ovid, giveth

its name to the Dog Days, which are those days which begin on July 5th

and finish on September 5th. And this name came from a bitch which

guarded the body of Icarus, when he was slain by the reapers, as Master

John of England relateth. And he relateth that because that bitch

guarded faithfully the body of its lord, it was numbered among the

signs; and because it was a little bitch, the Dog Days took this name of

theirs in this form, "Canicullus" for "Cam," or "Canicolla" for

"Cadella." And because that bitch of Icarus was poisoned with the stench

of its master, who lay dead and already stank, therefore did that star

become also a poisonous one; and therefore does the sun still poison

when it passeth through that sign, and so do the rays of the sun then

poison the meats on earth. Wherefore those thirty-two days which the sun

taketh in passing through that sign, are held by physicians to be days

hurtful to the health of the body.] [_John of England is John Duns

Scotus, Franciscan friar, called Doctor Subtilis, one of the chief

philosophers of the Middle Ages, and Professor in Oxford_ (_see Wadding,

Vita J. Duns Scoti, doctoris subtilis, published in 1644_).]--S.]

[Endnote 152: (p. 188). _Ellice and Cenosura._--Here we have another

manuscript note.--[These are the two poles, to wit, Arctic and

Antarctic. And the interpreter of Ovid saith that each one of these two

signs are called _Arcom_, and that _Arcom_ is a Greek word, and

signifieth what in Latin is meant by _Ursi_, and in the Portuguese

language by _Ursas_; and that, besides, by each of these signs we call

the North.]]

[Endnote 153: (p. 189). _So directly passeth the sun, etc._--[See

Strabo, Bk. XVII, who refers to the wells without shade during the

summer solstice.]--S.]

[Endnote 153a: (pp. 188-9). _Bishop Achoreus._--[Azurara refers here to

Achoreus, the Egyptian high priest of whom Lucan speaks in the

_Pharsalia_, Canto x. The passage to which Azurara refers begins with

the following verse:--Vana fides veterum, Nilo, quod crescat in arva.

Comparing this chapter of Azurara with the episode of Canto x of the

_Pharsalia_, we see clearly that it was from Lucan he derived the whole

of his description of the Nile.]--S.]

[Endnote 154: (p. 191). _The marvels of the Nile._--[So great was the

influence of the systematic geography of the ancients upon the

imagination of the Portuguese of the fifteenth century, that, on

arriving at the Senegal, and seeing that the water was sweet very near

to the mouth, and very clear, in the same manner as the Nile (_Nulli

fluminum dulcior gustus est_, said Seneca), and observing the same

phenomena, they did not doubt for a moment that they had discovered the

Nile of the Negroes. In these two chapters we see something of the vast

erudition of Azurara, and at the same time something of the historical

and cosmographical knowledge of our first discoverers. Moreover, we must

call the attention of the reader to a very important detail, namely,

that while Azurara shows himself imbued with the reading of the ancient

authors on these matters, in the same way as our mariners, the latter,

if we study the spirit of their words, show that they had some knowledge

of the system of the Arab geographers in this respect. These latter

applied the same terms (as our first Portuguese explorers) to the two

rivers, distinguishing the Nile of Egypt and the Nile of the Negroes.

This opinion of the Niger being an arm of the Nile was even maintained

in our own day by Jackson, in his work entitled, _An Account of the

Empire of Marocco and the District of Suze_. In vol. xiv of the _Annales

des Voyages_, by Malte-Brun, 1811, and in vol. xvii of the same work, p.

350, we meet with a curious analysis of this work of Jackson's on the

identity of the two rivers.]--S.

What Azurara says here about the Nile, etc., is largely borrowed from

Solinus, _Collectanea_, xxxii; Pliny, _Natural History_, v, 51-59; viii,

89-97; _Pomponius Mela_, iii, viii, 9. We may also (for mediæval ideas

on the Nile, etc.) cf. Dicuil, _De Mensura Orbis Terrae_, vi, 4, 7,

etc.; ix, 6 (on Mount Atlas); St. Basil, _Hexaemeron_, iii, 6; Vibius

Sequester; Procopius, _De Bell. Goth._, ii, 14, 15; iv, 29; St. Isidore,

_Origins_, xiv, 5; Ven. Bede, _De Natur. Rer._; and above all, Edrisi

(Jaubert), i, 11-13, 17-19, 27-33, 35, 37, 297, 301-5, 312, 315,

320-325, ii, 137; Masudi, _Meadows of Gold_, ch. xiv (see Introduction

to vol. ii, pp. xliv-l, and _Dawn of Modern Geography_, pp. 267-8,

323-6, 367, 462-3, 348, 363, 365.)]

[Endnote 155: (p. 191). _Fish or some other natural product of the

sea._--[This important passage is one proof the more of the priority of

our discoveries on the west coast of Africa.]--S. Not, of course, an

absolute proof, though it strengthens the plausibility of the Portuguese

claim.]

[Endnote 156: (p. 193). _Arms of the Infant._--[This island, as well

as the other of which mention is made above, where these sailors

encountered the Arms of the Infant carved upon the trees, are very

clearly marked, as between Cape Verde and the Cape of Masts, on a

curious map of Africa in the unpublished _Atlas_ of Vaz Dourado,

executed in 1571 (see _Mémoire sur la navigation aux côtes occidentales

d'Afrique_, by Admiral Roussin, p. 61--_Des iles de la

Madeleine_).]--S.]

[Endnote 157: (p. 193). _This tree_, etc.--[This is the baobab, a tree

noted for its enormous size, and which is to be met with on the Senegal,

on the Gambia, and even on the Congo, at which point Captain Tucklay

(Tuckey) mentions it among the trees to be found on the banks of the

Zaire. This tree had been described by Adanson (_Histoire Naturelle du

Sénégal_, Paris, 1757, pp. 54 and 104), and from this circumstance

Bernardo Jussieu gave it the name of Adansonia. Its trunk is sometimes

more than 90 ft. in circumference (see the work cited above). Our

mariners, and Azurara himself, however, described it 310 years before

the French naturalist who gave it the botanical name by which it is now

known.]--S.]

[Endnote 158: (p. 194). _Rio d'Ouro._--[Some French writers, who have

lately treated of the famous Catalan Atlas in the Royal Library of

Paris, to which they assign the date of 1375, assert that the Catalans

reached the Rio d'Ouro before the Portuguese, because on this map is

marked a galliot, with a legend referring to Jayme Ferrer, who sailed to

a river of that name (in 1346).

Without discussing this point here, let us say, nevertheless, that as to

this voyage of the Catalans, whose arrival at the said river is not

attested by any document, the reader should consult the map of M.

Walckenaer, published in the scientific journal, _Annales des Voyages_,

tom. 7, p. 246 (A.D. 1809), in which that learned geographer says, with

good reason, that the said legend and project of Jayme Ferrer's voyage

(as stated) does not at all prove that geographical knowledge in 1346

extended beyond Cape Bojador, or even beyond Cape Non (see also our

_Memoir on the priority of our discoveries_, and the _Atlas_ which

accompanies the said memoir).]--S. Cf. Introduction to vol. ii, pp.

lxiii-lxiv.]

[Endnote 159: (p. 194). _To the Kingdom._--[By this passage, and

similar ones in chs. x, xi, and xvi, it is proved that the commercial

relations of the Portuguese with the west coast of Africa beyond Bojador

were established before the middle of the fifteenth century. The imports

then consisted of gold-dust, slaves, and skins of sea-calves.]--S. Cf.

Introduction to vol. ii, pp. x-xiii, lxi-lxxi.]

[Endnote 160: (p. 198). _Tider._--[An island hard by Arguim (or

forming one of the Arguim group). We must now add to what we said

before, that this island, as well as those of the Herons (Ilha das

Garças), and of Naar, is very clearly marked on the unpublished map of

Vaz Dourado, but without the names given in this Chronicle. That

cosmographer (Dourado) included them all under the denomination of

_Isles of Herons_.]--S.]

[Endnote 161: (p. 199). _Isle of Cerina._--[Comparing our text with

the excellent map of Vaz Dourado, we find on the latter this island

marked as nearest to the continent, and also nearest to the mouth of the

St. John River. Dourado marks Arguim to the north, and to the south of

_P. dos Reys_ marks four islands, which are those of Herons, of Naar, of

Tider, and this one of which Azurara speaks. On the map of D'Anville,

which is to be found in the work of P. Labat, _Nouvelle relation de

l'Afrique_, tom. I, a map which includes the part of the coast from Cape

Branco to the River of St. John, we read over an island very near Tider

the word "Grine," which appears to be the Cerina of Azurara.]--S.]

[Endnote 162: (p. 204). _Arrived at the end_, etc.--[On the position

of this stream, see the map of d'Anville, published in the work of P.

Labat, _Nouvelle relation de l'Afrique_, tom. I; and the _Mémoire sur la

navigation aux côtes occidentales d'Afrique_, by Admiral Roussin, at p.

44, where he speaks of the _Baie du Lévrier_, which is 8 leagues in

extent from N. to S., and 6 leagues across. This bay, in which our

sailors entered, is to the north of the Cape of St. Anne.]--S.]

