SECTION I.

[Transcriber's note: The spelling and punctuation inconsistencies and

typographical errors of the original have been preserved in this etext.]

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,

ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,

DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE

PRESENT TIME.

BY

ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.

VOL. III.

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:

AND T. CADELL, LONDON

MDCCCXXIV

* * * * *

CONTENTS OF VOL III.

PART II. CONTINUED.

BOOK II. HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, AND OF SOME OF THE EARLY

CONQUESTS IN THE NEW WORLD

CHAP. I. History of the discovery of America, by Christopher Columbus,

written by his son Don Ferdinand Columbus, Introduction, Epochs of

American discovery, Authors Preface.

SECT.

I. Of the country, original, and name of Admiral Christopher

Columbus; with other particulars of his life previous to his arrival in

Portugal.

II. Of his first coming to Portugal, and the motives of his

proposing to discover the West Indies.

III. The Admiral, disgusted by the procedure of the King of

Portugal, in regard to the proposed discovery, offers his services

to the court of Spain.

IV. Narrative of the First Voyage of Columbus, in which he actually

discovered the New World[1].

VI. Second Voyage of Columbus to the West Indies.

VII. Account of the antiquities, ceremonies, and religion of the

natives of Hispaniola, collected by F. Roman, by order of the Admiral.

VIII. The Admiral returns to Spain from his second voyage.

IX. Account of the Admirals Third Voyage, during which he discovered

the continent of Paria; with the occurrences to his arrival in

Hispaniola.

X. An account of the Rebellion in Hispaniola, previous to the arrival

of the Admiral.

XI. Continuation of the troubles after the return of the Admiral to

Hispaniola, to their adjustment.

XII. Transactions in Hispaniola subsequent to the settlement of the

disturbances, until the sending of Columbus in irons to Spain.

XIII. Account of the Fourth Voyage of Columbus to the West Indies.

CHAP. II. Account of the Discovery of America, by Christopher Columbus;

by Antonio de Herrera.

SECT.

I. Of the knowledge of the Ancients respecting the New World.

II. Of the motives which led Columbus to believe that there were

unknown countries.

III. Columbus proposes his design to the King and Queen of Spain; which,

after many repulses, is adopted by the Queen.

IV. Conditions granted to Columbus by the crown of Castile, and an

account of his First Voyage, in which he discovered the New World.

V. Continuation of the voyage; signs of approaching land; the people

mutiny, and the Admiral endeavours to appease them.

VI. Discovery of the Islands of San Salvador, the Conception,

Ferdinandina, Isabella, and others; with a description of these Islands,

and some account of the Natives.

VII. Discovery of Cuba and Hispaniola, and desertion of Martin Alonzo

Pinzon.

VIII. Farther discovery of Hispaniola; simplicity of the natives; the

Admiral loses his ship, and resolves to settle a colony in the island.

IX. The Admiral builds a fort in Hispaniola, and prepares for his return

to Spain.

X. Account of the Voyage home from Hispaniola to Lisbon.

XI. From the arrival of Columbus at Lisbon till the commencement of his

Second Voyage to the New World.

XII. Second Voyage of Columbus to the West Indies, and establishment of

Isabella, the first European colony in the New World.

XIII. Columbus proceeds to explore the coast of Cuba, discovers the

island of Jamaica, and returns to Isabella in Hispaniola.

XIV. Summary of occurrences in Hispaniola, to the return of Columbus

into Spain from his Second Voyage.

XV. Conclusion of the discoveries of Columbus.

CHAP. III. The voyages of Americus Vespucius to the New World,

Introduction.

SECT.

I. The First Voyage of Vespucius.

II. The Second Voyage of Americus Vespucius.

III. The Third voyage of Americus Vespucius.

IV. The Fourth voyage of Americus Vespucius.

CHAP. IV. Summary of the discoveries and settlements of the Spaniards in

the West Indies, from the death of Columbus to the expedition of Hernando

Cortes against Mexico, Introduction.

SECT.

I. Improvements made in the colony of Hispaniola, by Nicholas de

Obando, and the great value of gold procured in that island during his

government.

