CHAPTER V

PORTO BELLO AND PANAMA

On 4th January 1664, the king wrote to Sir Thomas Modyford in Barbadoes

that he had chosen him governor of Jamaica.[206] Modyford, who had lived

as a planter in Barbadoes since 1650, had taken a prominent share in the

struggles between Parliamentarians and Royalists in the little island.

He was a member of the Council, and had been governor for a short time

in 1660. His commission and instructions for Jamaica[207] were carried

to the West Indies by Colonel Edward Morgan, who went as Modyford's

deputy-governor and landed in Barbadoes on 21st April.[208] Modyford was

instructed, among other things, to prohibit the granting of letters of

marque, and particularly to encourage trade and maintain friendly

relations with the Spanish dominions. Sir Richard Fanshaw had just been

appointed to go to Spain and negotiate a treaty for wider commercial

privileges in the Indies, and Charles saw that the daily complaints of

violence and depredation done by Jamaican ships on the King of Spain's

subjects were scarcely calculated to increase the good-will and

compliance of the Spanish Court. Nor had the attempt in the Indies to

force a trade upon the Spaniards been brilliantly successful. It was

soon evident that another course of action was demanded. Sir Thomas

Modyford seems at first to have been sincerely anxious to suppress

privateering and conciliate his Spanish neighbours. On receiving his

commission and instructions he immediately prepared letters to the

President of San Domingo, expressing his fair intentions and requesting

the co-operation of the Spaniards.[209] Modyford himself arrived in

Jamaica on 1st June,[210] proclaimed an entire cessation of

hostilities,[211] and on the 16th sent the "Swallow" ketch to Cartagena

to acquaint the governor with what he had done. On almost the same day

letters were forwarded from England and from Ambassador Fanshaw in

Madrid, strictly forbidding all violences in the future against the

Spanish nation, and ordering Modyford to inflict condign punishment on

every offender, and make entire restitution and satisfaction to the

sufferers.[212]

The letters for San Domingo, which had been forwarded to Jamaica with

Colonel Morgan and thence dispatched to Hispaniola before Modyford's

arrival, received a favourable answer, but that was about as far as the

matter ever got. The buccaneers, moreover, the principal grievance of

the Spaniards, still remained at large. As Thomas Lynch wrote on 25th

May, "It is not in the power of the governor to have or suffer a

commerce, nor will any necessity or advantage bring private Spaniards to

Jamaica, for we and they have used too many mutual barbarisms to have a

sudden correspondence. When the king was restored, the Spaniards thought

the manners of the English nation changed too, and adventured twenty or

thirty vessels to Jamaica for blacks, but the surprises and irruptions

by C. Myngs, for whom the governor of San Domingo has upbraided the

commissioners, made the Spaniards redouble their malice, and nothing but

an order from Spain can give us admittance or trade."[213] For a short

time, however, a serious effort was made to recall the privateers.

Several prizes which were brought into Port Royal were seized and

returned to their owners, while the captors had their commissions taken

from them. Such was the experience of one Captain Searles, who in August

brought in two Spanish vessels, both of which were restored to the

Spaniards, and Searles deprived of his rudder and sails as security

against his making further depredations upon the Dons.[214] In November

Captain Morris Williams sent a note to Governor Modyford, offering to

come in with a rich prize of logwood, indigo and silver, if security

were given that it should be condemned to him for the payment of his

debts in Jamaica; and although the governor refused to give any promises

the prize was brought in eight days later. The goods were seized and

sold in the interest of the Spanish owner.[215] Nevertheless, the

effects of the proclamation were not at all encouraging. In the first

month only three privateers came in with their commissions, and Modyford

wrote to Secretary Bennet on 30th June that he feared the only effect of

the proclamation would be to drive them to the French in Tortuga. He

therefore thought it prudent, he continued, to dispense somewhat with

the strictness of his instructions, "doing by degrees and moderation

what he had at first resolved to execute suddenly and severely."[216]

Tortuga was really the crux of the whole difficulty. Back in 1662

Colonel Doyley, in his report to the Lord Chancellor after his return to

England, had suggested the reduction of Tortuga to English obedience as

the only effective way of dealing with the buccaneers;[217] and Modyford

in 1664 also realized the necessity of this preliminary step.[218] The

conquest of Tortuga, however, was no longer the simple task it might

have been four or five years earlier. The inhabitants of the island were

now almost entirely French, and with their companions on the coast of

Hispaniola had no intention of submitting to English dictation. The

buccaneers, who had become numerous and independent and made Tortuga one

of their principal retreats, would throw all their strength in the

balance against an expedition the avowed object of whose coming was to

make their profession impossible. The colony, moreover, received an

incalculable accession of strength in the arrival of Bertrand d'Ogeron,

the governor sent out in 1665 by the new French West India Company.

D'Ogeron was one of the most remarkable figures in the West Indies in

the second half of the seventeenth century. Of broad imagination and

singular kindness of heart, with an indomitable will and a mind full of

resource, he seems to have been an ideal man for the task, not only of

reducing to some semblance of law and order a people who had never given

obedience to any authority, but also of making palatable the _régime_

and exclusive privileges of a private trading company. D'Ogeron first

established himself at Port Margot on the coast of Hispaniola opposite

Tortuga in the early part of 1665; and here the adventurers at once gave

him to understand that they would never submit to any mere company, much

less suffer an interruption of their trade with the Dutch, who had

supplied them with necessities at a time when it was not even known in

France that there were Frenchmen in that region. D'Ogeron pretended to

subscribe to these conditions, passed over to Tortuga where he received

the submission of la Place, and then to Petit-Goave and Leogane, in the

_cul-de-sac_ of Hispaniola. There he made his headquarters, adopted

every means to attract planters and _engagés_, and firmly established

his authority. He made advances from his own purse without interest to

adventurers who wished to settle down to planting, bought two ships to

facilitate trade between the colony and France, and even contrived to

have several lots of fifty women each brought over from France to be

sold and distributed as wives amongst the colonists. The settlements

soon put on a new air of prosperity, and really owed their existence as

a permanent French colony to the efforts of this new governor.[219] It

was under the administration of d'Ogeron that l'Olonnais,[220] Michel le

Basque, and most of the French buccaneers flourished, whose exploits are

celebrated in Exquemelin's history.

The conquest of Tortuga was not the only measure necessary for the

effectual suppression of the buccaneers. Five or six swift cruisers were

also required to pursue and bring to bay those corsairs who refused to

come in with their commissions.[221] Since the Restoration the West

Indies had been entirely denuded of English men-of-war; while the

buccaneers, with the tacit consent or encouragement of Doyley, had at

the same time increased both in numbers and boldness. Letters written

from Jamaica in 1664 placed the number scattered abroad in privateering

at from 1500 to 2000, sailing in fourteen or fifteen ships.[222] They

were desperate men, accustomed to living at sea, with no trade but

burning and plundering, and unlikely to take orders from any but

stronger and faster frigates. Nor was this condition of affairs

surprising when we consider that, in the seventeenth century, there

flowed from Europe to the West Indies adventurers from every class of

society; men doubtless often endowed with strong personalities,

enterprising and intrepid; but often, too, of mediocre intelligence or

little education, and usually without either money or scruples. They

included many who had revolted from the narrow social laws of European

countries, and were disinclined to live peaceably within the bounds of

any organized society. Many, too, had belonged to rebellious political

factions at home, men of the better classes who were banished or who

emigrated in order to keep their heads upon their shoulders. In France

the total exhaustion of public and private fortune at the end of the

religious wars disposed many to seek to recoup themselves out of the

immense colonial riches of the Spaniards; while the disorders of the

Rebellion and the Commonwealth in England caused successive emigrations

of Puritans and Loyalists to the newer England beyond the seas. At the

close of the Thirty Years' War, too, a host of French and English

adventurers, who had fattened upon Germany and her misfortunes, were

left without a livelihood, and doubtless many resorted to emigration as

the sole means of continuing their life of freedom and even of licence.

Coming to the West Indies these men, so various in origin and character,

hoped soon to acquire there the riches which they lost or coveted at

home; and their expectations deceived, they often broke in a formal and

absolute manner the bonds which attached them to their fellow humanity.

Jamaica especially suffered in this respect, for it had been colonized

in the first instance by a discontented, refractory soldiery, and it was

being recruited largely by transported criminals and vagabonds. In

contrast with the policy of Spain, who placed the most careful

restrictions upon the class of emigrants sent to her American

possessions, England from the very beginning used her colonies, and

especially the West Indian islands, as a dumping-ground for her refuse

population. Within a short time a regular trade sprang up for furnishing

the colonies with servile labour from the prisons of the mother country.

Scots captured at the battles of Dunbar and Worcester,[223] English,

French, Irish and Dutch pirates lying in the gaols of Dorchester and

Plymouth,[224] if "not thought fit to be tried for their lives," were

shipped to Barbadoes, Jamaica, and the other Antilles. In August 1656

the Council of State issued an order for the apprehension of all lewd

and dangerous persons, rogues, vagrants and other idlers who had no way

of livelihood and refused to work, to be transported by contractors to

the English plantations in America;[225] and in June 1661 the Council

for Foreign Plantations appointed a committee to consider the same

matter.[226] Complaints were often made that children and apprentices

were "seduced or spirited away" from their parents and masters and

concealed upon ships sailing for the colonies; and an office of registry

was established to prevent this abuse.[227] In 1664 Charles granted a

licence for five years to Sir James Modyford, brother of Sir Thomas, to

take all felons convicted in the circuits and at the Old Bailey who were

afterwards reprieved for transportation to foreign plantations, and to

transmit them to the governor of Jamaica;[228] and this practice was

continued throughout the whole of the buccaneering period.

Privateering opened a channel by which these disorderly spirits,

impatient of the sober and laborious life of the planter, found an

employment agreeable to their tastes. An example had been set by the

plundering expeditions sent out by Fortescue, Brayne and Doyley, and

when these naval excursions ceased, the sailors and others who had taken

part in them fell to robbing on their private account. Sir Charles

Lyttleton, we have seen, zealously defended and encouraged the

freebooters; and Long, the historian of Jamaica, justified their

existence on the ground that many traders were attracted to the island

by the plunder with which Port Royal was so abundantly stocked, and that

the prosperity of the colony was founded upon the great demand for

provisions for the outfit of the privateers. These effects, however,

were but temporary and superficial, and did not counterbalance the

manifest evils of the practice, especially the discouragement to

planting, and the element of turbulence and unrest ever present in the

island. Under such conditions Governor Modyford found it necessary to

temporise with the marauders, and perhaps he did so the more readily

because he felt that they were still needed for the security of the

colony. A war between England and the States-General then seemed

imminent, and the governor considered that unless he allowed the

buccaneers to dispose of their booty when they came in to Port Royal,

they might, in event of hostilities breaking out, go to the Dutch at

Curaçao and other islands, and prey upon Jamaican commerce. On the other

hand, if, by adopting a conciliatory attitude, he retained their

allegiance, they would offer the handiest and most effective instrument

for driving the Dutch themselves out of the Indies.[229] He privately

told one captain, who brought in a Spanish prize, that he only stopped

the Admiralty proceedings to "give a good relish to the Spaniard"; and

that although the captor should have satisfaction, the governor could

not guarantee him his ship. So Sir Thomas persuaded some merchants to

buy the prize-goods and contributed one quarter of the money himself,

with the understanding that he should receive nothing if the Spaniards

came to claim their property.[230] A letter from Secretary Bennet, on

12th November 1664, confirmed the governor in this course;[231] and on

2nd February 1665, three weeks before the declaration of war against

Holland, a warrant was issued to the Duke of York, High Admiral of

England, to grant, through the colonial governors and vice-admirals,

commissions of reprisal upon the ships and goods of the Dutch.[232]

Modyford at once took advantage of this liberty. Some fourteen pirates,

who in the beginning of February had been tried and condemned to death,

were pardoned; and public declaration was made that commissions would be

granted against the Hollanders. Before nightfall two commissions had

been taken out, and all the rovers were making applications and planning

how to seize Curaçao.[233] Modyford drew up an elaborate design[234] for

rooting out at one and the same time the Dutch settlements and the

French buccaneers, and on 20th April he wrote that Lieutenant-Colonel

Morgan had sailed with ten ships and some 500 men, chiefly "reformed

prisoners," resolute fellows, and well armed with fusees and

pistols.[235] Their plan was to fall upon the Dutch fleet trading at St.

Kitts, capture St. Eustatius, Saba, and perhaps Curaçao, and on the

homeward voyage visit the French settlements on Hispaniola and Tortuga.

"All this is prepared," he wrote, "by the honest privateer, at the old

rate of no purchase no pay, and it will cost the king nothing

considerable, some powder and mortar-pieces." On the same day, 20th

April, Admiral de Ruyter, who had arrived in the Indies with a fleet of

fourteen sail, attacked the forts and shipping at Barbadoes, but

suffered considerable damage and retired after a few hours. At

Montserrat and Nevis, however, he was more successful and captured

sixteen merchant ships, after which he sailed for Virginia and New

York.[236]

The buccaneers enrolled in Colonel Morgan's expedition proved to be

troublesome allies. Before their departure from Jamaica most of them

mutinied, and refused to sail until promised by Morgan that the plunder

should be equally divided.[237] On 17th July, however, the expedition

made its rendezvous at Montserrat, and on the 23rd arrived before St.

Eustatius. Two vessels had been lost sight of, a third, with the

ironical name of the "Olive Branch," had sailed for Virginia, and many

stragglers had been left behind at Montserrat, so that Morgan could

muster only 326 men for the assault. There was only one landing-place on

the island, with a narrow path accommodating but two men at a time

leading to an eminence which was crowned with a fort and 450 Dutchmen.

Morgan landed his division first, and Colonel Carey followed. The enemy,

it seems, gave them but one small volley and then retreated to the fort.

