The Irish run is as follows:—

“The kerne played music and tunes and instruments of song,

Wounded men and women with babes,

And slashed heroes and mangled warriors,

And all the wounded and all the sick,

And the bitterly-wounded of the great world,

They would sleep with the voice of the music,

Ever efficacious, ever sweet, which the kerne played.”

Again, when the kerne approaches anyone, his gait is thus described

half-rythmically by the Scotch narrator:—“A young chap was seen coming

towards them, his two shoulders through his old coat, his two ears

through his old hat, his two squat kickering tatter-y shoes full of cold

roadway-ish water, three feet of his sword sideways in the side of his

haunch after the scabbard was ended.”

The Irish writer makes him come thus:—“And he beheld the slender grey

kerne approaching him straight, and half his sword bared behind his

haunch, and old shoes full of water sousing about him, and the top of his

ears out through his old mantle, and a short butt-burned javelin of holly

in his hand.”

These few specimens, which could be largely multiplied, may be

sufficient for our purpose, as they show that wherever a run occurs in

the Irish the same occurs in the Gaelic, but couched in quite different

language, though preserving a general similarity of meaning. This can

only be accounted for on the supposition already made, that when a

professional bard had invented a successful story it was not there and

then committed to paper, but circulated _vivâ voce_, until it became the

property of every story-teller, and was made part of the stock-in-trade

of professional _filès_, who neither remembered nor cared to remember the

words in which the story was first told, but only the incidents of which

it was composed, and who (as their professional training enabled them to

do) invented or extemporised glowing alliterative runs for themselves at

every point of the story where, according to the inventor of it, a run

should be.

It may be interesting to note that this particular story cannot—at

least in the form in which we find it disseminated both in Ireland and

Scotland—be older than the year 1362, in which year O’Connor Sligo

marched into Munster and carried off great spoil, for in both the Scotch

and Irish versions the kerne is made to accompany that chieftain, and

to disappear in disgust because O’Connor forgot to offer him the first

drink. This story then, and it is probably typical of a great many

others, had its rise in its present shape—for, of course, the germ of

it may be much older—on Irish ground, not earlier than the end of the

fourteenth or the beginning of the fifteenth century, and was carried by

some Irish bard or professional story-teller to the Gaeldom of Scotland,

where it is told to this day without any great variations, but in a form

very much stunted and shortened. As to the Irish copy, I imagine that it

was not written down for a couple of centuries later, and only after it

had become a stock piece all over the Scotch and Irish Gaeldom; that then

some scribe got hold of a story-teller (one of those professionals who,

according to the Book of Leinster, were obliged to know seven times fifty

stories), and stereotyped in writing the current Irish variation of the

tale, just as Campbell, two, three, or four centuries afterwards, did

with the Scotch Gaelic version.

It may, of course, be alleged that the bombastic and inflated language

of many of the MS. stories is due not to the oral reciter, but to the

scribe, who, in his pride of learning, thought to himself, _nihil quod

tango non orno_; but though it is possible that some scribes threw

in extraneous embellishments, I think the story-teller was the chief

transgressor. Here, for instance, is a verbally collected specimen from

a Connemara story, which contains all the marks of the MS. stories,

and yet it is almost certain that it has been transmitted purely _vivâ

voce_:—“They journeyed to the harbour where there was a vessel waiting

to take them across the sea. They struck into her, and hung up the great

blowing, bellying, equal-long, equal-straight sails, to the tops of the

masts, so that they would not leave a rope without straining, or an oar

without breaking, plowing the seething, surging sea; great whales making

fairy music and service for them, two-thirds going beneath the wave to

the one-third going on the top, sending the smooth sand down below and

the rough sand up above, and the eels in grips with one another, until

they grated on port and harbour in the Eastern world.” This description

is probably nothing to the glowing language which a professional

story-teller, with a trained ear, enormous vocabulary, and complete

command of the language, would have employed a couple of hundred years

ago. When such popular traces of the inflated style even still exist, it

is against all evidence to accredit the invention and propagation of it

to the scribes alone.