II. Settlement of Porto Rico under Juan Ponce de Leon.

III. Don James Columbus is appointed to the government of the Spanish

dominions in the West Indies.

IV. Settlement of a Pearl Fishery at the island of Cubagua.

V. Alonzo de Hojeda and Diego de Nicuessa are commissioned to make

discoveries and settlements in the New World, with an account of the

adventures and misfortunes of Hojeda.

VI. The history of Vasco Nugnez de Balboa, and the establishment, by

his means, of the colony of Darien.

VII. The adventures, misfortunes, and death of Don Diego de Nicuessa,

the founder of the colony of Nombre de Dios.

VIII. The conquest and settlement of the island of Cuba by Diego

Velasquez.

IX. The strange expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon in search of the

Fountain of Youth, in which he discovered Florida and the Bahama

Channel.

X. The martyrdom of two Dominican Friars on the coast of Venezuela,

through the avarice of the Spaniards.

XI. Discoveries on the continent of America, by command of Velasquez,

under the conduct of Francis Hernandez de Cordova.

XII. Farther discoveries on the continent by Juan Grijalva, under the

orders of Velasquez, by which a way is opened to Mexico or New Spain.

CHAP. V. History of the discovery and conquest of Mexico, written in the

year 1568, by Captain Bernal Diaz del Castillo, one of the conquerors,

Introduction, Preface by the Author.

SECT.

I. Expedition of Hernandez de Cordova in 1517.

II. Expedition of Juan de Grijalva in 1518.

III. Commencement of the expedition of Hernando Cortes for the conquest

of Mexico, in 1518.

IV. Arrival of the armament at St Juan de Ulua, and account of

occurrences at that place.

V. The Spanish army advances into the country; an account of their

proceedings before commencing their march to Mexico.

[1] By error of the press, a considerable part of this Section is

marked in the running title as Section V. and the next is numbered

Section VI. so that, numerically only, Section V; is entirely omitted.

[Illustration: West Indies]

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

PART II.

BOOK II.

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, AND OF SOME OF THE EARLY CONQUESTS

IN THE NEW WORLD.

* * * * *

CHAP. I.

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, BY CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS; WRITTEN BY

HIS SON DON FERDINAND COLUMBUS[1].

INTRODUCTION.

[Illustration: West Indies]

The whole of this chapter contains an original record, being a distinct

narrative of the discovery of America by COLUMBUS, written by his own son,

who accompanied him in his latter voyages. It has been adopted into the

present work from the Collection of Voyages and Travels published at

London in 1704, by Awnsham and John Churchill, in four volumes folio; in

which it is said to have been translated from the original Italian of Don

Ferdinand Columbus, expressly for the use of that work. The language of

that translation is often obscure and ungrammatical, as if the work of a

foreigner; but, having no access to the original, has necessarily been

adopted for the present occasion, after being carefully revised and

corrected. No farther alteration has been taken with that version, except

a new division into sections, instead of the prolix and needlessly minute

subdivision of the original translation into a multitude of chapters;

which change was necessary to accommodate this interesting original

document to our plan of arrangement; and except in a few rare instances,

where uninteresting controversial argumentations have been somewhat

abridged, and even these chiefly because the original translator left the

sense obscure or unintelligible, from ignorance of the language or of the

subject.

It is hardly necessary to remark, that the new grand division of the world

which was discovered by this _great navigator_, ought from him to

have been named COLUMBIA. Before setting out upon this grand discovery,

which was planned entirely by his own transcendent genius, he was misled

to believe that the new lands he proposed to go in search of formed an

extension of the _India_, which was known to the ancients; and still

impressed with that idea, occasioned by the eastern longitudes of Ptolemy

being greatly too far extended, he gave the name of _West Indies_ to

his discovery, because he sailed to them westwards; and persisted in that

denomination, even after he had certainly ascertained that they were

interposed between the Atlantic ocean and Japan, the Zipangu, or Zipangri

of Marco Polo, of which and Cathay or China, he first proposed to go in

search.