[Endnote 163: (p. 212). _This Prince._--[Compare this passage with

what we said in note 92, ch. xxx, as to the authority of this

chronicle.]--S.]

[Endnote 164: (p. 214). _Point of Santa Anna._--[It is situate to the

south of the Rio de S. João, on the chart of João Freire of 1546.]--S.]

[Endnote 165: (p. 218). _Islands._--[We think that these islands are

the ones marked on certain charts, principally French, with the name of

"Ilhas da Madalena."]--S].

[Endnote 166: (p. 220). _Buffaloes._--[It was, in fact, the African

buffalo that our seamen saw there.]--S.]

[Endnote 167: (p. 224). _Hermes._--[(Ἔρμας). Azurara refers here to

the book of this author entitled _The Shepherd_, composed in the

pontificate of St. Clement sometime before the persecution of Domitian

which began in the year 95. Origen, Eusebius, St. Jerome, St. Clement of

Alexandria, and Tertullian mentioned this work. By this passage we see

that Azurara, in citing it, did not admit the view of Gelasius, who

classed it among the apocryphal books.]--S.]

[Endnote 168: (p. 225). _As he could._--[Compare this passage with

what we have said in previous notes about the Infant's plans.]--S.]

[Endnote 169: (p. 225). _Nile._--[The Senegal, or Nile of the

Negroes.]--S.]

[Endnote 170: (p. 226). _An island._--[It must be the Island of Gorea

(Goree), situate in 14° 39' 55" N. lat. On this island see Demanet,

_Nouvelle histoire de l'Afrique_, tom. 1, pp. 87-97, passim. _Notices

statistiques sur les colonies françaises_ (troisième partie, pp.

187-189), a work published by the Ministry of Marine in 1839.]--S.]

[Endnote 171: (p. 228). _Cape of the Masts._--[This cape appears

marked with this name in nearly all the ancient MS. maps of the

sixteenth century. It is clear then that the name of this cape was first

given to that point by Alvaro Fernandez. Barros (_Decade I_, liv. 1,

fol. 26, ed. 1628) says of this voyage: "He passed to the place they now

call the Cabo dos Mastos: a name he then gave it on account of some bare

palm trees that at first sight looked like masts set up."]--S.]

[Endnote 172: (p. 229). _A hind._--[This description leaves not the

smallest doubt that the animal which our seamen saw there, and of which

the author treats, is the antelope, and probably "the other beasts" were

herds of the same kind. On the history of the antelopes the reader

should consult Buffon and Cuvier.]--S.]

[Endnote 173: (p. 230). _Dwellings_ (_Essacanas_).--[This word is not

to be found either in the _Elucidario_ or in Portuguese dictionaries; it

is met with, however, in the heptaglot of Castell, and in Golius, but

there the meaning of this Arabic word is given as being "a place where a

person dwells." Even if this be admitted for the explanation of the

text, the latter still remains obscure; however, it seems to us that the

author meant to say, that all those observations were made in the

"(Essacanas) dwellings ... that exist on certain sandbanks, according,"

etc. The mariners drew their charts, and marked the coasts, banks, etc.,

on the very spots themselves.]--S.]

[Endnote 174: (p. 230). _Charts._--[This passage shows in the clearest

manner that the first hydrographical maps of the west coast of Africa,

beyond Bojador, were made by the Portuguese under the orders of the

Infant D. Henrique, and that these maps were adopted and copied by the

cosmographers of the whole of Europe (see _Memoria sobre a prioridade

dos descobrimentos dos Portuguezes_, etc., §§ ix, x, and xi).]--S.]

[Endnote 175: (p. 230). _Oadem._--[We judge this to be the place

called by Cadamosto Hoden (Guaden), and of which he says: "On the right

of Cape Branco inland there is an inhabited place named Hoden, which is

distant from the coast a matter of six days' journey by camel;" but he

says the contrary of what we read in the text, for he adds: "The which

is not a place of dwelling, but the Arabs foregather there, and it

serves as a calling-place for the caravans that come from Timbuctoo and

other Negro parts to this our Barbary from here." This spot, with the

very name given by Cadamosto, is marked agreeably to this account on the

chart of the Itineraries of the caravans which M. Walckenaer added to

his work, _Recherches géographiques sur l'intérieur de

l'Afrique_.]--S.]

[Endnote 176: (p. 231). _Carts._--[_Alquitões_, an Arabic term not met

with either in our dictionaries or in the _Elucidario_, but found in the

heptaglot dictionary of Castell, in the word "Alquidene," "waggons for

the transport of women and men," and in Golius. We do not find this word

in the war regulations of the Kings D. John I and D. Affonso V (Souza,

_Prov. da hist. gen._, iii). Azurara thus employed in this place an

Arabic term which had fallen out of use in Portuguese in the fifteenth

century.]--S.]

[Endnote 177: (p. 231). _Few._--[See the description in the travels of

Clapperton.]--S.]

[Endnote 178: (p. 231). _Confetti._--[See the _Itinèraire de Tripoli

de Barbarie à la ville de Tomboctu_, by the Cheyk Hagg-Kassem, published

by M. Walckenaer in his _Recherches sur l'intérieur de l'Afrique_, p.

425; the account agrees with that in the text.]--S.]

[Endnote 179: (p. 231). _Bestiality._--[This same description and

expression is to be found in _Leo Africanus_.]--S. The last may be read

in the Hakluyt Soc. ed., vol. i, pp. 130-3, 153-4, 158-161, 218.]

[Endnote 180: (p. 232). _Fernandez._--[As to João Fernandez, see ch.

xxix, and the note on the stay of this traveller at the Rio do Ouro in

1445, and also ch. xxxii.]--S.]

[Endnote 181: (p. 232). _Went with them._--[Though this account of

João Fernandez is very important, because anterior by almost a century

to the description of the well-known Leo Africanus, yet the most

important part of it is wanting: namely, the route he followed, and the

places he visited during the seven months he spent with the caravans.

Despite the omission of these details, however, his description which

this chapter contains, and its exactness, is confirmed by the later

writings of Leo Africanus, Marmol, and other travellers, to whom we

refer the reader.]--S.]]

[Endnote 182: (p. 232). _All of sand._--Here is another note of the

original MS.: [Of this land speaketh Moses in the 15th chapter of

Exodus, and Josephus and Master Pero (_Peter_), who commented on it,

where they write of the troubles of the people of Israel for want of

water, and of how they found a well of pure water; where he relateth how

Moses, by God's command, threw in the piece of wood and made it sweet.

And this took place before they arrived at the place where God sent them

the manna.] See note 148 (to p. 183).]

[Endnote 183: (p. 232). _Tagazza_ (_Tagaoz_).--[This land is the

Tagaza of Cadamosto (ch. xii, p. 21), and Tagazza of Jackson, on the way

from Akka to Timbuctoo.]--S. See Leo Africanus, Hakluyt Soc. ed., 117,

798, 800, 816, 829; Pacheco Pereira, _Esmeraldo_, 43; Dr. Barth,

_Reise_, iv, 616.]

[Endnote 184: (p. 233). _Palms._--[See Denham and Clapperton.]--S.]

[Endnote 185: (p. 233). _Water._--[See the Itineraries already cited

and published in M. Walckenaer's _Recherches_, etc., and also the

_Description of Africa_, by Leo Africanus.]--S.]

[Endnote 186: (p. 233). _Write._--[This detail is very curious,

because it indicates that in the fifteenth century, when João Fernandez

journeyed with the caravans, some of those tribes which we suppose to be

Berbers had not yet adopted the Arabic characters. It is to be deplored

that Azurara is not more explicit in this place, seeing that Arabic

authors mention books written in this language. Oudney tells of various

inscriptions, written in unknown characters, which he saw in the country

of the Touariks. Very few of this tribe speak Arabic, which he was

surprised at, because of the frequent communication between them and

nations that only speak that tongue.--_Vide_ Clapperton's Travels, and

Leo Africanus in Ramusio, etc.]--S. See the Hakluyt Soc. Leo Africanus,

pp. 133, 165-7.]

[Endnote 187: (p. 233). _Berbers._--[According to Burckhardt, _Trav._,

pp. 64 and 207, these are the Berbers. Our author includes here the

Lybians. Compare with Leo Africanus in Ramusio.]--S. See the Hakluyt

Soc. Leo Africanus, pp. 129, 133, 199, 202-5, 218.]

[Endnote 188: (p. 233). _These last._--[It appears from this passage

that the Touariks are treated of, and their conflicts with the Negro

Fullahs, or of the Foullan.]--S. On the Tuâreg, see Leo (Hakluyt Soc.

ed.), pp. 127, 151, 198, 216, 798-9, 815-6; also Dubois, _Tombouctou la

mystérieuse_, and Hourst, _Sur le Niger_.]

[Endnote 189: (p. 233). _To sell._--[It was this trade in Negro slaves

which the Christian merchants carried on with North Africa that led to

the singular claim of Zuniga and other Spanish writers, that the

Castilians--and in particular the Andalusians--trafficked in the Negroes

of Guinea before the Portuguese; and by a confusion, either ignorant or

intended, they tried to dispute with us the priority of our discovery of

Guinea, and our exclusive commerce with this part of Africa which we

were the first to find. See our _Memoria_, already cited, § xvii.]--S.]