The relationship between Ireland and the Scottish Gaeldom, was of the

closest kind, and there must have been something like an identity of

literature, nor was there any break in the continuity of these friendly

relations until the plantation of Ulster cut off the high road between

the two Gaelic families. Even during the fifteenth and sixteenth

centuries it is probable that no sooner did a bardic composition win

fame in Ireland than it was carried over to try its fortune in Scotland

too, just as an English dramatic company will come over from London to

Dublin. A story which throws great light on the dispersion of heroic

tales amongst the Gaelic-speaking peoples, is Conall Gulban, the longest

of all Campbell’s tales. On comparing the Highland version with an Irish

MS., by Father Manus O’Donnell, made in 1708, and another made about the

beginning of this century, by Michael O’Longan, of Carricknavar, I was

surprised to find incident following incident with wonderful regularity

in both versions. Luckily we have proximate data for fixing the date of

this renowned story, a story that, according to Campbell, is “very widely

spread in Scotland, from Beaulay on the east, to Barra on the west, and

Dunoon and Paisley in the south.” Both the Irish and Gaelic stories

relate the exploits of the fifth century chieftain, Conall Gulban, the

son of Niall of the Nine Hostages, and his wars with (amongst others)

the Turks. The Irish story begins with an account of Niall holding his

court, when a herald from the Emperor of Constantinople comes forward

and summons him to join the army of the emperor, and assist in putting

down Christianity, and making the nations of Europe embrace the Turkish

faith. We may fairly surmise that this romance took its rise in the

shock given to Europe by the fall of Constantinople and the career of

Mahomet the Great. This would throw back its date to the latter end of

the fifteenth century at the earliest; but one might almost suppose that

Constantinople had been long enough held by the Turks at the time the

romance was invented to make the inventor suppose that it had always

belonged to them, even in the time of Niall of the Nine Hostages.[9] We

know that romances of this kind continued to be invented at a much later

date, but I fancy none of these ever penetrated to Scotland. One of the

most popular of romantic tales with the scribes of the last century and

the first half of this, was “The Adventures of Torolbh MacStairn,” and

again, the “Adventures of Torolbh MacStairn’s Three Sons,” which most of

the MSS. ascribe to Michael Coiminn, who lived at the beginning of the

eighteenth century,[10] and whose romance was certainly not propagated by

professional story-tellers, as I have tried to prove was the case with

the earlier romances, but by means of numerous manuscript copies; and it

is also certain that Coiminn did not relate this tale as the old bards

did, but wrote it down as modern novelists do their stories. But this

does not invalidate my surmise, or prove that Conall Gulban, and forty

or fifty of the same kind, had their origin in a written manuscript;

it only proves that in the eighteenth century the old order was giving

place to the new, and that the professional bards and story-tellers were

now a thing of the past, they having fallen with the Gaelic nobility

who were their patrons. It would be exceedingly interesting to know

whether any traces of these modern stories that had their rise in written

manuscripts, are to be found amongst the peasantry as folk-lore. I,

certainly, have found no remnant of any such; but this proves nothing.

If Ireland had a few individual workers scattered over the provinces we

would know more on the subject; but, unfortunately, we have hardly any

such people, and what is worse, the present current of political thought,

and the tone of our Irish educational establishments are not likely

to produce them. Until something has been done by us to collect Irish

folk-lore in as thorough a manner as Highland tales have already been

collected, no deductions can be made with certainty upon the subject of

the relationship between Highland and Irish folk-tales, and the relation

of both to the Irish MSS.

Irish folk-stories may roughly be divided into two classes, those which I

believe never had any _conscious_ genesis inside the shores of Ireland,

and those which had. These last we have just been examining. Most of

the _longer_ tales about the Fenians, and all those stories which have

long inflated passages full of alliterative words and poetic epithets,

belong to this class. Under the other head of stories that were never

consciously invented on Irish ground, we may place all such simple

stories as bear a trace of nature myths, and those which appear to belong

to our old Aryan heritage, from the fact of their having parallels

amongst other Aryan-speaking races, such as the story of the man who

wanted to learn to shake with fear, stories of animals and talking

birds, of giants and wizards, and others whose directness and simplicity

show them to have had an unconscious and popular origin, though some

of these may, of course, have arisen on Irish soil. To this second

class belong also that numerous body of traditions rather than tales,

of conversational anecdotes rather than set stories, about appearances

of fairies, or “good people,” or Tuatha De Danann, as they are also

called; of pookas, leprechauns, ghosts, apparitions, water-horses, &c.