Between the _third_ and _fourth_ voyages of COLUMBUS, _Ojeda_, an officer

who had accompanied him in his _second_ voyage, was surreptitiously sent

from Spain, for the obvious purpose of endeavouring to curtail the vast

privileges which had been conceded to Columbus, as admiral and viceroy of

all the countries he might discover; that the court of Spain might have a

colour for excepting the discoveries made by others from the grant which

had been conferred on him, before its prodigious value was at all thought

of. Ojeda did little more than revisit some of the previous discoveries of

Columbus: Perhaps he extended the knowledge of the coast of Paria. In this

expedition, Ojeda was accompanied by an Italian named _Amerigo_ or

_Almerico Vespucci_, whose name was Latinized, according to the custom of

that age, into _Americus Vespucius_. This person was a Florentine, and

appears to have been a man of science, well skilled in navigation and

geography. On his return to Europe, he published the first description

that appeared of the newly discovered continent and islands in the west,

which had hitherto been anxiously endeavoured to be concealed by the

monopolizing jealousy of the Spanish government. Pretending to have been

the first discoverer of the _continent_ of the _New World_, he

presumptuously gave it the appellation of _America_ after his own name;

and the inconsiderate applause of the European literati has perpetuated

this usurped denomination, instead of the legitimate name which the new

quarter of the world ought to have received from that of the real

discoverer.

Attempts have been made in latter times, to rob COLUMBUS of the honour of

having discovered _America_, by endeavouring to prove that the _West

Indies_ were known in Europe before his first voyage. In some maps in the

library of St Mark at Venice, said to have been drawn in 1436, many

islands are inserted to the _west_ of Europe and Africa. The most

_easterly_ of these are supposed in the first place to be the Azores,

Madeira, the Canaries and Cape Verds. Beyond these, but at no great

distance towards the _west_, occurs the _Ysola de Antillia_; which we may

conclude, even allowing the date of the map to be genuine, to be a mere

gratuitous or theoretic supposition, and to have received that strange

name, because the obvious and natural idea of _Antipodes_ had been

anathematized by Catholic ignorance. Still farther to the _north-west_,

another fabulous island is laid down, under the strange appellation of

_Delaman Satanaxia_, or the land created by the hand of Satan. This latter

may possibly have some reference to an ignorant position of Iceland. Both

were probably theoretic, for the fancied purpose of _preserving a balance_

on the globe with the continents and islands already known; an idea which

was transferred by learned theorists, and even persisted in for a

considerable part of the eighteenth century, under the name of the _Terra

Australis incognita_; and was only banished by the enlightened voyages of

scientific discovery, conducted under the auspices of our present

venerable sovereign.

The globe of Martin Behaim, in 1492, repeats the island of _Antillia_, and

inserts beyond it to the _west_, the isle of St Brandan or Ima, from a

fabulous work of the middle ages. Occasion has already occurred to notice

two other ancient pretended discoveries of the New World: the fabulous

voyages of the Zenos, another Venetian tale; and the equally fabulous

Portuguese island of the _Seven Churches_, abounding in gold, and

inhabited by Spanish or Portuguese Christians. Britain even had its Madoc

prince of North Wales; and a _white_ nomadic nation in North America,

speaking _Welsh_, is still among the puerile fancies of this nineteenth

century.

All these pretended proofs of any previous knowledge of the _western_

world, resolve into complete demonstrations of perfect ignorance, even in

the art of deception and forgery. Not only is the world indebted to

COLUMBUS for this great and brilliant discovery, but every subsequent

improvement in navigation, geography and hydrography, is justly

attributable to his illustrious example. Much and deservedly as our COOK

and his coadjutors and followers have merited from their country and the

world, they are all to be considered as pupils of the truly great

archnavigator COLUMBUS; himself a worthy scholar from the nautical academy

of the truly illustrious and enlightened father of discoveries, DON HENRY.

All other discoveries, whether nautical or by land, dwindle into mere

ordinary events, when compared with his absolutely solitary exertion of

previous scientific views. The sagacious and almost prophetic induction,

persevering ardour, cosmographical, nautical, and astronomical skill,

which centered in COLUMBUS, from the first conception to the perfect

completion of this great and important enterprize, the discovery of a

large portion of the globe which had lain hid for thousands of years from

the knowledge of civilization and science, is altogether unexampled. He

was incontestibly the first bold and scientific mariner who ever dared to

launch out into the trackless ocean, trusting solely to the guidance of

the needle and the stars, and to his own transcendent skill and

intrepidity.