The governor sent forward three men to parley, and on receiving a

summons to surrender, delivered up the fort with eleven large guns and

considerable ammunition. "It is supposed they were drunk or mad," was

the comment made upon the rather disgraceful defence.[238] During the

action Colonel Morgan, who was an old man and very corpulent, was

overcome by the hard marching and extraordinary heat, and died. Colonel

Carey, who succeeded him in command, was anxious to proceed at once to

the capture of the Dutch forts on Saba, St. Martins and Tortola; but the

buccaneers refused to stir until the booty got at St. Eustatius was

divided--nor were the officers and men able to agree on the manner of

sharing. The plunder, besides guns and ammunition, included about 900

slaves, negro and Indian, with a large quantity of live stock and

cotton. Meanwhile a party of seventy had crossed over to the island of

Saba, only four leagues distant, and secured its surrender on the same

terms as St. Eustatius. As the men had now become very mutinous, and on

a muster numbered scarcely 250, the officers decided that they could not

reasonably proceed any further and sailed for Jamaica, leaving a small

garrison on each of the islands. Most of the Dutch, about 250 in number,

were sent to St. Martins, but a few others, with some threescore

English, Irish and Scotch, took the oath of allegiance and

remained.[239]

Encouraged by a letter from the king,[240] Governor Modyford continued

his exertions against the Dutch. In January (?) 1666 two buccaneer

captains, Searles and Stedman, with two small ships and only eighty men

took the island of Tobago, near Trinidad, and destroyed everything they

could not carry away. Lord Willoughby, governor of Barbadoes, had also

fitted out an expedition to take the island, but the Jamaicans were

three or four days before him. The latter were busy with their work of

pillage, when Willoughby arrived and demanded the island in the name of

the king; and the buccaneers condescended to leave the fort and the

governor's house standing only on condition that Willoughby gave them

liberty to sell their plunder in Barbadoes.[241] Modyford, meanwhile,

greatly disappointed by the miscarriage of the design against Curaçao,

called in the aid of the "old privateer," Captain Edward Mansfield, and

in the autumn of 1665, with the hope of sending another armament against

the island, appointed a rendezvous for the buccaneers in Bluefields

Bay.[242]

In January 1666 war against England was openly declared by France in

support of her Dutch allies, and in the following month Charles II. sent

letters to his governors in the West Indies and the North American

colonies, apprising them of the war and urging them to attack their

French neighbours.[243] The news of the outbreak of hostilities did not

reach Jamaica until 2nd July, but already in December of the previous

year warning had been sent out to the West Indies of the coming

rupture.[244] Governor Modyford, therefore, seeing the French very much

increased in Hispaniola, concluded that it was high time to entice the

buccaneers from French service and bind them to himself by issuing

commissions against the Spaniards. The French still permitted the

freebooters to dispose of Spanish prizes in their ports, but the better

market afforded by Jamaica was always a sufficient consideration to

attract not only the English buccaneers, but the Dutch and French as

well. Moreover, the difficulties of the situation, which Modyford had

repeatedly enlarged upon in his letters, seem to have been appreciated

by the authorities in England, for in the spring of 1665, following upon

Secretary Bennet's letter of 12th November and shortly after the

outbreak of the Dutch war, the Duke of Albemarle had written to Modyford

in the name of the king, giving him permission to use his own discretion

in granting commissions against the Dons.[245] Modyford was convinced

that all the circumstances were favourable to such a course of action,

and on 22nd February assembled the Council. A resolution was passed that

it was to the interest of the island to grant letters of marque against

the Spaniards,[246] and a proclamation to this effect was published by

the governor at Port Royal and Tortuga. In the following August Modyford

sent home to Bennet, now become Lord Arlington, an elaborate defence of

his actions. "Your Lordship very well knows," wrote Modyford, "how great

an aversion I had for the privateers while at Barbadoes, but after I had

put His Majesty's orders for restitution in strict execution, I found my

error in the decay of the forts and wealth of this place, and also the

affections of this people to His Majesty's service; yet I continued

discountenancing and punishing those kind of people till your Lordship's

of the 12th November 1664 arrived, commanding a gentle usage of them;

still we went to decay, which I represented to the Lord General

faithfully the 6th of March following, who upon serious consideration

with His Majesty and the Lord Chancellor, by letter of 1st June 1665,

gave me latitude to grant or not commissions against the Spaniard, as I

found it for the advantage of His Majesty's service and the good of this

island. I was glad of this power, yet resolved not to use it unless

necessity drove me to it; and that too when I saw how poor the fleets

returning from Statia were, so that vessels were broken up and the men

disposed of for the coast of Cuba to get a livelihood and so be wholly

alienated from us. Many stayed at the Windward Isles, having not enough

to pay their engagements, and at Tortuga and among the French

buccaneers; still I forebore to make use of my power, hoping their

hardships and great hazards would in time reclaim them from that course

of life. But about the beginning of March last I found that the guards

of Port Royal, which under Colonel Morgan were 600, had fallen to 138,

so I assembled the Council to advise how to strengthen that most

important place with some of the inland forces; but they all agreed that

the only way to fill Port Royal with men was to grant commissions

against the Spaniards, which they were very pressing in ... and looking

on our weak condition, the chief merchants gone from Port Royal, no

credit given to privateers for victualling, etc., and rumours of war

with the French often repeated, I issued a declaration of my intentions

to grant commissions against the Spaniards. Your Lordship cannot imagine

what an universal change there was on the faces of men and things, ships

repairing, great resort of workmen and labourers to Port Royal, many

returning, many debtors released out of prison, and the ships from the

Curaçao voyage, not daring to come in for fear of creditors, brought in

and fitted out again, so that the regimental forces at Port Royal are

near 400. Had it not been for that seasonable action, I could not have

kept my place against the French buccaneers, who would have ruined all

the seaside plantations at least, whereas I now draw from them mainly,

and lately David Marteen, the best man of Tortuga, that has two frigates

at sea, has promised to bring in both."[247]

In so far as the buccaneers affected the mutual relations of England and

Spain, it after all could make little difference whether commissions

were issued in Jamaica or not, for the plundering and burning continued,

and the harassed Spanish-Americans, only too prone to call the rogues

English of whatever origin they might really be, continued to curse and

hate the English nation and make cruel reprisals whenever possible.

Moreover, every expedition into Spanish territory, finding the Spaniards

very weak and very rich, gave new incentive to such endeavour. While

Modyford had been standing now on one foot, now on the other, uncertain

whether to repulse the buccaneers or not, secretly anxious to welcome

them, but fearing the authorities at home, the corsairs themselves had

entirely ignored him. The privateers whom Modyford had invited to

rendezvous in Bluefield's Bay in November 1665 had chosen Captain

Mansfield as their admiral, and in the middle of January sailed from the

south cays of Cuba for Curaçao. In the meantime, however, because they

had been refused provisions which, according to Modyford's account, they

sought to buy from the Spaniards in Cuba, they had marched forty-two

miles into the island, and on the strength of Portuguese commissions

which they held against the Spaniards, had plundered and burnt the town

of Sancti Spiritus, routed a body of 200 horse, carried some prisoners

to the coast, and for their ransom extorted 300 head of cattle.[248] The

rich and easy profits to be got by plundering the Spaniards were almost

too much for the loyalty of the men, and Modyford, hearing of many

defections from their ranks, had despatched Captain Beeston on 10th

November to divert them, if possible, from Sancti Spiritus, and confirm

them in their designs against Curaçao.[249] The officers of the

expedition, indeed, sent to the governor a letter expressing their zeal

for the enterprise; but the men still held off, and the fleet, in

consequence, eventually broke up. Two vessels departed for Tortuga, and

four others, joined by two French rovers, sailed under Mansfield to

attempt the recapture of Providence Island, which, since 1641, had been

garrisoned by the Spaniards and used as a penal settlement.[250] Being

resolved, as Mansfield afterwards told the governor of Jamaica, never to

see Modyford's face until he had done some service to the king, he

sailed for Providence with about 200 men,[251] and approaching the

island in the night by an unusual passage among the reefs, landed early

in the morning, and surprised and captured the Spanish commander. The

garrison of about 200 yielded up the fort on the promise that they would

be carried to the mainland. Twenty-seven pieces of ordnance were taken,

many of which, it is said, bore the arms of Queen Elizabeth engraved

upon them. Mansfield left thirty-five men under command of a Captain

Hattsell to hold the island, and sailed with his prisoners for Central

America. After cruising along the shores of the mainland, he ascended

the San Juan River and entered and sacked Granada, the capital of

Nicaragua. From Granada the buccaneers turned south into Costa Rica,

burning plantations, breaking the images in the churches, ham-stringing

cows and mules, cutting down the fruit trees, and in general destroying

everything they found. The Spanish governor had only thirty-six soldiers

at his disposal and scarcely any firearms; but he gathered the

inhabitants and some Indians, blocked the roads, laid ambuscades, and

did all that his pitiful means permitted to hinder the progress of the

invaders. The freebooters had designed to visit Cartago, the chief city

of the province, and plunder it as they had plundered Granada. They

penetrated only as far as Turrialva, however, whence weary and footsore

from their struggle through the Cordillera, and harassed by the

Spaniards, they retired through the province of Veragua in military

order to their ships.[252] On 12th June the buccaneers, laden with

booty, sailed into Port Royal. There was at that moment no declared war

between England and Spain. Yet the governor, probably because he

believed Mansfield to be justified, _ex post facto_, by the issue of

commissions against the Spaniards in the previous February, did no more

than mildly reprove him for acting without his orders; and "considering

its good situation for favouring any design on the rich main," he

accepted the tender of the island in behalf of the king. He despatched

Major Samuel Smith, who had been one of Mansfield's party, with a few

soldiers to reinforce the English garrison;[253] and on 10th November

the Council in England set the stamp of their approval upon his actions

by issuing a commission to his brother, Sir James Modyford, to be

lieutenant-governor of the new acquisition.[254]

In August 1665, only two months before the departure of Mansfield from

Jamaica, there had returned to Port Royal from a raid in the same region

three privateer captains named Morris, Jackman and Morgan.[255] These

men, with their followers, doubtless helped to swell the ranks of

Mansfield's buccaneers, and it was probably their report of the wealth

of Central America which induced Mansfield to emulate their performance.

In the previous January these three captains, still pretending to sail

under commissions from Lord Windsor, had ascended the river Tabasco, in

the province of Campeache, with 107 men, and guided by Indians made a

detour of 300 miles, according to their account, to Villa de Mosa,[256]

which they took and plundered. When they returned to the mouth of the

river, they found that their ships had been seized by Spaniards, who, on

their approach, attacked them 300 strong. The Spaniards, softened by the

heat and indolent life of the tropics, were no match for one-third their

number of desperadoes, and the buccaneers beat them off without the loss

of a man. The freebooters then fitted up two barques and four canoes,

sailed to Rio Garta and stormed the place with only thirty men; crossed

the Gulf of Honduras to the Island of Roatan to rest and obtain fresh

water, and then captured and plundered the port of Truxillo. Down the

Mosquito Coast they passed like a devouring flame, consuming all in

their path. Anchoring in Monkey Bay, they ascended the San Juan River in

canoes for a distance of 100 miles to Lake Nicaragua. The basin into

which they entered they described as a veritable paradise, the air cool

and wholesome, the shores of the lake full of green pastures and broad

savannahs dotted with horses and cattle, and round about all a coronal

of azure mountains. Hiding by day among the numerous islands and rowing

all night, on the fifth night they landed near the city of Granada, just

a year before Mansfield's visit to the place. The buccaneers marched

unobserved to the central square of the city, overturned eighteen cannon

mounted there, seized the magazine, and took and imprisoned in the

cathedral 300 of the citizens. They plundered for sixteen hours, then

released their prisoners, and taking the precaution to scuttle all the

boats, made their way back to the sea coast. The town was large and

pleasant, containing seven churches besides several colleges and

monasteries, and most of the buildings were constructed of stone. About

1000 Indians, driven to rebellion by the cruelty and oppression of the

Spaniards, accompanied the marauders and would have massacred the

prisoners, especially the religious, had they not been told that the

English had no intentions of retaining their conquest. The news of the

exploit produced a lively impression in Jamaica, and the governor

suggested Central America as the "properest place" for an attack from

England on the Spanish Indies.[257]

Providence Island was now in the hands of an English garrison, and the

Spaniards were not slow to realise that the possession of this outpost

by the buccaneers might be but the first step to larger conquests on the

mainland. The President of Panama, Don Juan Perez de Guzman, immediately

took steps to recover the island. He transferred himself to Porto Bello,

embargoed an English ship of thirty guns, the "Concord," lying at anchor

there with licence to trade in negroes, manned it with 350 Spaniards

under command of José Sánchez Jiménez, and sent it to Cartagena. The

governor of Cartagena contributed several small vessels and a hundred or

more men to the enterprise, and on 10th August 1666 the united Spanish

fleet appeared off the shores of Providence. On the refusal of Major

Smith to surrender, the Spaniards landed, and on 15th August, after a

three days' siege, forced the handful of buccaneers, only sixty or

seventy in number, to capitulate. Some of the English defenders later

deposed before Governor Modyford that the Spaniards had agreed to let

them depart in a barque for Jamaica. However this may be, when the

English came to lay down their arms they were made prisoners by the

Spaniards, carried to Porto Bello, and all except Sir Thomas Whetstone,

Major Smith and Captain Stanley, the three English captains, submitted

to the most inhuman cruelties. Thirty-three were chained to the ground

in a dungeon 12 feet by 10. They were forced to work in the water from

five in the morning till seven at night, and at such a rate that the

Spaniards themselves confessed they made one of them do more work than

any three negroes; yet when weak for want of victuals and sleep, they

were knocked down and beaten with cudgels so that four or five died.

"Having no clothes, their backs were blistered with the sun, their heads

scorched, their necks, shoulders and hands raw with carrying stones and

mortar, their feet chopped and their legs bruised and battered with the

irons, and their corpses were noisome to one another." The three English

captains were carried to Panama, and there cast into a dungeon and bound

in irons for seventeen months.[258]

On 8th January 1664 Sir Richard Fanshaw, formerly ambassador to

Portugal, had arrived in Madrid from England to negotiate a treaty of

commerce with Spain, and if possible to patch up a peace between the

Spanish and Portuguese crowns. He had renewed the old demand for a free

commerce in the Indies; and the negotiations had dragged through the

years of 1664 and 1665, hampered and crossed by the factions in the

Spanish court, the hostile machinations of the Dutch resident in Madrid,

and the constant rumours of cruelties and desolations by the freebooters

in America.[259] The Spanish Government insisted that by sole virtue of

the articles of 1630 there was peace on both sides of the "Line," and

that the violences of the buccaneers in the West Indies, and even the

presence of English colonists there, was a breach of the articles. In

this fashion they endeavoured to reduce Fanshaw to the position of a

suppliant for favours which they might only out of their grace and

generosity concede. It was a favourite trick of Spanish diplomacy, which

had been worked many times before. The English ambassador was, in

consequence, compelled strenuously to deny the existence of any peace in

America, although he realised how ambiguous his position had been

rendered by the original orders of Charles II. to Modyford in 1664.[260]

After the death of Philip IV. in 1665, negotiations were renewed with

the encouragement of the Queen Regent, and on 17th December provisional

articles were signed by Fanshaw and the Duke de Medina de los Torres and

sent to England for ratification.[261] Fanshaw died shortly after, and

Lord Sandwich, his successor, finally succeeded in concluding a treaty

on 23rd May 1667.[262] The provisions of the treaty extended to places

"where hitherto trade and commerce hath been accustomed," and the only

privileges obtained in America were those which had been granted to the

Low Countries by the Treaty of Munster. On 21st July of the same year a

general peace was concluded at Breda between England, Holland and

France.