[Endnote 190: (p. 234). _Not certain._--[This passage shows that

Azurara did not believe in the existence of the great empire of Melli

very rich in gold mines, though in the preceding century it had been

visited by the celebrated Arab traveller Ibn-Batuta.]--S. On Melli, cf.

Leo Africanus (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), pp. 125, 128, 133-4, 201, 823, 841.]

[Endnote 191: (p. 234). _On the heavens._--[Leo Africanus says that

amongst the Arabs and other African peoples many persons are to be met

with who, without ever having opened a single book, discourse fairly

well on astrology.]--S. See Leo Africanus, (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), pp. 177,

460, 600.]

[Endnote 192: (p. 234). _Hussos francos._--Meaning unknown. The word

is not found in Portuguese dictionaries.]

[Endnote 193: (p. 235). _Fifty leagues._--[This figure does not seem

to be exaggerated. _Vide_ Rennell's "Memoir on the rate of travelling as

performed by camels," in the _Philosophical Transactions_, vol. lxxxi,

p. 144. The author refers to certain camels of the desert and the

country of the Touariks (Tuâreg), which by their extreme speed travel in

one day a distance that takes an ordinary camel ten. But these do not

journey with the ordinary caravans, but are used only for warlike

enterprises.]--S.]

[Endnote 194: (p. 236). _Resin_ [_Anime_].--See Garcia de Orta's

_Simples e Drogas_, ed. Conde de Ficalho, vol. ii, pp. 43, 44.]

[Endnote 195: (p. 236). _Six hundred leagues._--[We think this should

read 200 and not 600 as in the text, which seems to be a mistake,

because the known portion of the west coast of Africa to Cape Bojador

has not an extension agreeing with the numeral letters in the

text.]--S.]

[Endnote 196: (p. 237). _Already heard._--[On this important passage,

see our _Memoria sobre a prioridade_, etc., §§ ix, x, xviii.]--S.]

[Endnote 197: (p. 238). _Maciot._--[Compare this with what is said in

the book: _Histoire de la première descouverte et conqueste des Canaries

faite dès l'an 1402 par messire Jean de Bethencourt, ensuite du temps

même par F. Pierre Bontier, et Jean Le Verrier, prestre domestique dudit

Sieur de Bethencourt_, etc., published in Paris in 1630. It is clear

that Azurara had collected information of this expedition of Bethencourt

from ancient accounts. This chronicle was finished in the library of

King Affonso V in 1453, and Cadamosto sailed in the service of Portugal

two years later (1455), so that his account of the Canaries is posterior

to that of Azurara.]--S.]

[Endnote 198: (p. 242). _Bad man._--Another MS. note. ["Marco Polo

saith that in the realm of Grand Tartary there are other like men, who

when they receive their guests, thinking to give them pleasure, let them

have their women, in the belief that as they do this for them in this

world, so the gods will do likewise for themselves in the other. And

this they hold because they are idolaters and have no law, but live only

in those first idolatries."]]

[Endnote 199: (p. 245). _Discover._--[This passage shows that the

Infant had in view the discovery of Guinea from the commencement of the

expeditions he fitted out. In this, Azurara differs somewhat from

Cadamosto's account.]--S.]

[Endnote 200: (p. 246). _Machico._--[Compare with Barros, _Decade I_,

i, ff. 6, 7 and 8, ed. Lisbon, 1628. The silence preserved by Azurara

about Robert Machim and Anne d'Arfet seems to show that this romance had

not been invented in his day.]--S.]

[Endnote 201: (p. 247). 1445 ... _Gonçalo Velho._--[In the unpublished

chart of Gabriel de Valsequa, made in Majorca in 1439, the following

note is written in the middle of the Azores islands: "The which islands

were found by Diego de Sevill, pilot of the King of Portugal, in the

year 1432" (according to the better reading). We transcribe this note

because of the date and the name of the discoverer, seeing that the date

agrees with what Padre Freire says in his _Life of Prince Henry_ (pp.

319, 320), _i.e._, that it was in 1432 that the island of Santa Maria

(Azores) was discovered by Gonçalo Velho, and not by Diego de Senill, as

Valsequa says. De Murr, in his dissertation on the globe of Martin de

Behaim, also declares that the Azores were found in 1432. Nevertheless,

a great confusion as to the true date of the discovery of the Azores

exists among the authorities; and if maps anterior to 1432 are compared

with what Padre Freire says (p. 323) as to the discovery of the Island

of St. Michael, that the existence of this island "accorded (as the

Infant said) with his ancient maps," the discovery of the Azores would

appear to have been effected before 1432. In fact, in the Parma map of

the fourteenth century, these islands are marked; while the Catalan Map

of the Paris National Library shows the following islands in the

archipelago of the Azores named in Italian:--Insula de Corvi marini

(Island of Corvo); Le Conigi; San Zorzo (St. Jorge); Li Colombi; Insula

de Brasil; Insule de Sante (Maria?).

In the unpublished map of the Pinelli Library, the date of which has

been fixed as between 1380 and 1400, the said islands are marked with

the following names:--Caprana; I. de Brasil; Li Colombi; I. de la

Ventura; Sã Zorzi; Li Combi; I. di Corvi marini.

In the Valsequa Chart of 1439 these islands indicated by the

cosmographer are marked to the number of eight, three being small ones.

The names are:--Ilha de Sperta; Guatrilla; Ylla de l'Inferno; Ylla de

Frydols; Ylla de Osels (Uccello); Ylla de ...; Ylla de Corp-Marinos;

Conigi.

It is noteworthy that the names of these islands, in the map of the

Majorcan cosmographer, which is the most modern, are all altered, while

in the Catalan map made by his compatriots, sixty-four years earlier,

the following names given by the Portuguese discoverers are found: Ilha

de Corvo, de S. Jorge, and de Santa Maria, just as in the Italian maps

of the fourteenth century.]--S. The seven islands mentioned rather

confusedly by Azurara at end of ch. lxxxiii (p. 248, top) are the

Azores.]

[Endnote 201A: (p. 248). _Reasonings._--Azurara here omits a document

of extreme interest, which was given in full by Affonso

Cerveira--another instance of the superiority of our unhappily-lost

original to the court historian's copy.]

[Endnote 202: (p. 252). _Algarve._--[The Kings of Castille complained

of these invasions, and there were many disputes between Portugal and

Castille as to the lordship of these islands. Las Casas, in his

_Historia de India_, an unpublished MS., treats at length of this

subject, especially in ch. viii. Compare with what Azurara says in this

chapter, Barros, _Decade I_, i, cap. 12, fol. 23, ed. 1628.]--S.]

[Endnote 202A: (p. 252). _Enregistered._--Viz., by Affonso Cerveira,

in the original chronicle.]

[Endnote 203: (p. 254). _Tristam._--[This river kept the name of Rio

de Nuno, or Rio de Nuno Tristão, as appears from nearly all the old

maps, in memory of this catastrophe.]--S.]

[Endnote 203A: (p. 255). _Twenty-one._--Again not counting Nuno

Tristam himself.]

[Endnote 204: (p. 257.). _Sines._--Sines, on the extreme S.W. coast of

the Estremadura province of Portugal, was the birthplace of Vasco da

Gama, discoverer of the sea-route to India, and one of the world's great

navigators. It lies 147 miles S.S.E. of Setubal.]

[Endnote 205: (p. 258). _Cape of Masts._--[_Vide_ note to p. 227 of

this version.]]

[Endnote 206: (p. 260). A _river._--[This river is marked in the map

of Juan de La Cosa (1500) with the name of Rio de Lagos, in that of João

Freire (1546) and in others with that of Rio do Lago; and though Dourado

marks a river to the south of the Cabo dos Matos, he gives it no

name.]--S.]

[Endnote 207: (p. 261). _Beyond C. Verde._--[The great inlet which

they had reached, and which is situate 110 leagues south of Cape Verde,

is beyond Sierra Leone, and is marked in the maps of Juan de la Cosa

(1500), Freire (1546), and Vaz Dourado, with the cape of Santa Anna to

the south.

On this voyage, then, counting from the Rio de Lagos, our mariners

passed the following spots marked on the above-mentioned ancient

maps:--R. Gambia; R. de Santa Clara; R. das Ostras; R. de S. Pedro;

Casamansa; Cabo Roxo; R. de S. Domingos; R. Grande; Biguba; Besegi;

Amallo; R. de Nuno; Palmar; Cabo da Verga.

We have also R. de Pichel (maps of La Cosa and Dourado; R. da Praia in

Freire); R. de Marvam (in Freire [1546]; Rio do Ouro in Dourado); R. do

Hospital (in La Cosa [1500]; R. das Soffras in Freire [1546], and called

by Dourado R. dos Pes [1571]); R. da Tamara (La Cosa); R. da Maia

(Freire), and de Tornala in Dourado; R. de Caza (de Case in La Cosa and

Freire); Serra Leoa (Sierra Leone).]--S.