There can be no doubt that Greenland, in some measure an appendage of

America, was discovered in 982, by the Norwegians or their Icelandic

colony; and that the same people accidentally fell in with Newfoundland,

or a part of Labradore, in 1003; of which early real discoveries

particular notices have been taken in the first part of this work. But

these were entirely accidental, and were lost to the world long before

COLUMBUS began his glorious career; and do not in the least degree detract

from the merit or originality of his discovery.

The name even of the great COLUMBUS has of late been fastidiously

endeavoured to be rejected, in favour of the Spanish appellation _Colon_,

which he adopted on entering into that service, which repaid him with base

ingratitude and cruel injuries for his transcendent services. It will be

seen, however, from the authority of his own son, that the original name

of his family was _Colombi_; though some branches in other parts of Italy

had adopted the modern or middle age Roman name of _Collona_. COLUMBUS,

therefore, ought certainly to remain in our language as the Latinized

original name of this illustrious person.

In supplement to the history of Columbus by his son, we have chosen to

give an account of the first Discovery of America, by _Herrera_ the royal

historiographer of Spain. To some readers this may appear superfluous: But,

as _Don Ferdinand Columbus_ may naturally enough be supposed to have

written under a degree of partial attachment to the glory of his immortal

father, it seems fortunate that we possess an authentic early history of

the same unparalleled event, from a more certainly impartial and well

informed author, having access to the public archives. That portion of our

work is given as an original record, almost without any remark; leaving it

to the ingenious industry of such of our readers as may be so disposed, to

make a critical comparison between the work of _Don Ferdinand Columbus_, a

rare and valuable monument of filial piety, and that of _Antonio de

Herrera_. We have only to regret, that the transcendent genius, who

possessed the unexampled sagacity to devise, and the singular good

fortune, perseverance, capacity, and conduct, to succeed in _Discovering

the Western Hemisphere_, had not sufficient health and leisure to have

favoured the world with his own _commentaries_ of this greatest

enterprise that was ever achieved by man.--_Ed_.

* * * * *

_Abridged Series of the Epochs of American Discovery_[2].

A.D. 982. East Greenland discovered by the Norwegians or Icelanders, who

planted a small colony. This was long afterwards shut in by the

accumulation of arctic ice, and entirely lost.

1003. Winland, either Newfoundland or Labradore, was discovered by the

Icelanders, but soon abandoned and forgotten.

1492, August 3d. COLUMBUS commenced his first voyage. 12th October

discovered _Guanahani_, one of the _Bahama_ group, which he named _St

Salvador_, now named _Cat Island_. In this voyage, besides several others

of the Bahama islands, he discovered _Cuba_ and _Hispaniola_, leaving a

colony in the latter, which was cut off by the natives. He returned to

Spain from this voyage on the 4th March 1493.

1494, September 25th. Second voyage of COLUMBUS began; in which he

discovered the _Carribbee_ islands, and founded a permanent colony in

_Hispaniola_ or Haiti. He returned from this voyage in 1496.

1497. _Giovanni Gabotta_, a Venetian, employed by Henry VII. of England,

discovered _Newfoundland_, and traced the eastern coast of North America

as far south as _Virginia_.

1498. Third voyage of COLUMBUS, in which he discovered _Trinidad_ and the

coast of Paria in _South America_; now called the _Spanish Main_ by the

English. He was _sent home in irons_ from Hispaniola in 1500.

1499. _Ojeda_ was sent from Spain to interfere with the great privileges

granted to COLUMBUS; but did very little more than retrace some of his

previous discoveries. In this voyage, as already mentioned, Ojeda was

accompanied by _Americus Vespucius_, who usurped the right of giving the

_New World_ his own name _America_, which still continues universal.

1500. _Cabral_, a Portuguese admiral, while on a voyage to India,

accidentally discovered Brazil.