It was in the very midst of Lord Sandwich's negotiations that Modyford

had, as Beeston expresses it in his Journal, declared war against the

Spaniards by the re-issue of privateering commissions. He had done it

all in his own name, however, so that the king might disavow him should

the exigencies of diplomacy demand it.[263] Moreover, at this same time,

in the middle of 1666, Albemarle was writing to Modyford that

notwithstanding the negotiations, in which, as he said, the West Indies

were not at all concerned, the governor might still employ the

privateers as formerly, if it be for the benefit of English interests in

the Indies.[264] The news of the general peace reached Jamaica late in

1667; yet Modyford did not change his policy. It is true that in

February Secretary Lord Arlington had sent directions to restrain the

buccaneers from further acts of violence against the Spaniards;[265] but

Modyford drew his own conclusions from the contradictory orders received

from England, and was conscious, perhaps, that he was only reflecting

the general policy of the home government when he wrote to

Arlington:--"Truly it must be very imprudent to run the hazard of this

place, for obtaining a correspondence which could not but by orders from

Madrid be had.... The Spaniards look on us as intruders and trespassers,

wheresoever they find us in the Indies, and use us accordingly; and were

it in their power, as it is fixed in their wills, would soon turn us out

of all our plantations; and is it reasonable that we should quietly let

them grow upon us until they are able to do it? It must be force alone

that can cut in sunder that unneighbourly maxim of their government to

deny all access to strangers."[266]

These words were very soon translated into action, for in June 1668

Henry Morgan, with a fleet of nine or ten ships and between 400 and 500

men, took and sacked Porto Bello, one of the strongest cities of Spanish

America, and the emporium for most of the European trade of the South

American continent. Henry Morgan was a nephew of the Colonel Edward

Morgan who died in the assault of St. Eustatius. He is said to have been

kidnapped at Bristol while he was a mere lad and sold as a servant in

Barbadoes, whence, on the expiration of his time, he found his way to

Jamaica. There he joined the buccaneers and soon rose to be captain of a

ship. It was probably he who took part in the expedition with Morris and

Jackman to Campeache and Central America. He afterwards joined the

Curaçao armament of Mansfield and was with the latter when he seized the

island of Providence. After Mansfield's disappearance Morgan seems to

have taken his place as the foremost buccaneer leader in Jamaica, and

during the next twenty years he was one of the most considerable men in

the colony. He was but thirty-three years old when he led the expedition

against Porto Bello.[267]

In the beginning of 1668 Sir Thomas Modyford, having had "frequent and

strong advice" that the Spaniards were planning an invasion of Jamaica,

had commissioned Henry Morgan to draw together the English privateers

and take some Spanish prisoners in order to find out if these rumours

were true. The buccaneers, according to Morgan's own report to the

governor, were driven to the south cays of Cuba, where being in want of

victuals and "like to starve," and meeting some Frenchmen in a similar

plight, they put their men ashore to forage. They found all the cattle

driven up into the country, however, and the inhabitants fled. So the

freebooters marched twenty leagues to Puerto Principe on the north side

of the island, and after a short encounter, in which the Spanish

governor was killed, possessed themselves of the place. Nothing of value

escaped the rapacity of the invaders, who resorted to the extremes of

torture to draw from their prisoners confessions of hidden wealth. On

the entreaty of the Spaniards they forebore to fire the town, and for a

ransom of 1000 head of cattle released all the prisoners; but they

compelled the Spaniards to salt the beef and carry it to the ships.[268]

Morgan reported, with what degree of truth we have no means of judging,

that seventy men had been impressed in Puerto Principe to go against

Jamaica, and that a similar levy had been made throughout the island.

Considerable forces, moreover, were expected from the mainland to

rendezvous at Havana and St. Jago, with the final object of invading the

English colony.

On returning to the ships from the sack of Puerto Principe, Morgan

unfolded to his men his scheme of striking at the very heart of Spanish

power in the Indies by capturing Porto Bello. The Frenchmen among his

followers, it seems, wholly refused to join him in this larger design,

full of danger as it was; so Morgan sailed away with only the English

freebooters, some 400 in number, for the coasts of Darien. Exquemelin

has left us a narrative of this exploit which is more circumstantial

than any other we possess, and agrees so closely with what we know from

other sources that we must accept the author's statement that he was an

eye-witness. He relates the whole story, moreover, in so entertaining

and picturesque a manner that he deserves quotation.

"Captain Morgan," he says, "who knew very well all the avenues of this

city, as also all the neighbouring coasts, arrived in the dusk of the

evening at the place called Puerto de Naos, distant ten leagues towards

the west of Porto Bello.[269] Being come unto this place, they mounted

the river in their ships, as far as another harbour called Puerto

Pontin, where they came to anchor. Here they put themselves immediately

into boats and canoes, leaving in the ships only a few men to keep them

and conduct them the next day unto the port. About midnight they came to

a certain place called Estera longa Lemos, where they all went on shore,

and marched by land to the first posts of the city. They had in their

company a certain Englishman, who had been formerly a prisoner in those

parts, and who now served them for a guide. Unto him, and three or four

more, they gave commission to take the sentry, if possible, or to kill

him upon the place. But they laid hands on him and apprehended him with

such cunning as he had no time to give warning with his musket, or make

any other noise. Thus they brought him, with his hands bound, unto

Captain Morgan, who asked him: 'How things went in the city, and what

forces they had'; with many other circumstances, which he was desirous

to know. After every question they made him a thousand menaces to kill

him, in case he declared not the truth. Thus they began to advance

towards the city, carrying always the said sentry bound before them.

Having marched about one quarter of a league, they came to the castle

that is nigh unto the city, which presently they closely surrounded, so

that no person could get either in or out of the said fortress.

"Being thus posted under the walls of the castle, Captain Morgan

commanded the sentry, whom they had taken prisoner, to speak to those

that were within, charging them to surrender, and deliver themselves up

to his discretion; otherwise they should be all cut in pieces, without

giving quarter to any one. But they would hearken to none of these

threats, beginning instantly to fire; which gave notice unto the city,

and this was suddenly alarmed. Yet, notwithstanding, although the

Governor and soldiers of the said castle made as great resistance as

could be performed, they were constrained to surrender unto the Pirates.

These no sooner had taken the castle, than they resolved to be as good

as their words, in putting the Spaniards to the sword, thereby to strike

a terror into the rest of the city. Hereupon, having shut up all the

soldiers and officers as prisoners into one room, they instantly set

fire to the powder (whereof they found great quantity), and blew up the

whole castle into the air, with all the Spaniards that were within. This

being done, they pursued the course of their victory, falling upon the

city, which as yet was not in order to receive them. Many of the

inhabitants cast their precious jewels and moneys into wells and

cisterns or hid them in other places underground, to excuse, as much as

were possible, their being totally robbed. One party of the Pirates

being assigned to this purpose, ran immediately to the cloisters, and

took as many religious men and women as they could find. The Governor of

the city not being able to rally the citizens, through the huge

confusion of the town, retired unto one of the castles remaining, and

from thence began to fire incessantly at the Pirates. But these were not

in the least negligent either to assault him or defend themselves with

all the courage imaginable. Thus it was observed that, amidst the horror

of the assault, they made very few shot in vain. For aiming with great

dexterity at the mouths of the guns, the Spaniards were certain to lose

one or two men every time they charged each gun anew.

"The assault of this castle where the Governor was continued very

furious on both sides, from break of day until noon. Yea, about this

time of the day the case was very dubious which party should conquer or

be conquered. At last the Pirates, perceiving they had lost many men and

as yet advanced but little towards the gaining either this or the other

castles remaining, thought to make use of fireballs, which they threw

with their hands, designing, if possible, to burn the doors of the

castle. But going about to put this in execution, the Spaniards from the

walls let fall great quantity of stones and earthen pots full of powder

and other combustible matter, which forced them to desist from that

attempt. Captain Morgan, seeing this generous defence made by the

Spaniards, began to despair of the whole success of the enterprise.

Hereupon many faint and calm meditations came into his mind; neither

could he determine which way to turn himself in that straitness of

affairs. Being involved in these thoughts, he was suddenly animated to

continue the assault, by seeing the English colours put forth at one of

the lesser castles, then entered by his men, of whom he presently after

spied a troop that came to meet him proclaiming victory with loud shouts

of joy. This instantly put him upon new resolutions of making new

efforts to take the rest of the castles that stood out against him;

especially seeing the chief citizens were fled unto them, and had

conveyed thither great part of their riches, with all the plate

belonging to the churches, and other things dedicated to divine service.

"To this effect, therefore, he ordered ten or twelve ladders to be made,

in all possible haste, so broad that three or four men at once might

ascend by them. These being finished, he commanded all the religious men

and women whom he had taken prisoners to fix them against the walls of

the castle. Thus much he had beforehand threatened the Governor to

perform, in case he delivered not the castle. But his answer was: 'He

would never surrender himself alive.' Captain Morgan was much persuaded

that the Governor would not employ his utmost forces, seeing religious

women and ecclesiastical persons exposed in the front of the soldiers to

the greatest dangers. Thus the ladders, as I have said, were put into

the hands of religious persons of both sexes; and these were forced, at

the head of the companies, to raise and apply them to the walls. But

Captain Morgan was deceived in his judgment of this design. For the

Governor, who acted like a brave and courageous soldier, refused not, in

performance of his duty, to use his utmost endeavours to destroy

whosoever came near the walls. The religious men and women ceased not to

cry unto him and beg of him by all the Saints of Heaven he would deliver

the castle, and hereby spare both his and their own lives. But nothing

could prevail with the obstinacy and fierceness that had possessed the

Governor's mind. Thus many of the religious men and nuns were killed

before they could fix the ladders. Which at last being done, though with

great loss of the said religious people, the Pirates mounted them in

great numbers, and with no less valour; having fireballs in their hands,

and earthen pots full of powder. All which things, being now at the top

of the walls, they kindled and cast in among the Spaniards.

"This effort of the Pirates was very great, insomuch as the Spaniards

could no longer resist nor defend the castle, which was now entered.

Hereupon they all threw down their arms, and craved quarter for their

lives. Only the Governor of the city would admit or crave no mercy; but

rather killed many of the Pirates with his own hands, and not a few of

his own soldiers, because they did not stand to their arms. And although

the Pirates asked him if he would have quarter, yet he constantly

answered: 'By no means; I had rather die as a valiant soldier, than be

hanged as a coward.' They endeavoured as much as they could to take him

prisoner. But he defended himself so obstinately that they were forced

to kill him; notwithstanding all the cries and tears of his own wife and

daughter, who begged of him upon their knees he would demand quarter and

save his life. When the Pirates had possessed themselves of the castle,

which was about night, they enclosed therein all the prisoners they had

taken, placing the women and men by themselves, with some guards upon

them. All the wounded were put into a certain apartment by itself, to

the intent their own complaints might be the cure of their diseases; for

no other was afforded them.

"This being done, they fell to eating and drinking after their usual

manner; that is to say, committing in both these things all manner of

debauchery and excess.... After such manner they delivered themselves up

unto all sort of debauchery, that if there had been found only fifty

courageous men, they might easily have re-taken the city, and killed all

the Pirates. The next day, having plundered all they could find, they

began to examine some of the prisoners (who had been persuaded by their

companions to say they were the richest of the town), charging them

severely to discover where they had hidden their riches and goods. But

not being able to extort anything out of them, as they were not the

right persons that possessed any wealth, they at last resolved to

torture them. This they performed with such cruelty that many of them

died upon the rack, or presently after. Soon after, the President of

Panama had news brought him of the pillage and ruin of Porto Bello. This

intelligence caused him to employ all his care and industry to raise

forces, with design to pursue and cast out the Pirates from thence. But

these cared little for what extraordinary means the President used, as

having their ships nigh at hand, and being determined to set fire unto

the city and retreat. They had now been at Porto Bello fifteen days, in

which space of time they had lost many of their men, both by the

unhealthiness of the country and the extravagant debaucheries they had

committed.[270]

"Hereupon they prepared for a departure, carrying on board their ships

all the pillage they had gotten. But, before all, they provided the

fleet with sufficient victuals for the voyage. While these things were

getting ready, Captain Morgan sent an injunction unto the prisoners,

that they should pay him a ransom for the city, or else he would by fire

consume it to ashes, and blow up all the castles into the air. Withal,

he commanded them to send speedily two persons to seek and procure the

sum he demanded, which amounted to one hundred thousand pieces of eight.

Unto this effect, two men were sent to the President of Panama, who gave

him an account of all these tragedies. The President, having now a body

of men in readiness, set forth immediately towards Porto Bello, to

encounter the Pirates before their retreat. But these people, hearing of

his coming, instead of flying away, went out to meet him at a narrow

passage through which of necessity he ought to pass. Here they placed an

hundred men very well armed; the which, at the first encounter, put to

flight a good party of those of Panama. This accident obliged the

President to retire for that time, as not being yet in a posture of

strength to proceed any farther. Presently after this rencounter he sent

a message unto Captain Morgan to tell him: 'That in case he departed not

suddenly with all his forces from Porto Bello, he ought to expect no

quarter for himself nor his companions, when he should take them, as he

hoped soon to do.' Captain Morgan, who feared not his threats knowing he

had a secure retreat in his ships which were nigh at hand, made him

answer: 'He would not deliver the castles, before he had received the

contribution money he had demanded. Which in case it were not paid down,

he would certainly burn the whole city, and then leave it, demolishing

beforehand the castles and killing the prisoners.'

"The Governor of Panama perceived by this answer that no means would

serve to mollify the hearts of the Pirates, nor reduce them to reason.

Hereupon he determined to leave them; as also those of the city, whom he

came to relieve, involved in the difficulties of making the best

agreement they could with their enemies.[271] Thus, in a few days more,

the miserable citizens gathered the contribution wherein they were

fined, and brought the entire sum of one hundred thousand pieces of

eight unto the Pirates, for a ransom of the cruel captivity they were

fallen into. But the President of Panama, by these transactions, was

brought into an extreme admiration, considering that four hundred men

had been able to take such a great city, with so many strong castles;

especially seeing they had no pieces of cannon, nor other great guns,

wherewith to raise batteries against them. And what was more, knowing

that the citizens of Porto Bello had always great repute of being good

soldiers themselves, and who had never wanted courage in their own

defence. This astonishment was so great, that it occasioned him, for to

be satisfied therein, to send a messenger unto Captain Morgan, desiring

him to send him some small pattern of those arms wherewith he had taken

with such violence so great a city. Captain Morgan received this

messenger very kindly, and treated him with great civility. Which being

done, he gave him a pistol and a few small bullets of lead, to carry

back unto the President, his Master, telling him withal: 'He desired him

to accept that slender pattern of the arms wherewith he had taken Porto

Bello and keep them for a twelvemonth; after which time he promised to

come to Panama and fetch them away.' The governor of Panama returned the

present very soon unto Captain Morgan, giving him thanks for the favour

of lending him such weapons as he needed not, and withal sent him a ring

of gold, with this message: 'That he desired him not to give himself the

labour of coming to Panama, as he had done to Porto Bello; for he did

certify unto him, he should not speed so well here as he had done

there.'

"After these transactions, Captain Morgan (having provided his fleet

with all necessaries, and taken with him the best guns of the castles,

nailing the rest which he could not carry away) set sail from Porto

Bello with all his ships. With these he arrived in a few days unto the

Island of Cuba, where he sought out a place wherein with all quiet and

repose he might make the dividend of the spoil they had gotten. They

found in ready money two hundred and fifty thousand pieces of eight,

besides all other merchandises, as cloth, linen, silks and other goods.