[Endnote 208: (p. 264). _River ... caravels._--[Undoubtedly the Rio

Grande. Cf. Walckenaer, _Histoire générale des Voyages_, vol. i, p. 79,

note: where he corrects the mistake of Clarke in his _Progress of

Maritime Discovery_ (1803), p. 221.]--S.]

[Endnote 209: (p. 265). _Cape of ... Ransom._--[On old maps this cape

is marked to the south of Arguim, and it appears under the same name in

that of Juan de La Cosa, while in João Freire it is called _Porto do

Resgate_.]--S.]

[Endnote 210: (p. 267). _Expenses with ... Moors._--[This passage

shows that trading relations with Africa were already beginning to

assume a more regular character.]--S.]

[Endnote 211: (p. 268). _Porto da Caldeira._--[A name not met with in

the oldest maps (_e.g._, Benincasa of 1467), which is one of those most

nearly contemporaneous with our discoveries, and contains many names

given by our explorers; the same remark applies to those of La Cosa

(1500) and Freire (1546), etc. It seems, then, that our seamen gave this

name to a port within the _Rio do Ouro_, as the text would indicate. The

caravel of Gomez Pirez reaching the mouth of this river, cast anchor;

afterwards the captain decided to go to the end of the river, that is,

six leagues up; and arriving there he entered a port on which our men

had previously bestowed the name of _Porto da Caldeira_.]--S.]

[Endnote 212: (p. 268). _Well content._--[To our mind this important

passage shows that before the discovery of the Rio do Ouro by the

Portuguese, Europeans did not trade there. The very declaration of the

Arabs seems to us to contradict the opinion held by some that the

Catalans knew this river in 1346, and that Jacques Ferrer made his way

to this point (see p. 194, note 158, and note 74). In fact, it is clear

that the Arabs of that part were well aware that to get caravans to that

place meant a journey of many days across the desert, and also that,

even were this journey undertaken, they would perhaps find a difficulty

in persuading others to change the roads used from remote antiquity, and

come and traffic at a point of which they know little, and give it a

preference to the recognised _entrepôts_ of ancient caravan

commerce.]--S.]

[Endnote 213: (p. 274). _Land ... level._--[The low land marked on

ancient maps to the north of the Rio do Ouro.]--S.]

[Endnote 214: (p. 275). _Rocks._--[We saw before how Gomez Pires, on

reaching the Rio do Ouro, cast anchor at the mouth of the river, and

afterwards made his way up the stream to a port at its furthest part,

which our mariners had named the Porto da Caldeira, where he stayed

twenty-one days in order to establish commercial relations with the

Arabs of the African hinterland. But, as these negociations came to

nothing, he set sail and moved four leagues from there towards the other

bank of the river, and came upon an island in the river (the "ilot de

roches très élevé" of the maps of Admiral Roussin); and after they had

made eleven leagues in all, they met with the Arabs, who took refuge in

"some very big rocks that were there." These rocks are the seven

mountains marked in maps by our mariners of that time, and they are

depicted in the Mappemonde of Fra Mauro (1460), and copied from these

very Portuguese nautical charts--the "lofty mountains" of the globe of

Martin de Behaim, of Nuremburg.]--S.]

[Endnote 215: (p. 277). _Meça._--[A city in the province of Sus and

empire of Marocco. _Leo Africanus_, Book II, says it was built by the

ancient Africans.]--S.]

[Endnote 216: (p. 278). _Guineas._--[This passage shows that even then

traffic in the Guinea negroes was carried on through the ports on this

side of Cape Não. The Infant then knew, before he undertook the

business, that this was one of the commercial _entrepôts_ between

Marocco and the Negro States, just as is since 1810 the small kingdom

(founded by Hescham) of the independent Moors to the south of Marocco,

of the commerce between Marocco and Timbuctoo.]--S.]

[Endnote 217: (p. 278). _Eighteen Moors._--[This detail shows the

great influence possessed by João Fernandez over the Moors, doubtless

owing to his speaking Arabic and having travelled with them. M. Eyriès,

in the biographical article he wrote on this intrepid traveller

(_Biographie universelle_) says, with justice, that he was the first

European to penetrate into the interior of Africa, and that the details

of his story present a great analogy with those of the account given by

Mungo Park.]--S.]

[Endnote 218: (p. 280). _Denmark, Sweden and Norway._--[King

Christopher then reigned in these three Kingdoms. He was grandson of the

Emperor Robert, and nephew of Eric XII, who had abdicated in 1441. He

died on January 6th, 1448, and the three crowns were separated.]--S.

They were united in 1397 by the Union of Calmar.]

[Endnote 219: (p. 286). _Lost men ... Returned to the Kingdom._--[This

detail, which is not to be found in ch. xv of the _First Decade_ of

Barros, where he treats of this expedition, is of the greatest

importance, because it explains the event related in the letter of

Antoniotto Usus di Mare, _i.e._, Antonio da Nole, dated December 12th,

1455, and found in the archives of Genoa in 1802 by Gräberg (_Annali di

geografia e di statistica_, vol. ii, p. 285), in which that traveller

tells how he met in those parts with a man of his own country, whom he

took to be a member of the expedition of Vivaldi, which had set out one

hundred and seventy years before, and of which nothing had been heard

since its departure, according to Italian writers. Now it cannot be

admitted that a descendant of the Genoese expeditioners of Thedisio

Doria and Vivaldi would have kept his white colour if his ancestor had

remained among the negroes, nor could he know the language. Therefore,

Antoniotto can have seen no other white man in those parts except one of

the mariners of the Portuguese caravel of Affonso and Vallarte of which

Azurara treats in the text: especially as neither the different

Portuguese captains, nor Cadamosto, found in any part of the African

coast beyond Bojador a single vestige or tradition of other Europeans

having gone there before their discovery by the Portuguese. Of the

expedition of Vivaldi no news arrived after its departure in the

thirteenth century. In the time of Antoniotto there remained a tradition

only that it had set out intending to pass through the Straits of

Gibraltar and make an unaccustomed voyage to the West. Antoniotto was a

man of good education, and we see that he knew the authors who treated

of this event; but having imbibed these traditions, and knowing of the

existence of a Christian who had remained in these parts, he came to the

conclusion--of course in ignorance of the fact mentioned by

Azurara--that this man might be a descendant of the members of Vivaldi's

expedition, "ex illis galeis credo Vivaldœ qui se amiserit sunt anni

170." If this important passage of Azurara's chronicle be confronted

with the letter of Antoniotto, and both with the account of Cadamosto's

second voyage, there remains not the least doubt that the man mentioned

by Antoniotto was one of the three belonging to the caravel of Fernando

Affonso and Vallarte, who had remained there in 1447, that is, eight

years before Antoniotto visited the same parts, and that he was not a

descendant of the men of Vivaldi's caravel, whose destiny had then for

nearly two centuries been unknown. The passage also seems to refute the

conjecture of the publisher of the said letter, and the induction of

Baldelli in his _Millone_, vol. i, p. 153, etc., about the Medicean

Portulano and the two maps of Africa therein, which we have analysed in

our "Memoir on the priority of the Portuguese in the Discovery of the

West Coast of Africa beyond Cape Bojador," where we show that these

maps, far from disproving our priority, rather confirm it.]--S.]

[Endnote 220: (p. 286). _The Cabo dos Ruyvos._--[Otherwise the _Angra

dos Ruivos_ of ancient maps (see note 53). On the great abundance of

fish in these parts, see the curious and erudite work of M. Berthelot

(_De la péche sur la côte occidentale d'Afrique._ Paris, 1840).]--S.]

[Endnote 221: (p. 288). _Path of Salvation._--[Some modern writers,

founding themselves on the accounts of Cadamosto, have tried to make out

that the Portuguese were the first among modern nations to introduce the

slave trade from the beginning of their discoveries on the coast of

Africa. It does not fall within the limits of this note to show how

erroneous such assertions are; but we will nevertheless say that the

celebrated Las Casas, in his _Historia de las Indias_, MSS., ch. xix,

says that Jean de Bethencourt brought many captives from the Canaries

whom he sold in Spain, Portugal, and France.]--S.]

[Endnote 222: (p. 289). _Toil in arms._--[Barros could not supply the

want of a continuation of the text of Azurara (_Dec. I_, Bk. I, cap. i,

fol. 32). This great historian confesses that everything he relates of

the prosecution of these discoveries is taken from some memoranda he

found in the Torre and in Treasury Books of King Affonso V. To show how

deplorable it is that Azurara did not complete this Chronicle, at least

as far as the death of the Infant, and include the discoveries made from

this year of 1448 to 1460, it suffices to say that from this year

henceforward all is confusion in the dates and events relative to this

prosecution both in Barros and in Goes (_Chronica do principe D. João_,

ch. viii, which is devoted to these discoveries).

Barros limits himself to citing, in the year 1449, the licence given by

the king to D. Henry to people the seven islands of the Azores. From

this year he leaps to the year 1457, in which he only speaks of the

king's donation to the Infant D. Fernando, and only in the year 1460

does he relate that at this time Antonio de Nolli, a Genoese by nation

and a noble man, "who owing to some troubles in his own country had come

to this kingdom" in company with Bartholemew de Nolli, his brother, and

Raphael de Nolli, his nephew, obtained a licence from the Infant to go

and discover the Cape Verde Islands; and that some servants of the

Infant D. Fernando went on the same discovery at the same time by Prince

Henry's order.