In this year likewise, _Corte de Real_, a Portuguese navigator,

discovered Labradore, while in search of a _north-west_ passage to India.

1502. _Fourth_, voyage of COLUMBUS, in which he discovered the

continental coast, from _Honduras_ to near the Isthmus of _Darien_.

1513. _Vasco Nunez de Balboa_, descried the _Pacific Ocean_, or great

_South Sea_, and waded into the waves, taking formal possession for the

crown of Spain; and even embarked on that ocean in a canoe, as a more

formal act of conquest.

In the same year, _Florida_ was first discovered by _Ponce de Leon_, a

Spanish officer.

1515. The continent of _South America_ was explored down to the _Rio de

la Plata_.

1519. _Cortez_ began the conquest of _Mexico_, which he accomplished in

1521.

About the same time, _Magalhaens_, usually named Magellan, explored the

_Pacific Ocean_.

1526. _Pizarro_ visited the coast of _Peru_, which he invaded in 1530,

and _afterwards conquered_.

[1] Churchills Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. II. 479.

[2] From Pinkertons Modern Geography.

* * * * *

THE AUTHORS PREFACE.

Because admiral DON CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, my father, was a person most

worthy to be held in eternal remembrance, it seems reasonable that _I his

son_, who sailed some time along with him, should to my other performances

add this my chiefest work: _The history of his life, and of his wonderful

discovery of the West Indies_.

In consequence of his great and continual sufferings, and the diseases he

long laboured under, my father had not time to reduce his own notes and

observations into historical order; and these having fallen to me, enable

me to execute the present undertaking. Knowing that many others had

undertaken to execute this task, I long delayed its performance. But,

having read those other narratives, I found that they exaggerated many

circumstances, had passed lightly over other matters of importance, and

had even entirely omitted much that was deserving of particular notice.

From these considerations I have been induced to publish this work;

thinking it more becoming that I should undergo the censure of wanting

skill, rather than to permit the truth respecting my noble father to

remain in oblivion. Whatever may be the faults in this performance, these

will not be owing to my ignorance of the truth; for I pledge myself to set

down nothing which I do not find in his own papers or letters, or of which

I have not actually been a witness.

In the following work, the reader will find a faithful record of all the

reasons which induced the admiral to enter upon his great and glorious

and successful enterprize, and will learn how far he personally proceeded

in his _four_ several voyages to the New World. He will see what great

and honourable articles were conceded to him, before going upon his great

discovery, by King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, how basely all these

were violated, and he most unworthily and inhumanly treated, after

performing such unparalleled services; how far he established the affairs

of Hispaniola, the first settlement of the Spaniards in the New World;

and what care he took that the _Indians_ should not be oppressed, but

rather prevailed on by kind usage and good example, to embrace the

Catholic faith. In this work, likewise, will be found a faithful picture

of the manners and customs of the Indians, an account of their opinions

and practices respecting religion, and every thing that can reasonably be

looked for in a work like the present: The foundation for which was laid

by the great discoverer, and the superstructure raised by me his own son,

who possessed every advantage derivable from a liberal education and the

possession of authentic original documents, to fit me for executing a

work of such importance.

SECTION I.

_Of the Country, Original, and Name of Admiral Christopher Columbus; with

other particulars of his Life previous to his arrival in Portugal._

It is a material circumstance in the history of a great man to make known

his country and original, as those are best esteemed in the world who are

derived from noble cities and born of illustrious parents. Wherefore some

would have engaged me to prove that the admiral my father was honourably

descended, although his parents, through the fickleness of fortune, had

fallen into great poverty. Those persons required me to prove that his

ancestors descended from _Junius Colomus_, who, as Tacitus relates,

brought Mithridates a prisoner to Rome, for which service he was raised

by the Roman people to the consulate. They would likewise have induced me

to give an account at large of the two illustrious _Colomi_ his

predecessors, who gained a great victory over the Venetians, as recorded

by Sabellius, and which shall be mentioned in this work. But considering

that my father seemed to have been peculiarly chosen by the Almighty for

the great work which he performed, and may be considered in some measure

as an apostle of the Lord by carrying the gospel among the heathen; and

that the other apostles were called upon from the sea and the rivers, and

not from courts and palaces, by him whose progenitors were of the royal

blood of the Jews, yet who was pleased that they should be in a low and

unknown estate: And seeing that God had gifted my father with those

personal qualities which so well fitted him for so great an undertaking,

he was himself inclined that his country and original might remain hidden

and obscure.

