PEACEFUL EXODUS FROM CLAY COUNTY.
Meantime the presence of the saints in Clay County began to be a
cause of uneasiness among the non-"Mormons" of the community. The
leading citizens of the county assembled at the courthouse in Liberty
on the twenty-ninth of June, 1836, to consider the difficulties
threatening the people of Clay County in consequence of the presence
of the "Mormons." After the usual organization at such meetings, the
committee on resolutions reported a document that briefly stated the
circumstances under which the "Mormons" flocked into Clay County;
without money; without property; without food for their wives and
children; and, like Noah's dove, without a resting place for their
feet; and how the people of Clay County in face of the thousand reports
accusing them of every crime known to the laws of the country, had
treated them with toleration, and often with peculiar kindness. The
document referred to the statements of the leading brethren who had
said they did not regard Clay County as their permanent home, but
merely as a temporary asylum which they would promptly leave whenever
a respectable portion of the citizens of the county should request it;
and now the best interest of the county demanded the fulfillment of
that pledge.
The reasons why the saints had become objectionable as permanent
citizens to many of the people of Clay County were stated to be:
1. Their religious tenets were so different from the present churches
of the age, that this always had and always would excite deep prejudice
against them in any populous country where they might locate.
2. They were eastern men whose manners, habits, customs, and even
dialect were essentially different from the Missourians.
3. They were _non_-slave holders, and opposed to slavery, which
excited deep and abiding prejudices in a community which tolerated and
protected slavery.
4. Common report had it that they kept up a constant communication with
the Indian tribes on the frontier; and declared from the pulpit that
the Indians were a part of God's chosen people, destined by heaven to
inherit with them the land of Missouri.
"We do not vouch for the correctness of these statements," said the
committee in their report, "but whether they are true or false, their
effect has been the same in exciting our community."
The causes named are represented as having raised a prejudice against
the saints, and a feeling of hostility, that the first spark might,
and the committee deeply feared would, ignite into all the horrors and
desolations of a civil war, and it was
Resolved: That it is the fixed and settled conviction of this meeting,
that unless the people commonly called Mormons, will agree to stop
immediately the immigration of their people to this country, and take
measures to remove themselves from it, a civil war is inevitable.
We do not contend that we have the least right under the constitution
and laws of the country to expel them by force. But we would indeed
be blind, if we did not foresee that the first blow that is struck at
this moment of deep excitement, must and will speedily involve every
individual in a war, bearing ruin, woe, and desolation in its course.
It matters but little how, where, or by whom the war may begin, when
the work of destruction commences, we must all be borne onward by the
storm, or crushed beneath its fury.
The saints were told that if they had one spark of gratitude they would
not willingly plunge a people into civil war who had held out to them
the friendly hand of assistance in the dark hour of their distress. A
committee of ten were appointed to present these views to the leading
elders among the "Mormons" with the understanding that if the saints
would consent to move as requested, the gentlemen who had called the
meeting, and now asked them to leave Clay County, would use all their
influence to allay the excitement among the citizens of the county.
The reply of the Saints to the request to remove from Clay County was
adopted at a general mass meeting. In their reply they expressed their
appreciation of the kindness shown them by the people of Clay County.
They denied having any disposition to meddle with slavery. They also
denied holding communication with the Indians, and said they held
themselves as ready to defend their country against their barbarous
ravages as any other people. After making these denials they resolved
that
For the sake of friendship, and to be in a covenant of peace with the
citizens of Clay County, and they to be in a covenant of peace with
us, notwithstanding the necessary loss of property, and expense we
incur in moving, we comply with the requisitions of their resolutions
in leaving the county of Clay, as explained by the preamble
accompanying the same; and that we will use our exertions to have The
Church do the same.