So he (Barros) leaves us in ignorance of the regular progress of our

discoveries on the west coast of Africa from 1448, the year in which

Azurara finished this Chronicle, until 1460, in which the Infant died.

Damião de Goes, who pretended to relate more exactly and

circumstantially these events, leaves us in the same confusion in ch.

viii of the _Chronicle of the Prince D. John_, where he treats of Prince

Henry's discoveries; and, besides, he makes a great mistake regarding

the portion of coast discovered to the year 1458 (see ch. xvi, pp. 39

and 40 of the work cited), an error which is refuted by what Azurara

says in ch. lxxviii of this present Chronicle.]--S.

Santarem is mistaken in assuming (see note 219, to p. 286) that "Antonio

da Nole" and Antoniotto Uso di Mare are one and the same.]

[Endnote 223: (p. 289). _Albert the Great._--[Albertus Magnus, Bishop

of Ratisbon, one of the most learned men of the Middle Ages. His works

were published at Lyons in twenty-one folio volumes. See the art.,

_Albert le Grand_, in vol. xix of the _Histoire littéraire de la

France_, p. 362, etc.]--S.]

* * * * *

In addition to works already mentioned, see the _Occidente_ for March

11th, 1894 (especially Brito Rebello's article on Lagos, the Villa do

Iffante, etc.); Pinheiro Chagas, _Historia de Portugal_; L. de Mendonça

on Portuguese ships of the fifteenth century, in _Memorias da Commissão

Portugueza_ (Columbus Centenary); _Historia da Universidade da Coimbra_

(Braga), vol. i, pp. 135-140.

APPENDIX.

ADDENDA TO INTRODUCTION TO VOL. I.

Dr. Sousa Viterbo, writing on Azurara in the _Revista Portugueza

Colonial e Maritima_ (October 20th, 1898), supplies the following fresh

facts relating to the life of the Chronicler, gleaned by him from the

_Chartulary_ of the Convent of the Order of St. Bernard at Almoster,

near Santarem. On December 27th, 1465, Azurara was appointed Procurator

of that famous convent by the Abbess, and in this capacity his name

appears in various documents, _e.g._, of January 21st, 1471, and

February 22nd, 1472. The post was an important, and doubtless also a

lucrative, one. He had a residence in Santarem, and no doubt lived there

for a portion of each year during the last eight years of his life. On

December 1st, 1473, we find him in Lisbon on convent business, and on

April 2nd, 1474, his servant, one Gonçalo Pires, was named Procurator in

his stead. It seems, therefore, that the Chronicler died between the

last two dates.

Azurara, though he was forbidden to marry owing to his position as a

Knight of the Order of Christ, nevertheless had a son and two daughters

by one Inez Gonçalves, as appears from certain Royal letters of

legitimation. Their names were:--

(1) Caterina da Silveira--of the household of the Countess of

Loulé--legitimated by letters of June 22nd, 1482 (_v._ Torre do Tombo

Livo 2 D. João II, f. 138).

(2) Gonçalo Gomez de Azurara--Squire of the household of King John

II--legitimated by letters of April 14th, 1483 (_v._ Torre do Tombo,

Livo I, Legitim. de Leitura Nova, f. 243).

(3) Filipa Gomez--legitimated on the same day as her brother, Gonçalo

Gomez (same reference as No. 2).

The foregoing information was kindly supplied by General Brito Rebello,

who had discovered these letters during his researches in the Torre.

* * * * *

As to the date when the _Chronicle of Guinea_ was written, _vide_ vol.

ii of the standard work of Dr. Gama Barros, entitled _Historia da

Administração Publica em Portugal nos Seculos XII a XV_, note 14, pp.

396-9, where the question is fully discussed.

As to the history of the MS. of the same _Chronicle, vide_ the _Boletim

de Bibliographia Portugueza_, vol. i, p. 41, etc. Art. by Senhor Ernesto

do Canto.

In support of the reliability of the events recorded in the same

_Chronicle_, it should be remembered that Affonso de Cerveira, from

whose notes the book was compiled, was factor at Benim, and was thus

enabled to obtain information at first hand.

CORRIGENDA TO VOL. I.

P. xxiii, line 23, _instead of_ "for many years" _read_ "many years

ago."

P. 82, line 29, _instead of_ "separating the captives" _read_

"quarrelling."

P. 106, line 16, _instead of_ "course" _read_ "speed."

INDEX.

Abdul-Mumin ben Ali, Intr. II, lv

Abu Ishak es Sahili, Intr. II, lvi

Achoreus, "Bishop," 190, 341

Adahu, 48

Affonseannes, 265

Affonso I of Portugal (Affonso Henriques), 327

Affonso IV of Portugal, Intr. II, lxxix, lxxx; 313

Affonso V of Portugal, Intr. I, i, v, x, xi, xiv, xxii, xxiii, xxvi,

xxviii, xxx, xxxviii, xli, xliii. Intr. II, xi, xvi, xvii, xxviii, xxix,

xxx, lxxxix, ci, cii, cxl; 1, 3, 11, 14, 19, 20, 39, 98, 280, 288, 293,

301, 305, 306, 316, 317, 318, 323

Affonso, Diego, Intr. I, xvi, xvii; 95, 101, 102, 103, 118, 194

Affonso, Stevam, 63, 152, 178-182, 262, 264, 266, 320

Agrippa, Intr. II, xli

Ahmad Gragne, Intr. II, lii, liii

Ahude Meymam (Meimom), 110, 234, 235, 261

Aires, G., Intr. I, xxiv

Albert the Great, 289, 353

Alcaforado, F., Intr. II, lxxxiv

Alexander the Great, 187, 192, 226

Algarve, Prov. of, 9, 300, 303

Allemam, Pero, 169

"Almanzor," 298

Almeida, E. d', 254

Alvarez, R., 63

Alvarez, Fr., Intr. II, lii

Alvellos, L. d', 91

Amallam, 283

Annes, J., Intr. II, ix

Arguim, Bight and Islands of, Intr. II, xi; 58, 63, 68, 87, 96, 104,

107, 320, 321

Aristotle, "The Philosopher," Intr. II, xxxvii; 22, 44, 183, 301, 309,

317

Atayde, A. G. d', Intr. II, xcvii; 153, 206

Atlas, 13, 301-2

Augustine, St., 44, 92, 93

Augustus, Emperor, Intr. II, xli, xliii; 297

Avezac, Intr. II, lxviii, lxxvii, xciii

Avienus, Intr. II, xxxvii

Avranches, Count of, 19

Ayala, Intr. II, lxxxiii

Azambuga, Intr. II, xxxi

Azanegues, 49, 317-8

Azevedo, F. L. d', 52

Azevedo, R. d', Intr. I, ii, iv, xxxii

Azurara, G. E. d', Intr. I, l-lxvii, passim, Intr. II, i, iii, v, xiii,

xvii, xix, xx, lxxxvii, lxxxviii, xcvii, xcviii, cvi, cvii, cxiii. 1-10,

98, 103, 289, 292-3

Azurara, J. E. d', Intr. I, ii

Bakui, Intr. II, lviii

Balbus, C., Intr. II, xliii, 297

Baldaya, A. G., Intr. I, xi. Intr. II, x; 34, 35-8

Balthasar, 55, 319

Banner of Crusade, 164

Barcellos, Count, Duke of Braganza, Intr. II, xvii, xx, xci; 16

Barreto, D., Intr. II, lxxxix

Barros, J., Intr. I, ii, xxviii, xlvi. Intr. II, vii, x, xiv, xxxiii,

lviii, lxvi, lxxxix, xcviii, cvii-viii, cxix; 319-20, 325, 328-9

Beatus, Intr. II, cxix

Becarra, A., Intr. II, lxix, lxxxiii

Beccario, B., Intr. II, cxxxi

Behaim, M., Intr. II, ii, xxxii, xc

Belem, 19, 307

Benedict XII, Pope, Intr. II, lxxix

Benincasa, G., Intr. II, cx, cxxxi-ii, cxxxix; 300

Bernaldez, J., 63, 73, 262

Bernard, 144

Bertollemeu, J., 274

Béthencourt, J. de, Intr. II, lxviii-lxx, lxxxii-iv, lxxxix, xcvi-vii;