Some who would throw a cloud upon his fame, have alleged that he was from

Nerni, others from Cuguero, and others from Bugiesco, all small towns in

the Riviera of Genoa: While others again, who were disposed rather to

exalt his origin, say that he was a native of Savona, others of Genoa,

and some more vain, make him to have been a native of Placentia, where

there are some honourable persons of the name, and several tombs having

the arms and inscriptions of the family of Columbus, which was the usual

sirname of his predecessors; but he, in compliance with the country where

he went to reside, modelled the name in resemblance of the ancients to

Colon, thereby distinguishing the direct descent from the collateral

lines.

Many names have been given by secret impulse, to denote the effects those

persons were to produce; and as most of my fathers affairs were guarded by

some special providence, his name and sirname were not without some

mysterious significations. Thus, considering the sirname of his ancestors,

Columbus or Columba, since he conveyed the grace of the Holy Ghost into

that New World which he discovered, shewing the knowledge of the beloved

Son of God to those people who knew him not, as was done by the Holy Ghost

in the form of a _Dove_ at the baptism of St John; and because, like Noahs

dove, he carried the olive branch and the oil of baptism across the waters

of the ocean, to denote the peace and union of those people with the

church, which had long been shut up in the ark of darkness and ignorance.

So likewise of the sirname of Colon which he revived, which was

appropriate to him as signifying a member; and, in conjunction with his

sirname of Christopher, denoted that he was a member of Christ, by whom

salvation was to be conveyed to the heathen people whom he discovered.

Thus, as St Christopher received that name because he carried Christ over

the deep waters with great danger to himself; so the admiral Christopher

Colonus, imploring the protection of Christ, safely carried himself and

his people over the unknown ocean, that those Indian nations which he

discovered might become citizens and inhabitants of the heavenly Jerusalem.

For many souls, whom the Devil expected for his prey, were through his

means passed through the water of baptism, and made inhabitants of the

eternal glory of heaven.

To return to the quality and persons of his progenitors; however

considerable they may once have been, it is certain that they were reduced

to poverty and want, through the long wars and factions in Lombardy. I

have not been able to discover in what manner they lived; though in one of

his letters the admiral asserted that his ancestors and himself had always

traded by sea. While passing through Cuguero, I endeavoured to receive

some information on this subject from two brothers of the _Colombi_, who

were the richest in those parts, and who were reported to be somewhat

related to him; but the youngest of them being above an hundred years old,

they could give me no information. Neither do I conceive this any

dishonour to us his descendants; as I think it better that all our honour

be derived from his own person, without inquiring whether his father were

a merchant, or a nobleman who kept hawks and hounds. There have been

thousands such in all parts, whose memory was soon lost among their

neighbours and kindred, so that no memorials remain of there ever having

been such men. I am therefore of opinion, that the nobility of such men

would reflect less lustre upon me than the honour I receive from such a

father: And, since his honourable exploits made him stand in no need of

the wealth of predecessors, who though poor were not destitute of virtue,

he ought from his name and worth to have been raised by authors above the

rank of mechanics or peasants.

Should any one be disposed to affirm that the predecessors of my father

were handicrafts, founding upon the assertion of Justiniani, I shall not

engage to prove the contrary; for, as the writing of Justiniani is not to

be considered as an article of faith, so I have received the contrary from

a thousand persons. Neither shall I endeavour to prove the falsehood of

his history from those other authors who have written concerning my father;

but shall convict him of falsehood out of his own writings and by his own

testimony; thus verifying proverb which says "that _liars ought to have

good memories_," because otherwise they contradict themselves, as

Justiniani has done in this case, of which I propose to exhibit sufficient

proofs.