It appears that the committee who had presented the resolutions of the
Clay County citizens, had tendered their services to assist the saints
in selecting a new location, and the latter resolved to accept that
assistance. The reply from the saints was perfectly satisfactory to
the people of Clay County, and the latter made some arrangements to
assist the former in complying with their request; that is, two persons
from each township were appointed to raise money by subscription to
aid the "Mormons" who might need assistance to leave the county, and
also arrange for some suitable person to assist them in selecting a
new location for settlement; and recommended the "Mormons" to the good
treatment of the citizens in surrounding counties; and asked them to
assist the exiles in selecting some abiding place, where they would be,
in a measure, the only occupants of the land; and where none would be
anxious to molest them.
On the twenty-fifth of July, 1834, the brethren received a letter from
Governor Dunklin that was the funeral knell to their hopes of executive
interference in their behalf. He informed them their cases were
individual cases, and as such, were subjects for judicial interference,
and not for the special cognizance of the executive, and to this the
governor added:--
And there are cases, some times, of individual outrage which may be so
popular as to render the actions of the courts of justice nugatory,
in endeavoring to afford a remedy. * * * * * A public sentiment may
become paramount law, and when one man, or society of men become so
obnoxious to that sentiment, as to determine the people to be rid of
him or them, it is useless to run counter to it. * * * Your neighbors
accuse your people of holding illicit communication with the Indians,
and of being opposed to slavery. You deny. Whether the charge or the
denial is true I cannot tell. The _fact_ exists, and your neighbors
seem to believe it true; and whether true or false, the consequences
will be the same, unless you can, by your conduct and arguments,
convince them of your innocence. If you cannot do this, all _I_ can
_say_ to you is, that in _this republic_ the _vox populi_ is the _vox
Dei._
What a mockery then is such government! Under it none may hope to
enjoy liberty but those who are willing to swim in the stream of
popular sentiment--a stream oftener filthy than clean! oftener wrong
than right!--influenced by passion rather than reason! How precarious
is the hold of the inhabitants of such a government upon their
liberties--depending upon the changing whims of the populace--the
populace, which "to-day will weep a Caesar slain; to-morrow vote a
monument to Brutus!" Under such a government what is to become of
reformers? Perhaps the fate of reformers of other ages, who have fallen
victims to the hatred of popular sentiment will answer the question.
What is to become of the weaker parties if all are to be crushed or
banished that popular sentiment condemns? For what are governments
established if not to protect _all,_ the weak as well as the strong, the
despised as well as the favored in the enjoyment of life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness?
What do constitutions amount to if they are not recognized as
conservators of liberty, by acting as restraints upon these rash
acts of injustice, so frequently prompted by the frenzy of popular
sentiment--a sentiment often manufactured by a misrepresentation of the
principles and motives of those against whom the injustice is levelled?
In popular governments constitutions are adopted for the express
purpose of restraining the majority in the exercise of its power, and
to guarantee the enjoyment of rights and liberties to the minority--to
those out of favor with the popular sentiment of the hour. The tyranny
of a majority is known and feared, and hence it is restrained by
constitutional provisions, which thus become the bulwarks of freedom,
by especially guarding the weak against the strong.
It may be held that in popular governments the constitutions and laws
enacted in accordance therewith are but the expressions of popular
sentiment. Grant it. But the popular sentiment as expressed in
constitutions and laws, is very different from that expressed by an
excited populace, not unfrequently controlled by demagogues. Popular
sentiment is often created by intemperate speeches, and sustained by
misrepresentation. But the popular sentiment as expressed by laws and
constitutions is adopted in legislative halls where _right reason_ has
a chance to assist in forming the sentiment; and where a decent respect
for the long established maxims of justice and liberty will be taken
into consideration, and will influence the legislature in forming the
rules for the action of the people. When popular sentiment is expressed
in constitutions and laws, and they are enforced, the citizens are,
in a measure at least, secure from oppression and sudden destruction;
but what guarantee have the people against injustice being done, if
an inconsiderate, frenzied, popular sentiment is to be enforced--a
sentiment that falsehood creates and that passion directs? None
whatever. And when the citizens of the American Republic regard the
prejudiced and excited voice of the populace as the voice of God--as
Governor Dunklin of Missouri did--let them bid an everlasting farewell
to freedom!