These creations of folk-fancy seldom appear, as far as I have observed,

in the folk-tale proper, or at least they only appear as adjuncts, for

in almost all cases the interest of these regular tales centres round a

human hero. Stories about leprechauns, fairies, &c., are very brief, and

generally have local names and scenery attached to them, and are told

conversationally as any other occurrence might be told, whereas there is

a certain solemnity about the repetition of a folk-tale proper.

After spending so much time over the very latest folk-tales, the detritus

of bardic stories, it will be well to cast a glance at some of the most

ancient, such as bear their pre-historic origin upon their face. Some of

these point, beyond all doubt, to rude efforts on the part of primitive

man to realize to himself the phenomena of nature, by personifying them,

and attaching to them explanatory fables. Let us take a specimen from a

story I found in Mayo, not given in this volume—“The Boy who was long on

his Mother.”[11] In this story, which in Von Hahn’s classification would

come under the heading of “the strong man his adventures,” the hero is

a veritable Hercules, whom the king tries to put to death by making him

perform impossible tasks, amongst other things, by sending him down to

hell to drive up the spirits with his club. He is desired by the king to

drain a lake full of water. The lake is very steep on one side like a

reservoir. The hero makes a hole at this side, applies his mouth to it,

and sucks down the water of the lake, with boats, fishes, and everything

else it contained, leaving the lake ċoṁ tirm le bois do láiṁe, “as dry

as the palm of your hand.” Even a sceptic will be likely to confess that

this tale (which has otherwise no meaning) is the remains of a (probably

Aryan) sun-myth, and personifies the action of the warm sun in drying up

a lake and making it a marsh, killing the fishes, and leaving the boats

stranded. But this story, like many others, is suggestive of more than

this, since it would supply an argument for those who, like Professor

Rhys, see in Hercules a sun-god. The descent of our hero into hell, and

his frightening the spirits with his club, the impossible tasks which the

king gives him to perform in the hopes of slaying him, and his successful

accomplishment of them, seem to identify him with the classic Hercules.

But the Irish tradition preserves the incident of drying the lake, which

must have been the work of a sun-god, the very thing that Hercules—but

on much slighter grounds—is supposed to have been.[12] If this story is

not the remains of a nature myth, it is perfectly unintelligible, for no

rational person could hope to impose upon even a child by saying that a

man drank up a lake, ships, and all; and yet this story has been with

strange conservatism repeated from father to son for probably thousands

of years, and must have taken its rise at a time when our ancestors were

in much the same rude and mindless condition as the Australian blacks or

the Indians of California are to-day.

Again, in another story we hear of a boat that sails equally swiftly

over land and sea, and goes straight to its mark. It is so large that if

all the men in the world were to enter it there would remain place for

six hundred more; while it is so small that it folds up into the hand of

the person who has it. But ships do not sail on land, nor grow large and

small, nor go straight to their mark; consequently, it is plain that we

have here another nature myth, vastly old, invented by pre-historic man,

for these ships can be nothing but the clouds which sail over land and

sea, are large enough to hold the largest armies, and small enough to

fold into the hand, and which go straight to their mark. The meaning of

this has been forgotten for countless ages, but the story has survived.

Again, in another tale which I found, called “The Bird of Sweet

Music,”[13] a man follows a sweet singing bird into a cave under the

ground, and finds a country where he wanders for a year and a day, and a

woman who befriends him while there, and enables him to bring back the

bird, which turns out to be a human being. At the end of the tale the

narrator mentions quite casually that it was his mother whom he met down

there. But this touch shows that the land where he wandered was the

Celtic Hades, the country of the dead beneath the ground, and seems to

stamp the tale at once as at least pre-Christian.