With this rich purchase they sailed again from thence unto their common

place of rendezvous, Jamaica. Being arrived, they passed here some time

in all sorts of vices and debauchery, according to their common manner

of doing, spending with huge prodigality what others had gained with no

small labour and toil."[272]

Morgan and his officers, on their return to Jamaica in the middle of

August, made an official report which places their conduct in a

peculiarly mild and charitable light,[273] and forms a sharp contrast to

the account left us by Exquemelin. According to Morgan the town and

castles were restored "in as good condition as they found them," and the

people were so well treated that "several ladies of great quality and

other prisoners" who were offered "their liberty to go to the

President's camp, refused, saying they were now prisoners to a person of

quality, who was more tender of their honours than they doubted to find

in the president's camp, and so voluntarily continued with them till the

surrender of the town and castles." This scarcely tallies with what we

know of the manners of the freebooters, and Exquemelin's evidence is

probably nearer the truth. When Morgan returned to Jamaica Modyford at

first received him somewhat doubtfully, for Morgan's commission, as the

Governor told him, was only against ships, and the Governor was not at

all sure how the exploit would be taken in England. Morgan, however, had

reported that at Porto Bello, as well as in Cuba, levies were being made

for an attack upon Jamaica, and Modyford laid great stress upon this

point when he forwarded the buccaneer's narrative to the Duke of

Albemarle.

The sack of Porto Bello was nothing less than an act of open war against

Spain, and Modyford, now that he had taken the decisive step, was not

satisfied with half measures. Before the end of October 1668 the whole

fleet of privateers, ten sail and 800 men, had gone out again under

Morgan to cruise on the coasts of Caracas, while Captain Dempster with

several other vessels and 300 followers lay before Havana and along the

shores of Campeache.[274] Modyford had written home repeatedly that if

the king wished him to exercise any adequate control over the

buccaneers, he must send from England two or three nimble fifth-rate

frigates to command their obedience and protect the island from hostile

attacks. Charles in reply to these letters sent out the "Oxford," a

frigate of thirty-four guns, which arrived at Port Royal on 14th

October. According to Beeston's Journal, it brought instructions

countenancing the war, and empowering the governor to commission

whatever persons he thought good to be partners with His Majesty in the

plunder, "they finding victuals, wear and tear."[275] The frigate was

immediately provisioned for a several months' cruise, and sent under

command of Captain Edward Collier to join Morgan's fleet as a private

ship-of-war. Morgan had appointed the Isle la Vache, or Cow Island, on

the south side of Hispaniola, as the rendezvous for the privateers; and

thither flocked great numbers, both English and French, for the name of

Morgan was, by his exploit at Porto Bello, rendered famous in all the

neighbouring islands. Here, too, arrived the "Oxford" in December. Among

the French privateers were two men-of-war, one of which, the "Cour

Volant" of La Rochelle, commanded by M. la Vivon, was seized by Captain

Collier for having robbed an English vessel of provisions. A few days

later, on 2nd January, a council of war was held aboard the "Oxford,"

where it was decided that the privateers, now numbering about 900 men,

should attack Cartagena. While the captains were at dinner on the

quarter-deck, however, the frigate blew up, and about 200 men, including

five captains, were lost.[276] "I was eating my dinner with the rest,"

writes the surgeon, Richard Browne, "when the mainmasts blew out, and

fell upon Captains Aylett, Bigford, and others, and knocked them on the

head; I saved myself by getting astride the mizzenmast." It seems that

out of the whole ship only Morgan and those who sat on his side of the

table were saved. The accident was probably caused by the carelessness

of a gunner. Captain Collier sailed in la Vivon's ship for Jamaica,

where the French captain was convicted of piracy in the Admiralty Court,

and reprieved by Governor Modyford, but his ship confiscated.[277]

Morgan, from the rendezvous at the Isle la Vache, had coasted along the

southern shores of Hispaniola and made several inroads upon the island

for the purpose of securing beef and other provisions. Some of his

ships, meanwhile, had been separated from the body of the fleet, and at

last he found himself with but eight vessels and 400 or 500 men,

scarcely more than half his original company. With these small numbers

he changed his resolution to attempt Cartagena, and set sail for

Maracaibo, a town situated on the great lagoon of that name in

Venezuela. This town had been pillaged in 1667, just before the peace of

Aix-la-Chapelle, by 650 buccaneers led by two French captains,

L'Olonnais and Michel le Basque, and had suffered all the horrors

attendant upon such a visit. In March 1669 Morgan appeared at the

entrance to the lake, forced the passage after a day's hot bombardment,

dismantled the fort which commanded it, and entered Maracaibo, from

which the inhabitants had fled before him. The buccaneers sacked the

town, and scoured the woods in search of the Spaniards and their

valuables. Men, women and children were brought in and cruelly tortured

to make them confess where their treasures were hid. Morgan, at the end

of three weeks, "having now got by degrees into his hands about 100 of

the chief families," resolved to go to Gibraltar, near the head of the

lake, as L'Olonnais had done before him. Here the scenes of inhuman

cruelty, "the tortures, murders, robberies and such like insolences,"

were repeated for five weeks; after which the buccaneers, gathering up

their rich booty, returned to Maracaibo, carrying with them four

hostages for the ransom of the town and prisoners, which the inhabitants

promised to send after them. At Maracaibo Morgan learnt that three large

Spanish men-of-war were lying off the entrance of the lake, and that the

fort, in the meantime, had been armed and manned and put into a posture

of defence. In order to gain time he entered into negotiations with the

Spanish admiral, Don Alonso del Campo y Espinosa, while the privateers

carefully made ready a fireship disguised as a man-of-war. At dawn on

1st May 1669, according to Exquemelin, they approached the Spanish ships

riding at anchor within the entry of the lake, and sending the fireship

ahead of the rest, steered directly for them. The fireship fell foul of

the "Almirante," a vessel of forty guns, grappled with her and set her

in flames. The second Spanish ship, when the plight of the Admiral was

discovered, was run aground and burnt by her own men. The third was

captured by the buccaneers. As no quarter was given or taken, the loss

of the Spaniards must have been considerable, although some of those on

the Admiral, including Don Alonso, succeeded in reaching shore. From a

pilot picked up by the buccaneers, Morgan learned that in the flagship

was a great quantity of plate to the value of 40,000 pieces of eight. Of

this he succeeded in recovering about half, much of it melted by the

force of the heat. Morgan then returned to Maracaibo to refit his prize,

and opening negotiations again with Don Alonso, he actually succeeded in

obtaining 20,000 pieces of eight and 500 head of cattle as a ransom for

the city. Permission to pass the fort, however, the Spaniard refused.

So, having first made a division of the spoil,[278] Morgan resorted to

an ingenious stratagem to effect his egress from the lake. He led the

Spaniards to believe that he was landing his men for an attack on the

fort from the land side; and while the Spaniards were moving their guns

in that direction, Morgan in the night, by the light of the moon, let

his ships drop gently down with the tide till they were abreast of the

fort, and then suddenly spreading sail made good his escape. On 17th May

the buccaneers returned to Port Royal.

These events in the West Indies filled the Spanish Court with impotent

rage, and the Conde de Molina, ambassador in England, made repeated

demands for the punishment of Modyford, and for the restitution of the

plate and other captured goods which were beginning to flow into England

from Jamaica. The English Council replied that the treaty of 1667 was

not understood to include the Indies, and Charles II. sent him a long

list of complaints of ill-usage to English ships at the hands of the

Spaniards in America.[279] Orders seem to have been sent to Modyford,

however, to stop hostilities, for in May 1669 Modyford again called in

all commissions,[280] and Beeston writes in his Journal, under 14th

June, that peace was publicly proclaimed with the Spaniards. In

November, moreover, the governor told Albemarle that most of the

buccaneers were turning to trade, hunting or planting, and that he hoped

soon to reduce all to peaceful pursuits.[281] The Spanish Council of

State, in the meantime, had determined upon a course of active reprisal.

A commission from the queen-regent, dated 20th April 1669, commanded her

governors in the Indies to make open war against the English;[282] and a

fleet of six vessels, carrying from eighteen to forty-eight guns, was

sent from Spain to cruise against the buccaneers. To this fleet belonged

the three ships which tried to bottle up Morgan in Lake Maracaibo. Port

Royal was filled with report and rumour of English ships captured and

plundered, of cruelties to English prisoners in the dungeons of

Cartagena, of commissions of war issued at Porto Bello and St. Jago de

Cuba, and of intended reprisals upon the settlements in Jamaica. The

privateers became restless and spoke darkly of revenge, while Modyford,

his old supporter the Duke of Albemarle having just died, wrote home

begging for orders which would give him liberty to retaliate.[283] The

last straw fell in June 1670, when two Spanish men-of-war from St. Jago

de Cuba, commanded by a Portuguese, Manuel Rivero Pardal, landed men on

the north side of the island, burnt some houses and carried off a number

of the inhabitants as prisoners.[284] On 2nd July the governor and

council issued a commission to Henry Morgan, as commander-in-chief of

all ships of war belonging to Jamaica, to get together the privateers

for the defence of the island, to attack, seize and destroy all the

enemy's vessels he could discover, and in case he found it feasible, "to

land and attack St. Jago or any other place where ... are stores for

this war or a rendezvous for their forces." In the accompanying

instructions he was bidden "to advise his fleet and soldiers that they

were upon the old pleasing account of no purchase, no pay, and therefore

that all which is got, shall be divided amongst them, according to the

accustomed rules."[285]

Morgan sailed from Jamaica on 14th August 1670 with eleven vessels and

600 men for the Isle la Vache, the usual rendezvous, whence during the

next three months squadrons were detailed to the coast of Cuba and the

mainland of South America to collect provisions and intelligence. Sir

William Godolphin was at that moment in Madrid concluding articles for

the establishment of peace and friendship in America; and on 12th June

Secretary Arlington wrote to Modyford that in view of these negotiations

his Majesty commanded the privateers to forbear all hostilities on land

against the Spaniards.[286] These orders reached Jamaica on 13th August,

whereupon the governor recalled Morgan, who had sailed from the harbour

the day before, and communicated them to him, "strictly charging him to

observe the same and behave with all moderation possible in carrying on

the war." The admiral replied that necessity would compel him to land in

the Spaniards' country for wood, water and provisions, but unless he was

assured that the enemy in their towns were making hostile preparations

against the Jamaicans, he would not touch any of them.[287] On 6th

September, however, Vice-Admiral Collier with six sail and 400 men was

dispatched by Morgan to the Spanish Main. There on 4th November he

seized, in the harbour of Santa Marta, two frigates laden with

provisions for Maracaibo. Then coasting eastward to Rio de la Hacha, he

attacked and captured the fort with its commander and all its garrison,

sacked the city, held it to ransom for salt, maize, meat and other

provisions, and after occupying it for almost a month returned on 28th

October to the Isle la Vache.[288] One of the frigates captured at Santa

Marta, "La Gallardina," had been with Pardal when he burnt the coast of

Jamaica. Pardal's own ship of fourteen guns had been captured but a

short time before by Captain John Morris at the east end of Cuba, and

Pardal himself shot through the neck and killed.[289] He was called by

the Jamaicans "the vapouring admiral of St. Jago," for in June he had

nailed a piece of canvas to a tree on the Jamaican coast, with a curious

challenge written both in English and Spanish:--

"I, Captain Manuel Rivero Pardal, to the chief of the squadron of

privateers in Jamaica. I am he who this year have done that which

follows. I went on shore at Caimanos, and burnt 20 houses, and fought

with Captain Ary, and took from him a catch laden with provisions and a

canoe. And I am he who took Captain Baines and did carry the prize to

Cartagena, and now am arrived to this coast, and have burnt it. And I

come to seek General Morgan, with 2 ships of 20 guns, and having seen

this, I crave he would come out upon the coast and seek me, that he

might see the valour of the Spaniards. And because I had no time I did

not come to the mouth of Port Royal to speak by word of mouth in the

name of my king, whom God preserve. Dated the 5th of July 1670."[290]

Meanwhile, in the middle of October, there sailed into Port Royal three

privateers, Captains Prince, Harrison and Ludbury, who six weeks before

had ascended the river San Juan in Nicaragua with 170 men and again

plundered the unfortunate city of Granada. The town had rapidly decayed,

however, under the repeated assaults of the buccaneers, and the

plunderers secured only £20 or £30 per man. Modyford reproved the

captains for acting without commissions, but "not deeming it prudent to

press the matter too far in this juncture," commanded them to join

Morgan at the Isle la Vache.[291] There Morgan was slowly mustering his

strength. He negotiated with the French of Tortuga and Hispaniola who

were then in revolt against the _régime_ of the French Company; and he

added to his forces seven ships and 400 men sent him by the

indefatigable Governor of Jamaica. On 7th October, indeed, the venture

was almost ruined by a violent storm which cast the whole fleet, except

the Admiral's vessel, upon the shore. All of the ships but three,

however, were eventually got off and repaired, and on 6th December

Morgan was able to write to Modyford that he had 1800 buccaneers,

including several hundred French, and thirty-six ships under his

command.[292] Upon consideration of the reports brought from the Main by

his own men, and the testimony of prisoners they had taken, Morgan

decided that it was impossible to attempt what seems to have been his

original design, a descent upon St. Jago de Cuba, without great loss of

men and ships. On 2nd December, therefore, it was unanimously agreed by

a general council of all the captains, thirty-seven in number, "that it

stands most for the good of Jamaica and safety of us all to take Panama,

the President thereof having granted several commissions against the

English."[293] Six days later the fleet put to sea from Cape Tiburon,

and on the morning of the 14th sighted Providence Island. The Spanish

governor capitulated next day, on condition of being transported with

his garrison to the mainland, and four of his soldiers who had formerly

been banditti in the province of Darien agreed to become guides for the

English.[294] After a delay of five days more, Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph

Bradley, with between 400 and 500 men in three ships, was sent ahead by

Morgan to the isthmus to seize the Castle of San Lorenzo, situated at

the mouth of the Chagre river.