237-8

Béthencourt, M. de, Intr. II, lxxxiii-iv, xcvi-vii; 238, 287, 347

Béthencourt, R. de, Intr. II, xcvii

Bezeghichi, Intr. II, xxv

Bianco, A., Intr. II, lxxxvi, cxviii, cxxiv, cxxx-iv, cxxxviii-cxl

Bicanço, 174

Blaeuw, Intr. II, xcvi

Boccaccio, G., Intr. I, ix. Intr. II, lxxx

Boniface, St., Intr. II, lv

Bontier, P., Intr. II, lxix

Boor (Bor), 282-4

Braga, T., Intr. I, ix

Braganza, Lord of = D. Fernando, nephew of John I of Portugal, 16

Brandan, St., Intr. II, cxxiv, cxxvii, 27, 310-12

Braun, Intr. II, lxvi

Briaticho, C. de, Intr. II, cxxxi

Brito, S. de, Intr. I, iii

Bruco, Intr. II, xcvii; 207

Bugia, 17, 304

Buondelmonte, C. (Ensenius), Intr. II, cxxviii

Cabot, Map, etc., Intr. II, xcix

Cabral, G. V., Intr. II, ix, lxxxvi, lxxxviii, xci, cxv; 247-8, 347-8

Cadamosto, A., Intr. II, iii, xiii-xiv, xxxi-vi, xxix-xxx, xcii-vi,

xcviii-c, cii, cxii, cxxxv, cxxxviii, cxl; 319, 328

Cadiz, 21, 307

Cæsar, C. J., 24, 93, 192, 309, 321

Caius (Caligula), Emperor, Intr. II, lxxiii

Caldeira, L., 91

Calixtus III, Pope, Intr. II, xiv; 318

Camara, R. G. de, Intr. II, civ

Campos, P. B. de, Intr. II, xcvi-vii

Cão, D., Intr. II, xxxi-ii

Carignano, G., Intr. II, cxvii, cxxi, cxxiii

Carpini, J. de P., Intr. II, lxxviii, cxxix

Castilha, J. de, Intr. II, xcvii; 206, 212

Castro, A. de, 214

Castro, F. de, Intr. II, xcvii

Catalan Atlas of 1375, Intr. II, cxxvi-vii, cxxxvii-viii, cl

Catalan Atlas of fifteenth century, Intr. II, cxxviii

Cayado, L. A., 129

Cecco d'Ascoli, Intr. II, lxi

Cerveira, A., Intr. I, xvii. Intr. II, cx; 103, 167, 248, 314-5, 325

Cesani, F. de, Intr. II, cxxxi

Ceuta, Intr. II, iii, iv, viii, liii-iv, lvii-ix; 15-18, 303, 305-7

Charles V of France, Intr. II, lxvi, cxxvi

Charles VI of France, Intr. II, lxvii

Charles V, Emperor, Intr. II, lv

Chaucer, 298

Chrysostom, St., 26, 310

Cicero, 14, 24, 25, 303, 310, 321

Cid, The = Ruy Diaz de Bivar, 4, 296

Cisfontes, M., 277

Claudian, Intr. II, cxlv

Clavus, Claudius, Intr. II, cxxxi

Clement VI, Pope, Intr. II, lxxix

Cocles, Horatius, 24, 309

Columbus, Christr., Intr. II, xxxv, ci, cv, cvi

Columbus, F., Intr. II, xxxv

Combitis, N. de, Intr. II, lxxxiv, cxxviii

"Conosçimiento, The," Intr. II, lxix-lxx, cxxv, cxxxvii

Cordeiro, Fr., Intr. II, lxxxviii-xci, ci, cxiv

Correa, J., 254

Cortereal, J. V. da C., Intr. II, cvi

Costa, A. da, 254

Costa, S. da, Intr. II, xxix; 151, 152, 157, 161, 165, 166, 173, 203,

331

Coutinho, G. V., 16

Covilhão, P. de, Intr. II, xxxii, xxxiv, lii

Cunha, P. C. da, Intr. II, c.

Daedalus, 299

Dapper, Intr. II, lxvi, xcvi

Delgado, J., Intr. II, xxvi

Delvas, L., 262

Diaz, A., 254

Diaz, B., Intr. II, xxxii-iv, cxxv

Diaz, D., Intr. I, xvii. Intr. II, v, xii, cxxxviii; 98-100, 135, 153,

176, 191, 202, 214-15, 218-20, 244, 323

Diaz, J., 63, 173

Diaz, L., 106, 154-6, 174, 193, 262-3

Diaz, V., Intr. II, xxii; 173-4, 178, 182, 195, 197

Diniz (Denis, Dionysius), of Portugal, Intr. I, v, xxv. Intr. II, lxxx,

cxv

Diegaffonso, 264

Doelter, C., Intr. II, xcv

Dollanda, D., 254

Doria, T., Intr. II, lxi, lxiii, lxxix; 351

Dornellas, A., Intr. II, xcvii; 213, 249-252

Dornellas, J., 249-252

Duarte (Edward), of Portugal, Intr. I, v, vii, ix, xiv. Intr. II, xi,

xvi, cii; 3, 11, 18, 28, 39, 151, 249, 315-16, 331

Dulcert, A., Intr. II, cxxiii-iv, cxxxvii-viii

Eannes, Gil, Intr. I, xiv. Intr. II, iii, x, cxxxviii; 32-4, 63, 69-71,

74-5, 152, 157, 164, 173, 262, 263

Eannes, Gil, 122 [152, 157]