Even in such an unpretending-looking story as “The King of Ireland’s

Son” (the third in this volume), there are elements which must be vastly

old. In a short Czech story, “George with the Goat,” we find some of

the prince’s companions figuring, only slightly metamorphosed. We have

the man with one foot over his shoulder, who jumps a hundred miles when

he puts it down; while the gun-man of the Irish story who performs two

parts—that of seeing and shooting—is replaced in the Bohemian tale by two

different men, one of whom has such sight that he must keep a bandage

over his eyes, for if he removed it he could see a hundred miles, and the

other has, instead of a gun, a bottle with his thumb stuck into it for

a stopper, because if he took it out it would squirt a hundred miles.

George hires one after the other, just as the prince does in the Irish

story. George goes to try to win the king’s daughter, as the Irish prince

does, and, amongst other things, is desired to bring a goblet of water

from a well a hundred miles off in a minute. “So,” says the story,[14]

“George said to the man who had the foot on his shoulder, ‘You said that

if you took the foot down you could jump a hundred miles.’ He replied:

‘I’ll easily do that.’ He took the foot down, jumped, and was there; but

after this there was only a very little time to spare, and by this he

ought to have been back. So George said to the second, ‘You said that if

you removed the bandage from your eyes you could see a hundred miles;

peep, and see what is going on.’ ‘Ah, sir, goodness gracious! he’s fallen

asleep.’ ‘That will be a bad job,’ said George; ‘the time will be up.

You third man, you said if you pulled your thumb out you could squirt

a hundred miles. Be quick, and squirt thither, that he may get up; and

you, look whether he is moving, or what.’ ‘Oh, sir, he’s getting up now;

he’s knocking the dust off; he’s drawing the water.’ He then gave a jump,

and was there exactly in time.” Now, this Bohemian story seems also to

bear traces of a nature myth; for, as Mr. Wratislaw has remarked: “the

man who jumps a hundred miles appears to be the rainbow, the man with

bandaged eyes the lightning, and the man with the bottle the cloud.”

The Irish story, while in every other way superior to the Bohemian, has

quite obscured this point; and were it not for the striking Sclavonic

parallel, people might be found to assert that the story was of recent

origin. This discovery of the Czech tale, however, throws it at once

three thousand years back; for the similarity of the Irish and Bohemian

story can hardly be accounted for, except on the supposition, that both

Slavs and Celts carried it from the original home of the Aryan race, in

pre-historic times, or at least from some place where the two races were

in contiguity with one another, and that it, too—little as it appears so

now—was at one time in all probability a nature myth.

Such myth stories as these ought to be preserved, since they are about

the last visible link connecting civilized with pre-historic man; for,

of all the traces that man in his earliest period has left behind him,

there is nothing except a few drilled stones or flint arrow-heads

that approaches the antiquity of these tales, as told to-day by a

half-starving peasant in a smoky Connacht cabin.

It is time to say a word about the narrators of these stories. The

people who can recite them are, as far as my researches have gone, to

be found only amongst the oldest, most neglected, and poorest of the

Irish-speaking population. English-speaking people either do not know

them at all, or else tell them in so bald and condensed a form as to

be useless. Almost all the men from whom I used to hear stories in the

County Roscommon are dead. Ten or fifteen years ago I used to hear a

great many stories, but I did not understand their value. Now when I go

back for them I cannot find them. They have died out, and will never

again be heard on the hillsides, where they probably existed for a

couple of thousand years; they will never be repeated there again, to

use the Irish phrase, while grass grows or water runs. Several of these

stories I got from an old man, one Shawn Cunningham, on the border of

the County Roscommon, where it joins Mayo. He never spoke more than a

few words of English till he was fifteen years old. He was taught by a

hedge schoolmaster from the South of Ireland out of Irish MSS. As far

as I could make out from him the teaching seemed to consist in making

him learn Irish poems by heart. His next schoolmaster, however, tied a

piece of stick round his neck, and when he came to school in the morning

the schoolmaster used to inspect the piece of wood and pretend that it

told him how often he had spoken Irish when at home. In some cases the

schoolmasters made the parents put a notch in the stick every time the

child failed to speak English. He was beaten then, and always beaten

whenever he was heard speaking a word of Irish, even though at this time

he could hardly speak a word of English. His son and daughter now speak

Irish, though not fluently, his grandchildren do not even understand it.