The President of Panama, meanwhile, on 15th December, had received a

messenger from the governor of Cartagena with news of the coming of the

English.[295] The president immediately dispatched reinforcements to the

Castle of Chagre, which arrived fifteen days before the buccaneers and

raised its strength to over 350 men. Two hundred men were sent to Porto

Bello, and 500 more were stationed at Venta Cruz and in ambuscades along

the Chagre river to oppose the advance of the English. The president

himself rose from a bed of sickness to head a reserve of 800, but most

of his men were raw recruits without a professional soldier amongst

them. This militia in a few days became so panic-stricken that one-third

deserted in a night, and the president was compelled to retire to

Panama. There the Spaniards managed to load some of the treasure upon

two or three ships lying in the roadstead; and the nuns and most of the

citizens of importance also embarked with their wives, children and

personal property.[296]

The fort or castle of San Lorenzo, which stood on a hill commanding the

river Chagre, seems to have been built of double rows of wooden

palisades, the space between being filled with earth; and it was

protected by a ditch 12 feet deep and by several smaller batteries

nearer the water's edge. Lieutenant-Colonel Bradley, who, according to

Exquemelin, had been on these coasts before with Captain Mansfield,

landed near the fort on the 27th of December. He and his men fought in

the trenches from early afternoon till eight o'clock next morning, when

they stormed and carried the place. The buccaneers suffered severely,

losing about 150 in killed and wounded, including Bradley himself who

died ten days later. Exquemelin gives a very vivid account of the

action. The buccaneers, he writes, "came to anchor in a small port, at

the distance of a league more or less from the castle. The next morning

very early they went on shore, and marched through the woods, to attack

the castle on that side. This march continued until two o'clock,

afternoon, by reason of the difficulties of the way, and its mire and

dirt. And although their guides served them exactly, notwithstanding

they came so nigh the castle at first that they lost many of their men

with the shot from the guns, they being in an open place where nothing

could cover nor defend them. This much perplexed the Pirates ..." (but)

"at last after many doubts and disputes among themselves they resolved

to hazard the assault and their lives after a most desperate manner.

Thus they advanced towards the castle, with their swords in one hand and

fireballs in the other. The Spaniards defended themselves very briskly,

ceasing not to fire at them with their great guns and muskets

continually crying withal: 'Come on, ye English dogs, enemies to God and

our King; let your other companions that are behind come on too, ye

shall not go to Panama this bout.' After the Pirates had made some trial

to climb up the walls, they were forced to retreat, which they

accordingly did, resting themselves until night. This being done, they

returned to the assault, to try if by the help of their fireballs they

could overcome and pull down the pales before the wall. This they

attempted to do, and while they were about it there happened a very

remarkable accident, which gave them the opportunity of the victory. One

of the Pirates was wounded with an arrow in his back, which pierced his

body to the other side. This he instantly pulled out with great valour

at the side of his breast; then taking a little cotton that he had about

him, he wound it about the said arrow, and putting it into his musket,

he shot it back into the castle. But the cotton being kindled by the

powder, occasioned two or three houses that were within the castle,

being thatched with palm-leaves, to take fire, which the Spaniards

perceived not so soon as was necessary. For this fire meeting with a

parcel of powder, blew it up and thereby caused great ruin, and no less

consternation to the Spaniards, who were not able to account for this

accident, not having seen the beginning thereof.

"Thus the Pirates perceiving the good effect of the arrow and the

beginning of the misfortune of the Spaniards, were infinitely gladdened

thereat. And while they were busied in extinguishing the fire, which

caused great confusion in the whole castle, having not sufficient water

wherewithal to do it, the Pirates made use of this opportunity, setting

fire likewise to the palisades. Thus the fire was seen at the same time

in several parts about the castle, which gave them huge advantage

against the Spaniards. For many breaches were made at once by the fire

among the pales, great heaps of earth falling down into the ditch. Upon

these the Pirates climbed up, and got over into the castle,

notwithstanding that some Spaniards, who were not busied about the fire,

cast down upon them many flaming pots, full of combustible matter and

odious smells, which occasioned the loss of many of the English.

"The Spaniards, notwithstanding the great resistance they made, could

not hinder the palisades from being entirely burnt before midnight.

Meanwhile the Pirates ceased not to persist in their intention of taking

the castle. Unto which effect, although the fire was great, they would

creep upon the ground, as nigh unto it as they could, and shoot amidst

the flames, against the Spaniards they could perceive on the other side,

and thus cause many to fall dead from the walls. When day was come, they

observed all the moveable earth that lay between the pales to be fallen

into the ditch in huge quantity. So that now those within the castle did

in a manner lie equally exposed to them without, as had been on the

contrary before. Whereupon the Pirates continued shooting very furiously

against them, and killed great numbers of Spaniards. For the Governor

had given them orders not to retire from those posts which corresponded

to the heaps of earth fallen into the ditch, and caused the artillery to

be transported unto the breaches.

"Notwithstanding, the fire within the castle still continued, and now

the Pirates from abroad used what means they could to hinder its

progress, by shooting incessantly against it. One party of the Pirates

was employed only to this purpose, and another commanded to watch all

the motions of the Spaniards, and take all opportunities against them.

About noon the English happened to gain a breach, which the Governor

himself defended with twenty-five soldiers. Here was performed a very

courageous and warlike resistance by the Spaniards, both with muskets,

pikes, stones and swords. Yet notwithstanding, through all these arms

the Pirates forced and fought their way, till at last they gained the

castle. The Spaniards who remained alive cast themselves down from the

castle into the sea, choosing rather to die precipitated by their own

selves (few or none surviving the fall) than to ask any quarter for

their lives. The Governor himself retreated unto the corps du garde,

before which were placed two pieces of cannon. Here he intended still to

defend himself, neither would he demand any quarter. But at last he was

killed with a musket shot, which pierced his skull into the brain.

"The Governor being dead, and the corps du garde surrendered, they found

still remaining in it alive to the number of thirty men, whereof scarce

ten were not wounded. These informed the Pirates that eight or nine of

their soldiers had deserted their colours, and were gone to Panama to

carry news of their arrival and invasion. These thirty men alone were

remaining of three hundred and fourteen, wherewith the castle was

garrisoned, among which number not one officer was found alive. These

were all made prisoners, and compelled to tell whatsoever they knew of

their designs and enterprises."[297]

Five days after the taking of the castle, Morgan arrived from Providence

Island with the rest of the armament; but at the entrance to the Chagre

river, in passing over the bar, his flagship and five or six smaller

boats were wrecked, and ten men were drowned. After repairing and

provisioning the castle, and leaving 300 men to guard it and the ships,

Morgan, on 9th January 1671, at the head of 1400 men, began the ascent

of the river in seven small vessels and thirty-six canoes.[298] The

story of this brilliant march we will again leave to Exquemelin, who

took part in it, to relate. The first day "they sailed only six leagues,

and came to a place called De los Bracos. Here a party of his men went

on shore, only to sleep some few hours and stretch their limbs, they

being almost crippled with lying too much crowded in the boats. After

they had rested awhile, they went abroad, to see if any victuals could

be found in the neighbouring plantations. But they could find none, the

Spaniards being fled and carrying with them all the provisions they had.

This day, being the first of their journey, there was amongst them such

scarcity of victuals that the greatest part were forced to pass with

only a pipe of tobacco, without any other refreshment.

"The next day, very early in the morning, they continued their journey,

and came about evening to a place called Cruz de Juan Gallego. Here they

were compelled to leave their boats and canoes, by reason the river was

very dry for want of rain, and the many obstacles of trees that were

fallen into it. The guides told them that about two leagues farther on

the country would be very good to continue the journey by land. Hereupon

they left some companies, being in all one hundred and sixty men,[299]

on board the boats to defend them, with intent they might serve for a

place of refuge in case of necessity.

"The next morning, being the third day of their journey, they all went

ashore, excepting those above-mentioned who were to keep the boats. Unto

these Captain Morgan gave very strict orders, under great penalties,

that no man, upon any pretext whatsoever, should dare to leave the boats

and go ashore. This he did, fearing lest they should be surprised and

cut off by an ambuscade of Spaniards, that might chance to lie

thereabouts in the neighbouring woods, which appeared so thick as to

seem almost impenetrable. Having this morning begun their march, they

found the ways so dirty and irksome, that Captain Morgan thought it more

convenient to transport some of the men in canoes (though it could not

be done without great labour) to a place farther up the river, called

Cedro Bueno. Thus they re-embarked, and the canoes returned for the rest

that were left behind. So that about night they found themselves all

together at the said place. The Pirates were extremely desirous to meet

any Spaniards, or Indians, hoping to fill their bellies with what

provisions they should take from them. For now they were reduced almost

to the very extremity of hunger.

"On the fourth day, the greatest part of the Pirates marched by land,

being led by one of the guides. The rest went by water, farther up with

the canoes, being conducted by another guide, who always went before

them with two of the said canoes, to discover on both sides the river

the ambuscades of the Spaniards. These had also spies, who were very

dextrous, and could at any time give notice of all accidents or of the

arrival of the Pirates, six hours at least before they came to any

place. This day about noon they found themselves nigh unto a post,

called Torna Cavallos. Here the guide of the canoes began to cry aloud

he perceived an ambuscade. His voice caused infinite joy unto all the

Pirates, as persuading themselves they should find some provisions

wherewith to satiate their hunger, which was very great. Being come unto

the place, they found nobody in it, the Spaniards who were there not

long before being every one fled, and leaving nothing behind unless it

were a small number of leather bags, all empty, and a few crumbs of

bread scattered upon the ground where they had eaten.[300] Being angry

at this misfortune, they pulled down a few little huts which the

Spaniards had made, and afterwards fell to eating the leathern bags, as

being desirous to afford something to the ferment of their stomachs,

which now was grown so sharp that it did gnaw their very bowels, having

nothing else to prey upon. Thus they made a huge banquet upon those bags

of leather, which doubtless had been more grateful unto them, if divers

quarrels had not risen concerning who should have the greatest share. By

the circumference of the place they conjectured five hundred Spaniards,

more or less, had been there. And these, finding no victuals, they were

now infinitely desirous to meet, intending to devour some of them rather

than perish. Whom they would certainly in that occasion have roasted or

boiled, to satisfy their famine, had they been able to take them.

"After they had feasted themselves with those pieces of leather, they

quitted the place, and marched farther on, till they came about night to

another post called Torna Munni. Here they found another ambuscade, but

as barren and desert as the former. They searched the neighbouring

woods, but could not find the least thing to eat. The Spaniards having

been so provident as not to leave behind them anywhere the least crumb

of sustenance, whereby the Pirates were now brought to the extremity

aforementioned. Here again he was happy, that had reserved since noon

any small piece of leather whereof to make his supper, drinking after it

a good draught of water for his greatest comfort. Some persons who never

were out of their mothers' kitchens may ask how these Pirates could eat,

swallow and digest those pieces of leather, so hard and dry. Unto whom I

only answer: That could they once experiment what hunger, or rather

famine, is, they would certainly find the manner, by their own

necessity, as the Pirates did. For these first took the leather, and

sliced it in pieces. Then did they beat it between two stones and rub

it, often dipping it in the water of the river, to render it by these

means supple and tender. Lastly they scraped off the hair, and roasted

or broiled it upon the fire. And being thus cooked they cut it into

small morsels, and eat it, helping it down with frequent gulps of water,

which by good fortune they had nigh at hand.

"They continued their march the fifth day, and about noon came unto a

place called Barbacoa. Here likewise they found traces of another

ambuscade, but the place totally as unprovided as the two precedent

were. At a small distance were to be seen several plantations, which

they searched very narrowly, but could not find any person, animal or

other thing that was capable of relieving their extreme and ravenous

hunger. Finally, having ranged up and down and searched a long time,

they found a certain grotto which seemed to be but lately hewn out of a

rock, in which they found two sacks of meal, wheat and like things, with

two great jars of wine, and certain fruits called Platanos. Captain

Morgan, knowing that some of his men were now, through hunger, reduced

almost to the extremity of their lives, and fearing lest the major part

should be brought into the same condition, caused all that was found to

be distributed amongst them who were in greatest necessity. Having

refreshed themselves with these victuals, they began to march anew with

greater courage than ever. Such as could not well go for weakness were

put into the canoes, and those commanded to land that were in them

before. Thus they prosecuted their journey till late at night, at which

time they came unto a plantation where they took up their rest. But

without eating anything at all; for the Spaniards, as before, had swept

away all manner of provisions, leaving not behind them the least signs

of victuals.

"On the sixth day they continued their march, part of them by land

through the woods, and part by water in the canoes. Howbeit they were

constrained to rest themselves very frequently by the way, both for the

ruggedness thereof and the extreme weakness they were under. Unto this

they endeavoured to occur, by eating some leaves of trees and green

herbs, or grass, such as they could pick, for such was the miserable

condition they were in. This day, at noon, they arrived at a plantation,

where they found a barn full of maize. Immediately they beat down the

doors, and fell to eating of it dry, as much as they could devour.

Afterwards they distributed great quantity, giving to every man a good

allowance thereof. Being thus provided they prosecuted their journey,

which having continued for the space of an hour or thereabouts, they met

with an ambuscade of Indians. This they no sooner had discovered, but

they threw away their maize, with the sudden hopes they conceived of

finding all things in abundance. But after all this haste, they found

themselves much deceived, they meeting neither Indians nor victuals, nor

anything else of what they had imagined. They saw notwithstanding on the

other side of the river a troop of a hundred Indians more or less, who

all escaped away through the agility of their feet. Some few Pirates

there were who leapt into the river, the sooner to reach the shore to

see if they could take any of the said Indians prisoners. But all was in

vain; for being much more nimble on their feet than the Pirates they

easily baffled their endeavours. Neither did they only baffle them, but

killed also two or three of the Pirates with their arrows, shooting at

them at a distance, and crying: 'Ha! perros, a la savana, a la savana.

Ha! ye dogs, go to the plain, go to the plain.'

"This day they could advance no further, by reason they were

necessitated to pass the river hereabouts to continue their march on the

other side. Hereupon they took up their repose for that night. Howbeit

their sleep was not heavy nor profound, for great murmurings were heard

that night in the camp, many complaining of Captain Morgan and his

conduct in that enterprise, and being desirous to return home. On the

contrary, others would rather die there than go back one step from what

they had undertaken. But others who had greater courage than any of

these two parties did laugh and joke at all their discourses. In the

meanwhile they had a guide who much comforted them, saying: 'It would

not now be long before they met with people, from whom they should reap

some considerable advantage.'

"The seventh day in the morning they all made clean their arms, and

every one discharged his pistol or musket without bullet, to examine the

security of their firelocks. This being done, they passed to the other

side of the river in the canoes, leaving the post where they had rested

the night before, called Santa Cruz. Thus they proceeded on their

journey till noon, at which time they arrived at a village called

Cruz.[301] Being at a great distance as yet from the place, they

perceived much smoke to arise out of the chimneys. The sight hereof

afforded them great joy and hopes of finding people in the town, and

afterwards what they most desired, which was plenty of good cheer. Thus

they went on with as much haste as they could, making several arguments

to one another upon those external signs, though all like castles built

in the air. 'For,' said they, 'there is smoke coming out of every house,

and therefore they are making good fires to roast and boil what we are

to eat.' With other things to this purpose.

"At length they arrived there in great haste, all sweating and panting,

but found no person in the town, nor anything that was eatable wherewith

to refresh themselves, unless it were good fires to warm themselves,

which they wanted not. For the Spaniards before their departure, had

every one set fire to his own house, excepting only the storehouses and

stables belonging to the King.

"They had not left behind them any beast whatsoever, either alive or

dead. This occasioned much confusion in their minds, they not finding

the least thing to lay hold on, unless it were some few cats and dogs,

which they immediately killed and devoured with great appetite. At last

in the King's stables they found by good fortune fifteen or sixteen jars

of Peru wine, and a leather sack full of bread. But no sooner had they

begun to drink of the said wine when they fell sick, almost every man.