Eannes, M., Intr. I, xxxii-iii

Eannes, R., of Travaços, 152

Edrisi, Intr. II, xliv, xlviii-ix, lvii, lix, lxx, lxxv-vii, cxxix; 305,

319

Edward III of England, Intr. II, ii

"Emosaids," Intr. II, xliii-iv

Eratosthenes, Intr. II, xxxvi

Erlandsson, H., Intr. II, cxlviii

Escobar, P. de, Intr. II, xxix, xxx

Esteves, A., Intr. II, xxix, xxx

Eudoxus of Cyzicus, Intr. II, xxxix-xl, lxxii

Eugenius IV, Pope, Intr. II, xiv, xviii; 53, 318

Falcom, P., 257

Ferreira, A., Intr. II, ci

Ferreira, G., Intr. II, xxvi, xxvii

Fernandaffonso, 280-6

Fernandeannes, 265

Fernandez, A., Intr. I, xix. Intr. II, xii; 225-8, 258-261

Fernandez, D. = Dinis Diaz, Intr. II, xiii

Fernandez, J., Intr. I, xix. Intr. II, xii; 95, 101, 107-11, 117, 232,

234-6, 273-4, 278, 324-5, 351

Fernandez, M., Intr. II, xxix-xxx; (another), 57

Fernandez, V., Intr. II, lxxxiv

Fernando, Prince, brother of Henry the Navigator, Intr. II, xviii

Fernando, "O Formoso," King of Portugal, Intr. I, xxix; Intr. II, lxxxv

Fernando of Aragon, 151, 331

Fernando, nephew and heir of Henry the Navigator, Intr II, xix, xx, xci,

xcviii, cvi, cxiv

Ferrer, J. = "J. Ferne," Intr. II, lxiii-lxiv, cxxvi, cxxx

Fez, Intr. II, lv; 17, 304

Flaccus, S., Intr. II, xliii; 297

Foscarini, F., Intr. II, cxxxv, cxl

Freitas, A. de, 152, 157-8, 161, 165-6, 174, 194-5, 197, 334-5

Frode, A., Intr. II, cxlviii

Fructuoso, G., Intr. II, lxxxv, xcix, cii, cxiv

Gadifer de la Salle, Intr. II, lxxix, lxxxiii-iv

Galvano, A., Intr. II, x, xi, xii, xiii, xiv, lxxxiv-v, cv, cxiv; 296

Gama, V. da, Intr. I, xxvii. Intr. II, xxxv; 349

Garamantes, 7, 296-8

Genoese, in connection with Spain and Portugal, Intr. II, lxxx-ii; 21,

308

George, 91

Gibraltar, 17, 305

Gil, A., 117, 145

Gil, D., 121, 131, 277-8

Gil, L., 169

Gil de Roma, Fra, 167, 333

Gioja, F., Intr. II, cxlix

Giroldis, J., Intr. II, cxxx-i

Giustiniani, Intr. II, lxi

Goes, D. de, Intr. I, ii, xxxi, xliv, xlv. Intr. II, cxii

Gomez, D., Intr. II, ii, iv, xiv, xxv-vii, xcii-vi, cl

Gomez, F., Intr. II, xxix, xxx, xxxi

Gonçalvez, A., Intr. I, xiv, xv, xvi. Intr. II, v, xi, xcviii; 39-51,

52, 54-7, 95, 101-7, 109-13, 117, 118, 169, 194, 232, 278-9, 286-7, 325

Gonçalvez, D., Intr. II, xcvii; 169, 170, 210, 265, 266

Gonçalvez, Gil, 169

Gonçalvez, George, 279

Gonçalvez, J., 117; (another?) 293

Gonçalvez, L., Intr. II, xxx

Gondofre (Gondolfo?), 184, 340

Gorizo, J., 267, 271

Goterres, A., 40, 42

Graa, D. E. de, 117, 126, 130, 131, 161, 166, 327

Granada, 17, 304

Gregory I, Pope, St., 7, 296

Gregory II, Pope, Intr. II, lv

Gregory VII, Pope (Hildebrand), Intr. II, lv, lvi

Gregory IX, Pope, Intr. II, lvi

Grynaeus, Intr. II, xcix

Guarcia, A., Intr. I, xxiv

Guérand, J., Intr. II, lxviii

Guitanye, 281-5

Haagen, W. Van der = "Da Silveira," Intr. II, lxxxix, xc-ii

Hakluyt, R., Intr. II, lxvii, lxxxiv

Hami-ibnu'l Jalil, Intr. II, l

Hannibal, 94, 322

Hanno, Intr. II, xxix, xxxvi-ix, lxxv

Henry, "The Navigator," Prince of Portugal, Intr. I, viii, x-xx, xxvii,

l, lii, lvii, lxiii. Intr. II, i-xxviii, xxxv, li, liii, liv, lvi-ix,

lx, lxii, lxiii, lxxxvii-cxvi, cxxix-cxxxvi, cxxxviii, cxl, cxliv; 1, 3,

6-35, 38-9, 40, 51-4, 55, 60-62, 79-87, 95, 98, 100, 101, 106-7, 116,

147-151, 174, 206-7, 212-13, 225-6, 229-30, 232, 236-8, 241, 244-8, 253,

257, 258, 261-3, 279-81, 285-8, 300, 302, 303, 305-8, 309-10, 315-16,

318, 323-4, 326, 348, 352

Henry III, of Castille, Intr. II, lxxxiii; 237

Henry V, of England, Intr. II, xv; 310

Henry VI, of England, Intr. II, xv; 299, 310

Henry, Prince of Galilee, Intr. II, xix, 301

Henry, Master of Santiago, 150

Herculano, Intr. I, ii, xlii

Hermes (Hermas), 224, 334

Herodotus, Intr. II, xxxvi, xxxix; 296

Heurter, J. Van = Joz de Utra, Intr. II, xc-ii

Himilco, Intr. II, xxxvii

Homem, G., Intr. I, xvii; 101-2, 118, 263

Homem, H., 37

Homer, 183

Ibn-al-Wardi, Intr, II, xlix, lxxv-vi

Ibn-Batuta, Intr. II, xlix, l, lii, lvi, lix

Ibn-Fatima, Intr. II, xliv, lviii

Ibn-Khordadbeh, 297

Ibn-Said, Intr. II, xliv

Icarus, 341

Iffante, J., Intr. II, xxxiii, xxxiv

Innocent III, Pope, Intr. II, lvi

Innocent IV, Intr. II, lvi

Isabel, Duchess of Burgundy, sister of Henry the Navigator, Intr.

II, lxxxix-xci; 11, 301

Isabel, wife of Affonso V, 288

Isidore, St., 183, 298

"Islands of the Ocean," 9, 300

"Italian Wisdom," 8, 299, 300

Jacome, Jacob, James, "Master," Intr. II, cviii, cxi, cxix

James, St., of Compostella (Santiago), 5, 296, 298, 317

Jerome, St., Intr. II, cxxix; 22, 309

John I, of Portugal, Intr. I, viii, ix, xxv. Intr. II, ii, x, xvi,

xviii, xcvii, cv; 3, 11, 17, 98, 249, 295

John II, of Portugal, Intr. II, xxviii, xxx-v, lii

John, Prince of Portugal, Intr. II, c; 17, 245

John I, of Castille, 237

John II, of Castille, Intr. II, xv, 150, 310

John, of Gaunt, Intr. II, ii

John, of Lançon, 4, 295

Josephus, 54, 184, 340

Josua Van der Berge=Jacques de Bruges, Intr. II, lxxxix

Juba, King of Numidia, Intr. II, xlii, lxxii-iv; 184

Khoshkhash, Intr. II, xliv, lxxv

Kunkur Musa, Intr. II, xlvii

"Labyrinth," 8, 299

La Cosa, Map, Intr. II, cx

Ladislaus, 152, 331

Lagos, Intr. II, xii; 61, 70

Lançarote, Intr. I, xv-xviii; 60-80, 83, 86, 147-174, 194-200, 320

Las Casas, Intr. II, cv

Las Casas, G. de, Intr. II, xcvii

Latini, B., Intr. II, cxlvii-viii

"Laurentian Portolano," "Mediceum," Intr. II, cxxv, cxxxvii, cxlii

Leo Africanus, John, Intr. II, xlix, lvi; 305, 345-6, 351

Leardo, G., Intr. II, cxxxii, cxxxiv, cxlii

Leo IX, Pope, Intr. II, lv

Leonor, of Aragon and Portugal, Intr. II, xi, xvi; 315-6

Lisbon, 50, 115, 317, 327

Livy, 44, 93

Lopes, Fernam, Intr. I, v, vii, viii, xxi, xxix, xlv

Lopez, F., Intr. II, lxix, lxxxii

Louis, of Provence, 152, 331

Lourençeannes, 274

Lourenço, H., 265

Lucan, 24, 183, 190

Luis de la Cerda, Intr. II, lxxix-lxxx

Luna, A. de, 151, 331

Luxoro, Tammar, Intr. II, cxxi-ii

Machado, D., 254

Macham, Intr. II, ix, lxx-i, lxxxiv-v; 347-8

Machico, Intr. II, lxx, lxxxiv-v

Macrobius, Intr. II, cxxix

Mafaldo, 117-123, 136-8, 145, 328

Maghrurin, Intr. II, lxxv-vii

Major, H. N., Intr. II, ii, xix, xxii, xxxvii, lxv, lxix, lxxiii, lxxix,

lxxxi

Malocello, L., Intr. II, lxi, lxiii, lxxviii, lxxix

Manuel, Intr. II, xx

Marinus, of Tyre, Intr. II, xlii-iii, cxxxiv; 297

Marocco, Intr. II, lv; 17, 304

Marta, A., Intr. II, xcvii, 249

Martin V., Pope, Intr. II, xv; 310

Martins, O., Intr. II, viii-xii

Masudi, Intr. II, xliv, lxxv; 296

Maternus, J., Intr. II, xliii; 297

Mauro, Fra, Intr. II, lxx, cxi, cxxii, cxxviii, cxxxii, cxxxv, cxl-iv

Mela, Pomponius, Intr. II, xxxvii, xxxix, xl

Mello, F. M. de, Intr. II, lxxxiv

Menezes, P. de, Intr. I, xxv, xxvi, xxxv, xl

Menezes, D. de, Intr. I, xxxviii

Menezes, H. de, Intr. I, xxxix-xl

Meyrelles, V. de, Intr. I, iv

Minef, 282

Mohammed, 10, 300, 301

Morales, Intr. II, lxxxv

Moses, 184

Necho, Pharoah, Intr. II, xxxvi; 298-9

Neckam, A., Intr. II, cxlv-vi

Nepos, C., Intr. II, xxxix

Nicholas V., Pope, Intr. II, xiv, lviii; 318-9

Niebla, Intr. II, xcvii

Nile, 174, 176-191, 193, 195, 214, 225, 341-2

Noli, A., Intr. II, xxvii; 351

Nordenskjöld, Intr. II, xxiv, xxviii, xxx, lxii, lxiv, lxix, lxx,

lxxxvi, lxxxvii, cix, cx, cxviii, cxix, cxxviii, cxxxvi, cxxxvii,

cxxxix, cxl

Nuñes, P., Intr. II, cviii

Ogané, Intr. II, xxxii

Oldham, Intr. II, xcii-vi

Order of Christ, 19, 306-7

Orosius, P., 183, 339

Osorio, Intr. II, cxii

Ovid, 299

Pacheco, G., Intr. I, xviii. Intr. II, xii; 116, 145, 327-8

Paleologus, M., Intr. II, xv

Pallenço, 152, 153, 214, 215, 218

Pareto, B., Intr. II, cxxxii, cxxxiv-v

Paul, St., 292

Payva, A. de, Intr. II, xxxii, lii

Pedro, D., Regent of Portugal, brother of Henry Navigator, Intr. I,

viii, xiv, xv. Intr. II, xi, xii, xiv, xvi-xviii, liv, xc-xci, xcviii,

cxiv; 19, 53, 95, 150-1, 247, 248, 261, 288, 303

Pedro, D., nephew of Henry Navigator, Intr. I, i; 150, 330-1

Pedro, D., of Aragon, Intr. I, xxxvi

Peraza, F., Intr. II, xcvii

Pereira, Nun'Alvares, Intr. I, vii, xi, liii-iv; 4, 296

Pereira, M., 221

Pereira, D. P. (author of "Esmeraldo"), Intr. II, cxii; 309, 317, 325

Perez, F., Intr. II, xcvii

Perestrello, B., Intr. II, x, c, ci; 245-6

Perestrello, B., the younger, Intr. II, c, ci

Perestrello, F. M. de, Intr. II, ci

Pessanha (Pezagno), E., Intr. II, lxxx; 300, 308

Peter Lombard, 295

"Peter Master," Intr. II, cviii; (another), 184, 340

Petrarch, Intr. II, lxxix

Pharaoh, 184

Phidias, 22, 309

Philippa, mother of Henry Navigator, Intr. I, xlvi. Intr. II, ii; 11

Picanço, 174, 206; cf. Bicanço

Pietro d'Abano, Intr. II, lxii

Pillito, A. G., 91

Pina, R. de, Intr. I, vi, viii

Pinelli-Walckenaer (Atlas), Intr. II, cxxvii, cl

Pirez, G., Intr. I, xvi, xx; 152, 157, 173, 192, 194, 267-277, 350

Pisano, M. de, Intr. I, i, iv, xxxv

Piste, Intr. II, xcvii; 207

Pizigani, F. and M., Intr. II, cxxv-vi, cxxxvii

Plato, Intr. II, lxxii, cxlv; 317

Pliny, Intr. II, xxxvii, xxxix-xli, lxxii-iii, cxlv; 297

Plutarch, Intr. II, lxxii

Po, Fernando, Intr. II, xxx

Polo, Marco, Intr. II, lx, cxiv, cxxix; 146, 297, 330

Polybius, Intr. II, xl, xli

Portocarreiro, D. V., 250

Pory, J., Intr. II, xlvii

Posidonius, Intr. II, xxxix

Prado, de, Intr. II, xxvii

Prester John, Intr. II, iv, xxxii, li-liii, liv, lxii; 55, 319

Provins, G. de, Intr. II, cxlvi, cxlvii

Prunaut, J., Intr. II, lxv-vii

Ptolemy, C., Intr. II, xli, xlii, lxxii-v, lxxxvii, cxxi, cxxii, cxlv;