He had at one time, as he expressed it, “the full of a sack of stories,”

but he had forgotten them. His grandchildren stood by his knee while

he told me one or two, but it was evident they did not understand a

word. His son and daughter laughed at them as nonsense. Even in Achill

where, if anywhere, one ought to find folk-stories in their purity, a

fine-looking dark man of about forty-five, who told me a number of them,

and could repeat Ossian’s poems, assured me that now-a-days when he went

into a house in the evening and the old people got him to recite, the

boys would go out; “they wouldn’t understand me,” said he, “and when they

wouldn’t, they’d sooner be listening to géimneaċ na mbó,” “the lowing

of the cows.” This, too, in an island where many people cannot speak

English. I do not know whether the Achill schoolmasters make use of the

notch of wood to-day, but it is hardly wanted now. It is curious that

this was the device universally employed all over Connacht and Munster

to kill the language. This took place under the eye of O’Connell and the

Parliamentarians, and, of course, under the eye and with the sanction of

the Catholic priesthood and prelates, some of whom, according to Father

Keegan, of St. Louis, distinguished themselves by driving the Irish

teachers out of their dioceses and burning their books. At the present

day, such is the irony of fate, if a stranger talks Irish he runs a good

chance of being looked upon as an enemy, this because some attempts were

made to proselytize “natives” by circulating Irish bibles, and sending

some Irish scripture-readers amongst them. Surely nothing so exquisitely

ludicrous ever took place outside of this island of anomalies, as that a

stranger who tries to speak Irish in Ireland runs the serious risk of

being looked upon as a proselytizing Englishman. As matters are still

progressing gaily in this direction, let nobody be surprised if a pure

Aryan language which, at the time of the famine, in ’47, was spoken by at

least four million souls (more than the whole population of Switzerland),

becomes in a few years as extinct as Cornish. Of course, there is not a

shadow of necessity, either social or economical, for this. All the world

knows that bi-linguists are superior to men who know only one language,

yet in Ireland everyone pretends to believe the contrary. A few words

from the influential leaders of the race when next they visit Achill, for

instance, would help to keep Irish alive there in _sæcula sæculorum_, and

with the Irish language, the old Aryan folk-lore, the Ossianic poems,

numberless ballads, folk-songs, and proverbs, and a thousand and one

other interesting things that survive when Irish is spoken, and die when

it dies. But, from a complexity of causes which I am afraid to explain,

the men who for the last sixty years have had the ear of the Irish race

have persistently shown the cold shoulder to everything that was Irish

and racial, and while protesting, or pretending to protest, against West

Britonism, have helped, more than anyone else, by their example, to

assimilate us to England and the English, thus running counter to the

entire voice of modern Europe, which is in favour of extracting the best

from the various races of men who inhabit it, by helping them to develop

themselves on national and racial lines. The people are not the better

for it either, for one would fancy it required little culture to see that

the man who reads Irish MSS., and repeats Ossianic poetry, is a higher

and more interesting type than the man whose mental training is confined

to spelling through an article in _United Ireland_.[15]

I may mention here that it is not as easy a thing as might be imagined

to collect Irish stories. One hears that tales are to be had from such

and such a man, generally, alas! a very old one. With difficulty one

manages to find him out, only to discover, probably, that he has some

work on hand. If it happens to be harvest time it is nearly useless going

to him at all, unless one is prepared to sit up with him all night, for

his mind is sure to be so distraught with harvest operations that he can

tell you nothing. If it is winter time, however, and you fortunately find

him unoccupied, nevertheless it requires some management to get him to

tell his stories. Half a glass of _ishka-baha_, a pipe of tobacco, and a

story of one’s own are the best things to begin with. If, however, you

start to take down the story _verbatim_ with pencil and paper, as an

unwary collector might do, you destroy all, or your shanachie becomes

irritable. He will not wait for you to write down your sentence, and if

you call out, “Stop, stop, wait till I get this down,” he will forget

what he was going to tell you, and you will not get a third of his story,

though you may think you have it all. What you must generally do is to

sit quietly smoking your pipe, without the slightest interruption, not

even when he comes to words and phrases which you do not understand.