This sudden disaster made them think that the wine was poisoned, which

caused a new consternation in the whole camp, as judging themselves now

to be irrecoverably lost. But the true reason was, their huge want of

sustenance in that whole voyage, and the manifold sorts of trash which

they had eaten upon that occasion. Their sickness was so great that day

as caused them to remain there till the next morning, without being able

to prosecute their journey as they used to do, in the afternoon. This

village is seated in the latitude in 9 degrees and 2 minutes, northern

latitude, being distant from the river of Chagre twenty-six Spanish

leagues, and eight from Panama. Moreover, this is the last place unto

which boats or canoes can come; for which reason they built here

store-houses, wherein to keep all sorts of merchandise, which from hence

to and from Panama are transported upon the backs of mules.

"Here therefore Captain Morgan was constrained to leave his canoes and

land all his men, though never so weak in their bodies. But lest the

canoes should be surprised, or take up too many men for their defence,

he resolved to send them all back to the place where the boats were,

excepting one, which he caused to be hidden, to the intent it might

serve to carry intelligence according to the exigency of affairs. Many

of the Spaniards and Indians belonging to this village were fled to the

plantations thereabouts. Hereupon Captain Morgan gave express orders

that none should dare to go out of the village, except in whole

companies of a hundred together. The occasion hereof was his fear lest

the enemy should take an advantage upon his men, by any sudden assault.

Notwithstanding, one party of English soldiers stickled not to

contravene these commands, being thereunto tempted with the desire of

finding victuals. But these were soon glad to fly into the town again,

being assaulted with great fury by some Spaniards and Indians, who

snatched up one of the Pirates, and carried him away prisoner. Thus the

vigilance and care of Captain Morgan was not sufficient to prevent every

accident that might happen.

"On the eighth day, in the morning, Captain Morgan sent two hundred men

before the body of his army, to discover the way to Panama, and see if

they had laid any ambuscades therein. Especially considering that the

places by which they were to pass were very fit for that purpose, the

paths being so narrow that only ten or twelve persons could march in a

file, and oftentimes not so many. Having marched about the space of ten

hours, they came unto a place called Quebrada Obscura. Here, all on a

sudden, three or four thousand arrows were shot at them, without being

able to perceive from whence they came, or who shot them. The place,

from whence it was presumed they were shot was a high rocky mountain,

excavated from one side to the other, wherein was a grotto that went

through it, only capable of admitting one horse, or other beast laden.

This multitude of arrows caused a huge alarm among the Pirates,

especially because they could not discover the place from whence they

were discharged. At last, seeing no more arrows to appear, they marched

a little farther, and entered into a wood. Here they perceived some

Indians to fly as fast as they could possible before them, to take the

advantage of another post, and thence observe the march of the Pirates.

There remained, notwithstanding one troop of Indians upon the place,

with full design to fight and defend themselves. This combat they

performed with huge courage, till such time as their captain fell to the

ground wounded, who although he was now in despair of life, yet his

valour being greater than his strength, would demand no quarter, but,

endeavouring to raise himself, with undaunted mind laid hold of his

azagaya, or javelin, and struck at one of the Pirates. But before he

could second the blow, he was shot to death with a pistol. This was also

the fate of many of his companions, who like good and courageous

soldiers lost their lives with their captain, for the defence of their

country.

"The Pirates endeavoured, as much as was possible, to lay hold on some

of the Indians and take them prisoners. But they being infinitely

swifter than the Pirates, every one escaped, leaving eight Pirates dead

upon the place and ten wounded.[302] Yea, had the Indians been more

dextrous in military affairs, they might have defended that passage, and

not let one sole man to pass. Within a little while after they came to a

large campaign field open and full of variegated meadows. From here they

could perceive at a distance before them a parcel of Indians who stood

on the top of a mountain, very nigh unto the way by which the Pirates

were to pass. They sent a troop of fifty men, the nimblest they could

pick out, to see if they could catch any of them, and afterwards force

them to declare whereabouts their companions had their mansions. But all

their industry was in vain, for they escaped through their nimbleness,

and presently after showed themselves in another place, hallooing unto

the English, and crying: 'A la savana, a la savana, cornudos, perros

Ingleses;' that is, 'To the plain, to the plain, ye cockolds, ye English

dogs!' While these things passed, the ten Pirates that were wounded a

little before were dressed and plastered up.

"At this place there was a wood and on each side thereof a mountain. The

Indians had possessed themselves of the one, and the Pirates took

possession of the other that was opposite unto it. Captain Morgan was

persuaded that in the wood the Spaniards had placed an ambuscade, as

lying so conveniently for that purpose. Hereupon he sent before two

hundred men to search it. The Spaniards and Indians, perceiving the

Pirates to descend the mountain, did so too, as if they designed to

attack them. But being got into the wood, out of sight of the Pirates,

they disappeared, and were seen no more, leaving the passage open unto

them.

"About night there fell a great rain, which caused the Pirates to march

the faster and seek everywhere for houses wherein to preserve their arms

from being wet. But the Indians had set fire to every one thereabouts,

and transported all their cattle unto remote places, to the end that the

Pirates, finding neither houses nor victuals, might be constrained to

return homewards. Notwithstanding, after diligent search, they found a

few little huts belonging to shepherds, but in them nothing to eat.

These not being capable of holding many men, they placed in them out of

every company a small number, who kept the arms of the rest of the army.

Those who remained in the open field endured much hardship that night,

the rain not ceasing to fall until the morning.

"The next morning, about break of day, being the ninth of this tedious

journey, Captain Morgan continued his march while the fresh air of the

morning lasted. For the clouds then hanging as yet over their heads were

much more favourable unto them than the scorching rays of the sun, by

reason the way was now more difficult and laborious than all the

precedent. After two hours' march, they discovered a troop of about

twenty Spaniards. who observed the motions of the Pirates. They

endeavoured to catch some of them, but could lay hold on none, they

suddenly disappearing, and absconding themselves in caves among the

rocks, totally unknown to the Pirates. At last they came to a high

mountain, which, when they ascended, they discovered from the top

thereof the South Sea. This happy sight, as if it were the end of their

labours, caused infinite joy among the Pirates. From hence they could

descry also one ship and six boats, which were set forth from Panama,

and sailed towards the islands of Tavoga and Tavogilla. Having descended

this mountain, they came unto a vale, in which they found great quantity

of cattle, whereof they killed good store. Here while some were employed

in killing and flaying of cows, horses, bulls and chiefly asses, of

which there was greatest number, others busied themselves in kindling of

fires and getting wood wherewith to roast them. Thus cutting the flesh

of these animals into convenient pieces, or gobbets, they threw them

into the fire and, half carbonadoed or roasted, they devoured them with

incredible haste and appetite. For such was their hunger that they more

resembled cannibals than Europeans at this banquet, the blood many times

running down from their beards to the middle of their bodies.

"Having satisfied their hunger with these delicious meats, Captain

Morgan ordered them to continue the march. Here again he sent before the

main body fifty men, with intent to take some prisoners, if possibly

they could. For he seemed now to be much concerned that in nine days'

time he could not meet one person who might inform him of the condition

and forces of the Spaniards. About evening they discovered a troop of

two hundred Spaniards, more or less, who hallooed unto the Pirates, but

these could not understand what they said. A little while after they

came the first time within sight of the highest steeple of Panama. This

steeple they no sooner had discovered but they began to show signs of

extreme joy, casting up their hats into the air, leaping for mirth, and

shouting, even just as if they had already obtained the victory and

entire accomplishment of their designs. All their trumpets were sounded

and every drum beaten, in token of this universal acclamation and huge

alacrity of their minds. Thus they pitched their camp for that night

with general content of the whole army, waiting with impatience for the

morning, at which time they intended to attack the city. This evening

there appeared fifty horse who came out of the city, hearing the noise

of the drums and trumpets of the Pirates, to observe, as it was thought,

their motions. They came almost within musket-shot of the army, being

preceded by a trumpet that sounded marvellously well. Those on horseback

hallooed aloud unto the Pirates, and threatened them, saying, 'Perros!

nos veremos,' that is, 'Ye dogs! we shall meet ye.' Having made this

menace they returned to the city, excepting only seven or eight horsemen

who remained hovering thereabouts, to watch what motions the Pirates

made. Immediately after, the city began to fire and ceased not to play

with their biggest guns all night long against the camp, but with little

or no harm unto the Pirates, whom they could not conveniently reach.

About this time also the two hundred Spaniards whom the Pirates had seen

in the afternoon appeared again within sight, making resemblance as if

they would block up the passages, to the intent no Pirates might escape

the hands of their forces. But the Pirates, who were now in a manner

besieged, instead of conceiving any fear of their blockades, as soon as

they had placed sentries about their camp, began every one to open their

satchels, and without any preparation of napkins or plates, fell to

eating very heartily the remaining pieces of bulls' and horses' flesh

which they had reserved since noon. This being done, they laid

themselves down to sleep upon the grass with great repose and huge

satisfaction, expecting only with impatience for the dawnings of the

next day.

"On the tenth day, betimes in the morning, they put all their men in

convenient order, and with drums and trumpets sounding, continued their

march directly towards the city. But one of the guides desired Captain

Morgan not to take the common highway that led thither, fearing lest

they should find in it much resistance and many ambuscades. He presently

took his advice, and chose another way that went through the wood,

although very irksome and difficult. Thus the Spaniards, perceiving the

Pirates had taken another way, which they scarce had thought on or

believed, were compelled to leave their stops and batteries, and come

out to meet them. The Governor of Panama put his forces in order,

consisting of two squadrons, four regiments of foot, and a huge number

of wild bulls, which were driven by a great number of Indians, with some

negroes and others to help them.

"The Pirates being now upon their march, came unto the top of a little

hill, from whence they had a large prospect of the city and campaign

country underneath. Here they discovered the forces of the people of

Panama, extended in battle array, which, when they perceived to be so

numerous, they were suddenly surprised with great fear, much doubting

the fortune of the day. Yea, few or none there were but wished

themselves at home, or at least free from the obligation of that

engagement, wherein they perceived their lives must be so narrowly

concerned. Having been some time at a stand, in a wavering condition of

mind, they at last reflected upon the straits they had brought

themselves into, and that now they ought of necessity either to fight

resolutely or die, for no quarter could be expected from an enemy

against whom they had committed so many cruelties on all occasions.

Hereupon they encouraged one another, and resolved either to conquer, or

spend the very last drop of blood in their bodies. Afterwards they

divided themselves into three battalions, or troops, sending before them

one of two hundred buccaneers, which sort of people are infinitely

dextrous at shooting with guns.[303] Thus the Pirates left the hill and

descended, marching directly towards the Spaniards, who were posted in a

spacious field, waiting for their coming. As soon as they drew nigh unto

them, the Spaniards began to shout and cry, 'Viva el Rey! God save the

King!' and immediately their horse began to move against the Pirates.

But the field being full of quags and very soft under foot, they could

not ply to and fro and wheel about, as they desired. The two hundred

buccaneers who went before, every one putting one knee to the ground,

gave them a full volley of shot, wherewith the battle was instantly

kindled very hot. The Spaniards defended themselves very courageously,

acting all they could possibly perform, to disorder the Pirates. Their

foot, in like manner, endeavoured to second the horse, but were

constrained by the Pirates to separate from them. Thus finding

themselves frustrated of their designs, they attempted to drive the

bulls against them at their backs, and by this means to put them into

disorder. But the greatest part of that wild cattle ran away, being

frightened with the noise of the battle. And some few that broke through

the English companies did no other harm than to tear the colours in

pieces; whereas the buccaneers, shooting them dead, left not one to

trouble them thereabouts.

"The battle having now continued for the space of two hours, at the end

thereof the greatest part of the Spanish horse was ruined and almost all

killed. The rest fled away. Which being perceived by the foot, and that

they could not possibly prevail, they discharged the shot they had in

their muskets, and throwing them on the ground, betook themselves to

flight, every one which way he could run. The Pirates could not possibly

follow them, as being too much harassed and wearied with the long

journey they had lately made. Many of them not being able to fly whither

they desired, hid themselves for that present among the shrubs of the

seaside. But very unfortunately; for most of them being found out by the

Pirates, were instantly killed, without giving quarter to any.[304] Some

religious men were brought prisoners before Captain Morgan; but he being

deaf to their cries and lamentations, commanded them all to be

immediately pistoled, which was accordingly done. Soon after they

brought a captain to his presence, whom he examined very strictly about

several things, particularly wherein consisted the forces of those of

Panama. Unto which he answered: Their whole strength did consist in four

hundred horse, twenty-four companies of foot, each being of one hundred

men complete, sixty Indians and some negroes, who were to drive two

thousand wild bulls and cause them to run over the English camp, and

thus by breaking their files put them into a total disorder and

confusion.[305] He discovered more, that in the city they had made

trenches and raised batteries in several places, in all which they had

placed many guns. And that at the entry of the highway which led to the

city they had built a fort, which was mounted with eight great guns of

brass and defended by fifty men.

"Captain Morgan, having heard this information, gave orders instantly

they should march another way. But before setting forth, he made a

review of all his men, whereof he found both killed and wounded a

considerable number, and much greater than he had believed. Of the

Spaniards were found six hundred dead upon the place, besides the

wounded and prisoners.[306] The Pirates were nothing discouraged, seeing

their number so much diminished, but rather filled with greater pride

than before, perceiving what huge advantage they had obtained against

their enemies. Thus having rested themselves some while, they prepared

to march courageously towards the city, plighting their oaths to one

another in general they would fight till never a man was left alive.

With this courage they recommenced their march, either to conquer or be

conquered, carrying with them all the prisoners.

"They found much difficulty in their approach unto the city. For within

the town the Spaniards had placed many great guns, at several quarters

thereof, some of which were charged with small pieces of iron, and

others with musket bullets. With all these they saluted the Pirates, at

their drawing nigh unto the place, and gave them full and frequent

broadsides, firing at them incessantly. Whence it came to pass that

unavoidably they lost, at every step they advanced, great numbers of

men. But neither these manifest dangers of their lives, nor the sight of

so many of their own as dropped down continually at their sides, could

deter them from advancing farther, and gaining ground every moment upon

the enemy. Thus, although the Spaniards never ceased to fire and act the

best they could for their defence, yet notwithstanding they were forced

to deliver the city after the space of three hours' combat.[307] And the

Pirates, having now possessed themselves thereof, both killed and

destroyed as many as attempted to make the least opposition against

them. The inhabitants had caused the best of their goods to be

transported to more remote and occult places. Howbeit they found within

the city as yet several warehouses, very well stocked with all sorts of

merchandise, as well silks and cloths as linen, and other things of

considerable value. As soon as the first fury of their entrance into the

city was over, Captain Morgan assembled all his men at a certain place

which he assigned, and there commanded them under very great penalties

that none of them should dare to drink or taste any wine. The reason he

gave for this injunction was, because he had received private

intelligence that it had been all poisoned by the Spaniards. Howbeit it

was the opinion of many he gave these prudent orders to prevent the

debauchery of his people, which he foresaw would be very great at the

beginning, after so much hunger sustained by the way. Fearing withal

lest the Spaniards, seeing them in wine, should rally their forces and

fall upon the city, and use them as inhumanly as they had used the

inhabitants before."