183, 297

Ptolemy Euergetes II, Intr. II, xxxix, xl

Purbach, G., Intr. II, cxiv

Rabanus, J., 184

Ramiro, D., 5, 296

Raymond Lulli, Intr. II, lx, cxviii

Recco, N. de, Intr. II, lxxxi

Regiomontanus, Intr. II, cxiv

Ribeiro, J. P., Intr. I, xxviii, xxx-i, xliv

Richard, 144

Robert of Haldingham (? Hereford Map), Intr. II, cxix

Roderic of Toledo, 54, 319

Rodrigueannes, _see_ Travaços

Romulus, 24, 309

Rubruquis, Intr. II, lxxviii, cxxix

Sacrobosco = John of Holywood, Intr. II, lxi

Sa-ka-ssi, Intr. II, xlix

Sagres, Intr. II, viii, xii, cvi-x; 21, 307-8

Sallam, 297

Sallust, Intr. II, cxxix; 22, 309

Santarem, Viscount, Intr. I, xi. Intr. II, lxvii, cx, cxxiii, cxxxv,

cxl, notes _passim_

Santarem, J. de, Intr. II, xxix, xxx

Sanudo, M., Intr. II, cxxii, cxxiii

Satam, 282

Sataspes, Intr. II, xxxix

Scipio, Æ., Intr. II, xl

_Sebosus, S._, Intr. II, xlii, lxxii-iv

Seneca, 25, 26, 94, 310

Serra, C. de, Intr. I, iii

Sertorius, Intr. II, lxxii

Sevill, D. de, Intr. II, ix, lxxxvi, lxxxviii, cxiv; 348

Sidi Yahia, Intr. II, xlvi

Sigismund (Siegmund), Intr. II, xv; 24, 310

Sigurd of Norway, Intr. II, lxxvii-viii

Simon of St. Quentin, Intr. II, lxxviii

Sintra, G. de, Intr. I, xvi, xviii. Intr. II, xii; 87-91, 94, 146, 148,

321

Sintra, P. de, Intr. II, xxviii, xxix, cxxxix, cxl

Socrates, 45, 317

Sodré, V. G., Intr. II, lxxxix

Soleri, G., Intr. II, cxxvii

Solinus, Intr. II, xxxvii, lxxiii

"Spanish, Friar, The," Intr. II, lxix-lxx

Strabo, Intr. II, xxxix, lxxii

Tacfarinas, 297

Tacitus, 297

Tangier, Intr. II, xi; 14, 302

Tavarez, F. de S., Intr. II, cxiv

Tavilla, 206

Teive, D. de, Intr. II, cii

Teixeira, Tristam Vaz, Intr. II, ix, x, xcix; 153, 213, 246, 247

Temporal, Intr. II, lxvii, xciii

Thomas Aquinas, St., 2, 7, 290, 295, 296

Tiberius, Emperor, 297

Tinoco, A., 255, 257

Torquatus, M., 24, 93, 309

Trajan, Emperor, Intr. II, xliii; 297

Trasto, J. de, Intr. II, ii

Travaços, R. A. de, 174, 191 [202, 218, 219, 220, 224, 278, under

"Rodrigueannes"]

Trevigiano, S., Intr. II, cxl

Tristam, N., Intr. I, xiv-xvii, xix. Intr. II, v, xi, xii; 44-51, 58-9,

63, 96-8, 252-7, 262, 320, 321, 348-9

Tunis, 17, 304

Uso di Mare, A., Intr. II, xxii, xxiii, lxii, lxiii; 351

"Vadinus," Intr. II, lxii

Valerius Maximus, 23, 44, 309, 317

Valladores, D. A. de, 47

Vallarinho, F., 262

Vallarte, Intr. I, xx. Intr. II, xiii; 280-5, 351, 352

Valsecca, G., Intr. II, lxxxvi, cxiv, cxxxi, cxxxiv, cxxxviii-ix; 347-8

Vasconcellos, C. M. de, Intr. I, vii

Vasquez, A., 122, 124-5, 130-3, 329

Vasquez, G., 63

Vegetius, 93, 262

Vergerio, P., 116, 327

Verrier, J. le, Intr. II, lxix

Vesconte, P., Intr. II, cxviii, cxxiii, cxxxii

Vespasian, 297

Vicente, M., 63, 64, 173

Viladestes, M. de, Intr. II, cxxx

Vilhena, M. de, Intr. II, xci-ii

Villes, J., 264

Vinagre, G., 48

Virgil, 297

Vitry, J. de, Intr. II, cxlvii

Vivaldo, U. de, Intr. II, lxi, lxxix; 351, 352

Walter, 54, 319

Zarco, J. G., Intr. I, xviii. Intr. II, ix, x, lxxxv, xcix, cii; 153,

192, 225, 229, 246, 247, 258, 263

Zeno, M., Intr. II, xxii

[Illustration: AFRICA, ETC., IN THE LAURENTIAN PORTOLANO OF 1351.

HAKLUYT. S. I. v. C]

[Illustration: S. AFRICA, ACCORDING TO FRA MAURO (1457-9).

HAKLUYT.]

Transcriber's Notes:

Punctuation was standardized and minor punctuation errors corrected.

Transliterations of phrases in Greek are given in brackets after the

text.

Footnotes in the extended introduction are numbered 1-293. Footnotes in

the text of the book, identified with special characters in the

original, are identified here with letters A-CU. Footnotes are indented

and placed following the paragraph in which they occur. Endnotes, called

"Notes" in the original, are numbered 1-223. Endnote anchors are

identified as [N1] through [N223]. Endnotes 1-112 and index page

references 1-128 refer to Volume I. All endnotes precede the index, as

in the original.

In Footnote 259, the word 'pbīs' has a macron over the letter 'p' in

the original text.

Page reference for Endnote 78 was corrected from 61 to 68. Page

reference for Endnote 100 was corrected from 110 to 111. The endnotes

contain two 75's and 153's. The second has been renumbered 75a and 153a,

respectively. Endnote anchors [N153a], [N154], [N155], and [N156],

missing in the original, have been added to the text.

Changes to text:

accent added to final 'a' ... Ou tornará ...

'Alfarrobiera' to 'Alfarrobeira' ... battle of Alfarrobeira ...

'dos' to 'das' ... at Angra das Voltas ...

'de' to 'da' ... _Saudades da terra_ ...

'reconnaisance' to 'reconnaissance'

... made a reconnaissance ...

... as a possible reconnaissance ...

... the reconnaissance of 1445 ...

Various spellings (mappemondo, mappamondo, mappamonde, mappamundi,

mappemundi, mappe monde, mappe-monde) were changed to 'mappemonde'

for consistency within the text.

'latest' to 'late' ... of the late thirteenth century, ...

'exagerrated' to 'exaggerated' ... it was much exaggerated by many ...

'Poly us' to 'Polybius' ... "He (Polybius) relates that ...

'latitute' to 'latitude' ... northernmost in latitude ...

'Mussulman' to 'Musulman' ... a Musulman visit to ...

'comunicated' to 'communicated' ... Rilvas communicated this fact ...

'mediaeval' to 'mediæval' several places, for consistency w/ remaining

text

'cavarels' to 'caravels' ... when the fourteen caravels set out from ...

'Dias' to 'Diaz' ... and Dinas Diaz joined company ...

removed duplicate 'other other' ... that any other ship of these ...

'stubborness' to 'stubbornness' ... with her foolish stubbornness ...

'biddden' to 'bidden' ... as he was bidden ...

'Minotour' to 'Minotaur' ... the Minotaur, who was half man ...

'beseiged' to 'besieged' ... It was also besieged in 960 ...

'a' to 'an' ... as an evidence of their great toil ...

'o' to 'of' ... the names of these sovereigns ...

'began' to 'begun' ... the Genoese had begun a direct trade ...

... finishing what he had begun ...

'anchor d' to 'anchored' ... fleets of Europe might be anchored ...

'chonicler' to 'chronicler' ... the chronicler of Walter of ...

'Fernandes' to 'Fernandez' ... when João Fernandez journeyed with ...

'ixth' to 'sixth' ... in his sixth book ...