He must be allowed his own way to the end, and then after judiciously

praising him and discussing the story, you remark, as if the thought had

suddenly struck you, “buḋ ṁaiṫ liom sin a ḃeiṫ agam air ṗáipeur,” “I’d

like to have that on paper.” Then you can get it from him easily enough,

and when he leaves out whole incidents, as he is sure to do, you who have

just heard the story can put him right, and so get it from him nearly in

its entirety. Still it is not always easy to write down these stories,

for they are full of old or corrupted words, which neither you nor your

narrator understand, and if you press him too much over the meaning of

these he gets confused and irritable.

The present volume consists of about half the stories in the _Leabhar

Sgeuluigheachta_, translated into English, together with some half

dozen other stories given in the original together with a close English

translation. It is not very easy to make a good translation from Irish

into English, for there are no two Aryan languages more opposed to each

other in spirit and idiom. Still, the English spoken by three-fourths of

the people of Ireland is largely influenced by Gaelic idioms, for most of

those expressions which surprise Englishmen are really translations from

that Irish which was the language of the speaker’s father, grandfather,

or great-grandfather—according to the part of the country you may be

in—and there have perpetuated themselves, even in districts where you

will scarce find a trace of an Irish word. There are, however, also

hundreds of Gaelic idioms not reproduced in the English spoken by the

people, and it is difficult to render these fitly. Campbell of Islay has

run into rather an extreme in his translations, for in order to make

them picturesque, he has rendered his Gaelic originals something too

literally. Thus, he invariably translates _bhain se an ceann deth_, by

“he reaped the head off him,” a form of speech which, I notice, a modern

Irish poet and M.P. has adopted from him; but bain, though it certainly

means “reap” amongst other things, is the word used for taking off a hat

as well as a head. Again, he always translates _thu_ by “thou,” which

gives his stories a strange antique air, which is partly artificial, for

the Gaelic “thou” corresponds to the English “you,” the second person

plural not being used except in speaking of more than one. In this way,

Campbell has given his excellent and thoroughly reliable translations

a scarcely legitimate colouring, which I have tried to avoid. For this

reason, I have not always translated the Irish idioms quite literally,

though I have used much unidiomatic English, but only of the kind used

all over Ireland, the kind the people themselves use. I do not translate,

for instance, the Irish for “he died,” by “he got death,” for this,

though the literal translation, is not adopted into Hibernian English;

but I do translate the Irish _ghnidheadh se sin_ by “he used to do that,”

which is the ordinary Anglo-Irish attempt at making—what they have not

got in English—a consuetudinal tense. I have scarcely used the pluperfect

at all. No such tense exists in Irish, and the people who speak English

do not seem to feel the want of it, and make no hesitation in saying,

“I’d speak sooner if I knew that,” where they mean, “if I had known that

I would have spoken sooner.” I do not translate (as Campbell would), “it

rose with me to do it,” but “I succeeded in doing it,” for the first,

though the literal translation of the Irish idiom, has not been adopted

into English; but I do translate “he did it and he drunk,” instead

of, “he did it while he was drunk;” for the first phrase (the literal

translation of the Irish) is universally used throughout English-speaking

Ireland. Where, as sometimes happens, the English language contains no

exact equivalent for an Irish expression, I have rendered the original as

well as I could, as one generally does render for linguistic purposes,

from one language into another.

In conclusion, it only remains for me to thank Mr. Alfred Nutt for

enriching this book as he has done, and for bearing with the dilatoriness

of the Irish printers, who find so much difficulty in setting Irish type,

that many good Irishmen have of late come round to the idea of printing

our language in Roman characters; and to express my gratitude to Father

Eugene O’Growney for the unwearying kindness with which he read and

corrected my Irish proofs, and for the manifold aid which he has afforded

me on this and other occasions.

Beside the Fire: A collection of Irish Gaelic folk stories · 第 29 / 70 题