Exquemelin accuses Morgan of setting fire to the city and endeavouring

to make the world believe that it was done by the Spaniards. Wm. Frogge,

however, who was also present, says distinctly that the Spaniards fired

the town, and Sir William Godolphin, in a letter from Madrid to

Secretary Arlington on 2nd June 1671, giving news of the exploit which

must have come from a Spanish source, says that the President of Panama

left orders that the city if taken should be burnt.[308] Moreover the

President of Panama himself, in a letter to Spain describing the event

which was intercepted by the English, admits that not the buccaneers but

the slaves and the owners of the houses set fire to the city.[309] The

buccaneers tried in vain to extinguish the flames, and the whole town,

which was built mostly of wood, was consumed by twelve o'clock midnight.

The only edifices which escaped were the government buildings, a few

churches, and about 300 houses in the suburbs. The freebooters remained

at Panama twenty-eight days seeking plunder and indulging in every

variety of excess. Excursions were made daily into the country for

twenty leagues round about to search for booty, and 3000 prisoners were

brought in. Exquemelin's story of the sack is probably in the main true.

In describing the city he writes: "There belonged to this city (which is

also the head of a bishopric) eight monasteries, whereof seven were for

men and one for women, two stately churches and one hospital. The

churches and monasteries were all richly adorned with altar-pieces and

paintings, huge quantity of gold and silver, with other precious things;

all which the ecclesiastics had hidden and concealed. Besides which

ornaments, here were to be seen two thousand houses of magnificent and

prodigious building, being all or the greatest part inhabited by

merchants of that country, who are vastly rich. For the rest of the

inhabitants of lesser quality and tradesmen, this city contained five

thousand houses more. Here were also great numbers of stables, which

served for the horses and mules, that carry all the plate, belonging as

well unto the King of Spain as to private men, towards the coast of the

North Sea. The neighbouring fields belonging to this city are all

cultivated with fertile plantations and pleasant gardens, which afford

delicious prospects unto the inhabitants the whole year long."[310] The

day after the capture, continues Exquemelin, "Captain Morgan dispatched

away two troops of Pirates of one hundred and fifty men each, being all

very stout soldiers and well armed with orders to seek for the

inhabitants of Panama who were escaped from the hands of their enemies.

These men, having made several excursions up and down the campaign

fields, woods and mountains, adjoining to Panama, returned after two

days' time bringing with them above 200 prisoners, between men, women

and slaves. The same day returned also the boat ... which Captain Morgan

had sent into the South Sea, bringing with her three other boats, which

they had taken in a little while. But all these prizes they could

willingly have given, yea, although they had employed greater labour

into the bargain, for one certain galleon, which miraculously escaped

their industry, being very richly laden with all the King's plate and

great quantity of riches of gold, pearl, jewels and other most precious

goods, of all of the best and richest merchants of Panama. On board of

this galleon were also the religious women, belonging to the nunnery of

the said city, who had embarked with them all the ornaments of their

church, consisting in great quantity of gold, plate, and other things of

great value....

"Notwithstanding the Pirates found in the ports of the islands of Tavoga

and Tavogilla several boats that were laden with many sorts of very good

merchandise; all which they took and brought unto Panama; where being

arrived, they made an exact relation of all that had passed while they

were abroad to Captain Morgan. The prisoners confirmed what the Pirates

had said, adding thereto, that they undoubtedly knew whereabouts the

said galleon might be at that present, but that it was very probable

they had been relieved before now from other places. These relations

stirred up Captain Morgan anew to send forth all the boats that were in

the port of Panama, with design to seek and pursue the said galleon till

they could find her. The boats aforesaid being in all four, set sail

from Panama, and having spent eight days in cruising to and fro, and

searching several ports and creeks, they lost all their hopes of finding

what they so earnestly sought for. Hereupon they resolved to return unto

the isles of Tavoga and Tavogilla. Here they found a reasonable good

ship, that was newly come from Payta, being laden with cloth, soap,

sugar and biscuit, with twenty thousand pieces of eight in ready money.

This vessel they instantly seized, not finding the least resistance from

any person within her. Nigh unto the said ship was also a boat whereof

in like manner they possessed themselves. Upon the boat they laded great

part of the merchandises they had found in the ship, together with some

slaves they had taken in the said islands. With this purchase they

returned to Panama, something better satisfied of their voyage, yet

withal much discontented they could not meet with the galleon....

"Captain Morgan used to send forth daily parties of two hundred men, to

make inroads into all the fields and country thereabouts, and when one

party came back, another consisting of two hundred more was ready to go

forth. By this means they gathered in a short time huge quantity of

riches, and no lesser number of prisoners. These being brought into the

city, were presently put unto the most exquisite tortures imaginable, to

make them confess both other people's goods and their own. Here it

happened, that one poor and miserable wretch was found in the house of a

gentleman of great quality, who had put on, amidst that confusion of

things, a pair of taffety breeches belonging to his master with a little

silver key hanging at the strings thereof. This being perceived by the

Pirates they immediately asked him where was the cabinet of the said

key? His answer was: he knew not what was become of it, but only that

finding those breeches in his master's house, he had made bold to wear

them. Not being able to extort any other confession out of him, they

first put him upon the rack, wherewith they inhumanly disjointed his

arms. After this they twisted a cord about his forehead, which they

wrung so hard, that his eyes appeared as big as eggs, and were ready to

fall out of his skull. But neither with these torments could they obtain

any positive answer to their demands. Whereupon they soon after hung him

up, giving him infinite blows and stripes, while he was under that

intolerable pain and posture of body. Afterwards they cut off his nose

and ears, and singed his face with burning straw, till he could speak

nor lament his misery no longer. Then losing all hopes of hearing any

confession from his mouth, they commanded a negro to run him through

with a lance, which put an end to his life and a period to their cruel

and inhuman tortures. After this execrable manner did many others of

those miserable prisoners finish their days, the common sport and

recreation of these Pirates being these and other tragedies not inferior

to these.

"They spared in these their cruelties no sex nor condition whatsoever.

For as to religious persons and priests, they granted them less quarter

than unto others, unless they could produce a considerable sum of money,

capable of being a sufficient ransom. Women themselves were no better

used ... and Captain Morgan, their leader and commander, gave them no

good example in this point....[311]

"Captain Morgan having now been at Panama the full space of three weeks,

commanded all things to be put in order for his departure. Unto this

effect he gave orders to every company of his men, to seek out for so

many beasts of carriage as might suffice to convey the whole spoil of

the city unto the river where his canoes lay. About this time a great

rumour was spread in the city, of a considerable number of Pirates who

intended to leave Captain Morgan; and that, by taking a ship which was

in the port, they determined to go and rob upon the South Sea till they

had got as much as they thought fit, and then return homewards by the

way of the East Indies into Europe. For which purpose they had already

gathered great quantity of provisions which they had hidden in private

places, with sufficient store of powder, bullets and all other sorts of

ammunition; likewise some great guns belonging to the town, muskets and

other things, wherewith they designed not only to equip the said vessel

but also to fortify themselves and raise batteries in some island or

other, which might serve them for a place of refuge.

"This design had certainly taken effect as they intended, had not

Captain Morgan had timely advice thereof given him by one of their

comrades. Hereupon he instantly commanded the mainmast of the said ship

should be cut down and burnt, together with all the other boats that

were in the port. Hereby the intentions of all or most of his companions

were totally frustrated. After this Captain Morgan sent forth many of

the Spaniards into the adjoining fields and country, to seek for money

wherewith to ransom not only themselves but also all the rest of the

prisoners, as likewise the ecclesiastics, both secular and regular.

Moreover, he commanded all the artillery of the town to be spoiled, that

is to say, nailed and stopped up. At the same time he sent out a strong

company of men to seek for the Governor of Panama, of whom intelligence

was brought that he had laid several ambuscades in the way, by which he

ought to pass at his return. But those who were sent upon this design

returned soon after, saying they had not found any sign or appearance of

any such ambuscades. For a confirmation whereof they brought with them

some prisoners they had taken, who declared how that the said Governor

had had an intention of making some opposition by the way, but that the

men whom he had designed to effect it were unwilling to undertake any

such enterprise; so that for want of means he could not put his design

into execution.[312]

"On the 24th of February of the year 1671,[313] Captain Morgan departed

from the city of Panama, or rather from the place where the said city of

Panama did stand. Of the spoils whereof he carried with him one hundred

and seventy-five beasts of carriage, laden with silver, gold and other

precious things, besides 600 prisoners, more or less, between men,

women, children and slaves. That day they came unto a river that passeth

through a delicious campaign field, at the distance of a league from

Panama. Here Captain Morgan put all his forces into good order of

martial array in such manner that the prisoners were in the middle of

the camp, surrounded on all sides with Pirates. At which present

conjuncture nothing else was to be heard but lamentations, cries,

shrieks and doleful sighs, of so many women and children, who were

persuaded Captain Morgan designed to transport them all, and carry them

into his own country for slaves. Besides that, among all those miserable

prisoners, there was extreme hunger and thirst endured at that time.

Which hardship and misery Captain Morgan designedly caused them to

sustain, with intent to excite them more earnestly to seek for money

wherewith to ransom themselves, according to the tax he had set upon

every one. Many of the women begged of Captain Morgan upon their knees,

with infinite sighs and tears, he would permit them to return unto

Panama, there to live in company of their dear husbands and children, in

little huts of straw which they would erect, seeing they had no houses

until the rebuilding of the city. But his answer was: he came not

thither to hear lamentations and cries, but rather to seek money.

Therefore, they ought to seek out for that in the first place, wherever

it were to be had, and bring it to him, otherwise he would assuredly

transport them all to such places whither they cared not to go....

"As soon as Captain Morgan arrived, upon his march, at the town called

Cruz, seated on the banks of the river Chagre, as was mentioned before,

he commanded an order to be published among the prisoners, that within

the space of three days every one of them should bring in their ransom,

under the penalty aforementioned, of being transported unto Jamaica. In

the meanwhile he gave orders for so much rice and maize to be collected

thereabouts as was necessary for the victualling all his ships. At this

place some of the prisoners were ransomed, but many others could not

bring in their moneys in so short a time. Hereupon he continued his

voyage ... carrying with him all the spoil that ever he could transport.

From this village he likewise led away some new prisoners, who were

inhabitants of the said place. So that these prisoners were added to

those of Panama who had not as yet paid their ransoms, and all

transported.... About the middle of the way unto the Castle of Chagre,

Captain Morgan commanded them to be placed in due order, according to

their custom, and caused every one to be sworn, that they had reserved

nor concealed nothing privately to themselves, even not so much as the

value of sixpence. This being done, Captain Morgan having had some

experience that those lewd fellows would not much stickle to swear

falsely in points of interest, he commanded them every one to be

searched very strictly, both in their clothes and satchels and

everywhere it might be presumed they had reserved anything. Yea, to the

intent this order might not be ill taken by his companions, he permitted

himself to be searched, even to the very soles of his shoes. To this

effect by common consent, there was assigned one out of every company to

be the searchers of all the rest. The French Pirates that went on this

expedition with Captain Morgan were not well satisfied with this new

custom of searching. Yet their number being less than that of the

English, they were forced to submit unto it, as well as the others had

done before them. The search being over, they re-embarked in their

canoes and boats, which attended them on the river, and arrived at the

Castle of Chagre.[314] ... Here they found all things in good order,

excepting the wounded men, whom they had left there at the time of their

departure. For of these the greatest number were dead, through the

wounds they had received.

"From Chagre, Captain Morgan sent presently after his arrival, a great

boat unto Porto Bello, wherein were all the prisoners he had taken at

the Isle of St. Catherine, demanding by them a considerable ransom for

the Castle of Chagre, where he then was, threatening otherwise to ruin

and demolish it even to the ground. To this message those of Porto Bello

made answer: they would not give one farthing towards the ransom of the

said castle, and that the English might do with it as they pleased. This

answer being come, the dividend was made of all the spoil they had

purchased in that voyage. Thus every company and every particular person

therein included received their portion of what was gotten; or rather

what part thereof Captain Morgan was pleased to give them. For so it

was, that the rest of his companions, even of his own nation, complained

of his proceedings in this particular, and feared not to tell him openly

to his face, that he had reserved the best jewels to himself. For they

judged it impossible that no greater share should belong unto them than

two hundred pieces of eight per capita, of so many valuable purchases

and robberies as they had obtained. Which small sum they thought too

little reward for so much labour and such huge and manifest dangers as

they had so often exposed their lives unto. But Captain Morgan was deaf

to all these and many other complaints of this kind, having designed in

his mind to cheat them of as much as he could."[315]

On 6th March 1671, Morgan, after demolishing the fort and other edifices

at Chagre and spiking all the guns, got secretly on board his own ship,

if we are to believe Exquemelin, and followed by only three or four

vessels of the fleet, returned to Port Royal. The rest of the fleet

scattered, most of the ships having "much ado to find sufficient

victuals and provisions for their voyage to Jamaica." At the end of

August not more than ten vessels of the original thirty-six had made

their way back to the English colony. Morgan, with very inadequate

means, accomplished a feat which had been the dream of Drake and other

English sailors for a century or more, and which Admiral Vernon in 1741

with a much greater armament feared even to attempt. For display of

remarkable leadership and reckless bravery the expedition against Panama

has never been surpassed. Its brilliance was only clouded by the cruelty

and rapacity of the victors--a force levied without pay and little

discipline, and unrestrained, if not encouraged, in brutality by Morgan

himself. Exquemelin's accusation against Morgan, of avarice and

dishonesty in the division of the spoil amongst his followers, is,

unfortunately for the admiral's reputation, too well substantiated.

Richard Browne, the surgeon-general of the fleet, estimated the plunder

at over £70,000 "besides other rich goods," of which the soldiers were

miserably cheated, each man receiving but £10 as his share. At Chagre,

he writes, the leaders gave what they pleased "for which ... we must be

content or else be clapped in irons." The wronged seamen were loud in

their complaints against Morgan, Collier and the other captains for

starving, cheating and deserting them; but so long as Modyford was

governor they could obtain no redress. The commanders "dared but seldom

appear," writes Browne, "the widows, orphans and injured inhabitants who

had so freely advanced upon the hopes of a glorious design, being now

ruined through fitting out the privateers."[316] The Spaniards reckoned

their whole loss at 6,000,000 crowns.[317]

On 31st May 1671, the Council of Jamaica extended a vote of thanks to

Morgan for the execution of his late commission, and formally expressed

their approval of the manner in which he had conducted himself.[318]

There can be no question but that the governor had full knowledge of

Morgan's intentions before the fleet sailed from Cape Tiburon. After the

decision of the council of officers on 2nd December to attack Panama, a

boat was dispatched to Jamaica to inform Modyford, and in a letter

written to Morgan ten days after the arrival of the vessel the governor

gave no countermand to the decision.[319] Doubtless the defence made,

that the governor and council were trying to forestall an impending

invasion of Jamaica by the Spaniards, was sincere. But it is also very

probable that they were in part deceived into this belief by Morgan and

his followers, who made it their first object to get prisoners, and

obtain from them by force a confession that at Cartagena, Porto Bello or

some other Spanish maritime port the Spaniards were mustering men and

fitting a fleet to invade the island.

By a strange irony of fate, on 8th-18th July 1670 a treaty was concluded

at Madrid by Sir William Godolphin for "composing differences,

restraining depredations and establishing peace" in America. No trading

privileges in the West Indies were granted by either crown, but the King

of Spain acknowledged the sovereignty of the King of England over all

islands, colonies, etc., in America then in possession of the English,

and the ships of either nation, in case of distress, were to have

entertainment and aid in the ports of the other. The treaty was to be

published in the West Indies simultaneously by English and Spanish

governors within eight months after its ratification.[320] In May of the

following year, a messenger from San Domingo arrived in Port Royal with

a copy of the articles of peace, to propose that a day be fixed for

their publication, and to offer an exchange of prisoners,[321] Modyford

had as yet received no official notice from England of the treaty, and

might with justice complain to the authorities at home of their

neglect.[322] Shortly after, however, a new governor came to relieve him

of further responsibility. Charles II. had probably placated the Spanish

ambassador in 1670 by promising the removal of Modyford and the dispatch

of another governor well-disposed to the Spaniards.[323] At any rate, a

commission was issued in September 1670, appointing Colonel Thomas Lynch

Lieutenant-Governor of Jamaica, to command there in the "want, absence

or disability" of the governor;[324] and on 4th January following, in

spite of a petition of the officers, freeholders and inhabitants of

Jamaica in favour of Modyford,[325] the commission of the governor was

revoked.[326] Lynch arrived in Jamaica on 25th June with instructions,

as soon as he had possession of the government and forts, to arrest Sir

Thomas Modyford and send him home under guard to answer charges laid

against him.[327] Fearing to exasperate the friends of the old governor,

Lynch hesitated to carry out his instructions until 12th August, when he

invited Modyford on board the frigate "Assistance," with several members

of the council, and produced the royal orders for his arrest. Lynch

assured him, however, that his life and fortune were not in danger, the

proceeding being merely a sop to the indignant Spaniards.[328] Modyford

arrived in England in November, and on the 17th of the month was

committed to the Tower.[329]

The indignation of the Spaniards, when the news of the sack of Panama

reached Spain, rose to a white heat. "It is impossible for me to paint

to your Lordship," wrote Godolphin to Lord Arlington, "the face of

Madrid upon the news of this action ... nor to what degree of

indignation the queen and ministers of State, the particular councils

and all sorts of people here, have taken it to heart."[330] It seems

that the ambassador or the Spanish consul in London had written to

Madrid that this last expedition was made by private intimation, if not

orders, from London, and that Godolphin had been commanded to provide in

the treaty for a long term before publication, so as to give time for

the execution of the design. Against these falsehoods the English

ambassador found it difficult to make headway, although he assured the

queen of the immediate punishment of the perpetrators, and the arrest

and recall of the Governor of Jamaica. Only by the greatest tact and

prudence was he able to stave off, until an official disavowal of the

expedition came from England, an immediate embargo on all the goods of

English merchants in Spain. The Spanish government decided to send a

fleet of 10,000 men with all speed to the Indies; and the Dukes of

Albuquerque and Medina Coeli vied with each other in offering to raise

the men at their own charge from among their own vassals. After

Godolphin had presented his official assurance to the queen, however,

nothing more was heard of this armament. "God grant," wrote the English

ambassador, "that Sir Thomas Modyford's way of defending Jamaica (as he

used to call it) by sending out the forces thereof to pillage, prove an

infallible one; for my own part, I do not think it hath been our

interest to awaken the Spaniards so much as this last action hath

done."[331]

Footnotes:

[Footnote 206: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 635.]

[Footnote 207: Ibid., Nos. 656 and 664. Dated 15th and 18th February

respectively.]

[Footnote 208: Ibid., No. 739.]

[Footnote 209: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 739 and 744.]

[Footnote 210: Ibid., Nos. 762 and 767.]

[Footnote 211: Ibid., No. 746; Beeston's Journal.]

[Footnote 212: S.P. Spain, vol. 46, f. 192; C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No.

753.]

[Footnote 212: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 744; _cf._ also No. 811, and

Lyttleton's Report, No. 812.]

[Footnote 214: Ibid., No. 789.]

[Footnote 215: Ibid., Nos. 859, 964; Beeston's Journal. For disputes

over the cargo of the Spanish prize captured by Williams, _cf._ C.S.P.

Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 1140, 1150, 1177, 1264, 1266.]

[Footnote 216: Ibid., No. 767.]

[Footnote 217: Add. MSS., 11,410, pp. 16-25.]

[Footnote 218: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 786; _cf._ also Add. MSS.,

11,410, f. 303:--"Mr. Worseley's discourse of the Privateers of

Jamaica."]

[Footnote 219: Charlevoix, _op. cit._, liv. vii. pp. 57-65.]

[Footnote 220: For the biography of Jean-David Nau, surnamed l'Olonnais,

_cf._ Nouvelle Biographie Générale, t. xxxviii. p. 654.]

[Footnote 221: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 744, 812.]

[Footnote 222: Ibid., Nos. 744, 765, 786, 812.]

[Footnote 223: C.S.P. Colon., 1574-1660, pp. 363, 421, 433.]

[Footnote 224: Ibid., pp. 419, 427, 428.]

[Footnote 225: Ibid., p. 447; Egerton MSS., 2395, f. 167.]

[Footnote 226: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 101; _cf._ also Nos. 24, 32,

122. From orders contained in the MSS. of the Marquis of Ormonde issued

on petitions of convicted prisoners, we find that reprieves were often

granted on condition of their making arrangements for their own

transportation for life to the West Indies, without expense to the

government. The condemned were permitted to leave the gaols in which

they were confined and embark immediately, on showing that they had

agreed with a sea-captain to act as his servant, both during the voyage

and after their arrival. The captains were obliged to give bond for the

safe transportation of the criminals, and the latter were also to find

security that they would not return to the British Isles without

license, on pain of receiving the punishment from which they had been

originally reprieved. (Hist. MSS. Comm. Rept. X., pt. 5, pp. 34, 42, 85,

94). _Cf._ also C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 1268.]

[Footnote 227: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 331, 769-772, 790, 791, 798,

847, 1720.]

[Footnote 228: Ibid., No. 866.]

[Footnote 229: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 839, 843.]

[Footnote 230: Ibid., No. 786.]

[Footnote 231: Ibid., No. 943.]

[Footnote 232: Ibid., Nos. 910, 919, 926.]

[Footnote 233: Ibid., Nos. 942, 976.]

[Footnote 234: Ibid., No. 944.]

[Footnote 235: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 979. There were really nine

ships and 650 men. Cf. _ibid._, No. 1088.]

[Footnote 236: Ibid., Nos. 980, 983, 992.]

[Footnote 237: Ibid., No. 1088.]

[Footnote 238: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 1073, 1088.]

[Footnote 239: Ibid., No. 1042, I. Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Morgan (not

to be confused with Colonel Edward Morgan), who was left in command of

St. Eustatius and Saba, went in April 1666 with a company of buccaneers

to the assistance of Governor Watts of St. Kitts against the French. In

the rather shameful defence of the English part of the island Morgan's

buccaneers were the only English who displayed any courage or

discipline, and most of them were killed or wounded, Colonel Morgan

himself being shot in both legs. (Ibid., Nos. 1204, 1205, 1212, 1220,

1257.) St. Eustatius was reconquered by a French force from St. Kitts in

the early part of 1667. (Ibid., No. 1401.)]

[Footnote 240: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 1082.]

[Footnote 241: Ibid., No. 1125. Stedman was later in the year, after the

outbreak of war with France, captured by a French frigate off

Guadeloupe. With a small vessel and only 100 men he found himself

becalmed and unable to escape, so he boldly boarded the Frenchman in

buccaneer fashion and fought for two hours, but was finally overcome.

(Ibid., No. 1212.)]

[Footnote 242: Ibid., No. 1085; Beeston's Journal. Mansfield was the

buccaneer whom Exquemelin disguises under the name of "Mansvelt."]

[Footnote 243: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 1130, 1132-37.]

[Footnote 244: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 1129, 1263.]

[Footnote 245: Ibid., Nos. 1144, 1264.]

[Footnote 246: Ibid., Nos. 1138, 1144.]

[Footnote 247: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 1264, slightly condensed from

the original.]

[Footnote 248: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 1142, 1147. The Governor of

Havana wrote concerning this same exploit, that on Christmas Eve of 1665

the English entered and sacked the town of Cayo in the jurisdiction of

Havana, and meeting with a vessel having on board twenty-two Spaniards

who were inhabitants of the town, put them all to the sword, cutting

them to pieces with hangers. Afterwards they sailed to the town of

Bayamo with thirteen vessels and 700 men, but altering their plans, went

to Sancti Spiritus, landed 300, plundered the town, cruelly treated both

men and women, burnt the best houses, and wrecked and desecrated the

church in which they had made their quarters. (S.P. Spain, vol. 49, f.

50.)

Col. Beeston says that Mansfield conducted the raid; but according to

the Spanish account to which Duro had access, the leader was Pierre

Legrand. (Duro, _op. cit._, v. p. 164).]

[Footnote 249: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 1147; Beeston's Journal.

Beeston reports that after a six weeks' search for Mansfield and his men

he failed to find them and returned to Jamaica.]

[Footnote 250: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 1213.]

[Footnote 251: Exquemelin, however, says that he had 500 men. If he

attacked Providence Island with only 200 he must have received

reinforcements later.]

[Footnote 252: Duro, _op. cit._, v. p. 167; S.P. Spain, vol. 49, f. 50.

The accounts that have come down to us of this expedition are obscure

and contradictory. Modyford writes of the exploit merely that "they

landed 600 men at Cape Blanco, in the kingdom of Veragua, and marched 90

miles into that country to surprise its chief city, Cartago; but

understanding that the inhabitants had carried away their wealth,

returned to their ships without being challenged." (C.S.P. Colon.,

1661-68, No. 1213.) According to Exquemelin the original goal of the

buccaneers was the town of Nata, north of Panama. The Spanish accounts

make the numbers of the invaders much greater, from 800 to 1200.]

[Footnote 253: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 1263.]

[Footnote 254: Ibid., Nos. 1309, 1349. The capture of Providence Island

was Mansfield's last exploit. According to a deposition found among the

Colonial papers, he and his ship were later captured by the Spaniards

and carried to Havana where the old buccaneer was put in irons and soon

after executed. (Ibid., No. 1827.) Exquemelin says that Mansfield,

having been refused sufficient aid by Modyford for the defence of

Providence, went to seek assistance at Tortuga, when "death suddenly

surprised him and put a period to his wicked life."]

[Footnote 255: Exquemelin refers to a voyage of Henry Morgan to

Campeache at about this time, and says that he afterwards accompanied

Mansfield as his "vice-admiral." There were at least three Morgans then

in the West Indies, but Colonel Edward and Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas

were at this time doubtless busy preparing the armament against

Curaçao.]

[Footnote 256: "Villa de Mosa is a small Town standing on the Starboard

side of the River ... inhabited chiefly by Indians, with some

Spaniards.... Thus far Ships come to bring Goods, especially European

Commodities.... They arrive here in November or December, and stay till

June or July, selling their Commodities, and then load chiefly with

Cacao and some Sylvester. All the Merchants and petty Traders of the

country Towns come thither about Christmas to Traffick, which makes this

Town the chiefest in all these Parts, Campeache excepted."--Dampier,

_ed._ 1906, ii. p. 206. The town was twelve leagues from the river's

mouth.]

[Footnote 257: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 1142; Beeston's Journal, 20th

August 1665. The viceroy of New Spain, in a letter of 28th March 1665,

reports the coming, in February, of 150 English in three ships to

Tabasco, but gives the name of the plundered town as Santa Marta de la

Vitoria. According to his story, the buccaneers seized royal treasure

amounting to 50,000 pieces of eight, besides ammunition and slaves.

(S.P. Spain, vol. 49, f. 122.)]

[Footnote 258: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 1826, 1827, 1851;

Exquemelin, _ed._ 1684, Part II. pp. 65-74.]

[Footnote 259: S.P. Spain, vols. 46-49. Correspondence of Sir Richard

Fanshaw.]

[Footnote 260: Ibid., vol. 46, f. 192.]

[Footnote 261: Ibid., vol. 49, f. 212.]

[Footnote 262: Ibid., vol. 52, f. 138; Record Office, Treaties, etc.,

466.]

[Footnote 263: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 1276.]

[Footnote 264: Ibid., No. 1264.]

[Footnote 265: Ibid., No. 1537.]

[Footnote 266: Ibid., No. 1264.

There was probably some disagreement in the Council in England over the

policy to be pursued toward the buccaneers. On 21st August 1666 Modyford

wrote to Albemarle: "Sir James Modyford will present his Grace with a

copy of some orders made at Oxford, in behalf of some Spaniards, with

Lord Arlington's letter thereon; in which are such strong inculcations

of continuing friendship with the Spaniards here, that he doubts he

shall be highly discanted on by some persons for granting commissions

against them; must beg his Grace to bring him off, or at least that the

necessity of this proceeding may be taken into serious debate and then

doubts not but true English judges will confirm what he has done." On

the other hand he writes to Arlington on 30th July 1667: "Had my

abilities suited so well with my wishes as the latter did with your

Lordship's, the privateers' attempts had been only practised on the

Dutch and French, and the Spaniards free of them, but I had no money to

pay them nor frigates to force them; the former they could not get from

our declared enemies, nothing could they expect but blows from them, and

(as they have often repeated to me) will that pay for new sails and

rigging?... (but) will, suitable to your Lordship's directions, as far

as I am able, restrain them from further acts of violence towards the

Spaniards, unless provoked by new insolences." Yet in the following

December the governor tells Albemarle that he has not altered his

posture, nor does he intend until further orders. It seems clear that

Arlington and Albemarle represented two opposite sets of opinion in the

Council.]

[Footnote 267: On 21st December 1671, Morgan in a deposition before the

Council of Jamaica gave his age as thirty-six years. (C.S.P. Colon.,

1669-74, No. 705.)]

[Footnote 268: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 1838; Exquemelin, _ed._ 1684,

Part II., pp. 79-88. According to Exquemelin the first design of the

freebooters had been to cross the island of Cuba in its narrowest part

and fall upon Havana. But on receiving advice that the governor had

taken measures to defend and provision the city, they changed their

minds and marched to Puerto Principe.]