In his comparison of the four languages, when commenting upon that passage

in the psalms, "In omnem terrarum exivit sonus eorum," he says, "This

Christopher Columbus having acquired some rudiments of learning in his

tender years, applied himself to navigation when he came to manhood, and

went to Lisbon, where he learned cosmography from a brother who there made

sea charts; in consequence of which improvement, and by discoursing with

those who had sailed to St George del Mina in Africa, and through his own

reading in cosmography, he entertained thoughts of sailing towards those

countries which he afterwards discovered." Hence, contrary to the

assertion of Justiniani, it appears from his own words that my father

followed no handicraft or mechanic employment, but devoted his childhood

to learning, his youth to navigation and cosmography, and his riper years

to discoveries. Thus Justiniani convicts himself of falsehood, and proves

himself inconsiderate, rash, and malicious. When he had occasion to speak

of so renowned a person who reflected so great honour on his country,

although the admirals parents had even been very mean, it had been more

decent in mentioning his origin, as other authors have done, to have said

that he was of low parentage or come of very poor people, instead of

falsely calling him a mechanic, as he did in his Psalter, and afterwards

in his Chronicle. Even supposing he had not contradicted himself, reason

might have shewn that a man who had been bred up in a mechanical

employment, must grow old in it to become a perfect master, and could not

from his youth have travelled into so many countries, or have attained so

much knowledge and learning as his actions demonstrate; more especially in

those four principal sciences which were so indispensably necessary to fit

him for what he performed, astronomy, cosmography, geometry, and

navigation. It is not much to be wondered that Justiniani should be guilty

of untruth in this circumstance, which is hidden, since he has inserted

above a dozen falsehoods in half a sheet of paper in his Psalter, in

matters concerning this discovery and navigation, which are well known.

These I shall briefly mention, without staying to give him any answer,

that I may not interrupt the series of the history; and because from its

tenor, and by what has been written by others on that subject, the

falsehood of his writing will distinctly appear.

The _first_ falsehood is, that the admiral went to Lisbon to learn

cosmography from a brother of his own who was settled in that place. This

is utterly contrary to the truth; since he lived in that city before the

arrival of his brother, and taught his brother what he knew instead of

learning from him. The _second_ falsehood is, that their Catholic

majesties Ferdinand and Isabella accepted his proposal at his first coming

to Castile, after it had been seven years bandied about and rejected by

all men. The _third_, that he set out upon his discovery with two ships;

whereas the truth is, that he had three caravels in his first voyage. The

_fourth_, that his first discovery was Hispaniola; whereas the first land

he came to was Guanahani, which he named St Salvador, or St Saviour. The

_fifth_, that the island of Hispaniola was inhabited by cannibals; while

the truth is, that its inhabitants were the best and most civilized people

in all those parts. The _sixth_, that he took the canoe or Indian boat

which he first saw by force of arms; whereas it is certain that he had no

hostilities in the first voyage with any of the Indians, and continued in

peace and amity with them until his departure from Hispaniola. The

_seventh_, that he returned by way of the Canary Islands, which is by no

means the proper route. The _eighth_, that he dispatched a messenger from

the Canaries to their Catholic majesties; whereas it is certain he was not

at these islands on his return, and that he was his own messenger. The

_ninth_, that he went with _twelve_ ships on his second voyage, while he

actually had _seventeen_. The _tenth_, that he arrived at Hispaniola in

twenty days, which is too short a time to reach the nearest islands; and

he certainly did not perform the second voyage in two months, and besides

went to other islands much farther distant before going to Hispaniola. The

_eleventh_, that he immediately afterwards went from Hispaniola with two

ships, whereas he certainly went to Cuba with three vessels. The _twelfth_

falsehood is, that Hispaniola is four hours (difference in longitude)

distant from Spain; while the admiral reckoned it to be five. The

_thirteenth_, to add one to the dozen, is that the western point of Cuba

is six hours distant from Hispaniola; making a farther distance of

longitude from Hispaniola to Cuba, than from Spain to Hispaniola.

By the foregoing examples of negligence, in inquiring into the truth of

those particulars which are plain and easy to have been learnt, we may

divine what inquiry he made into those which are obscure and in which he

contradicts himself, as already proved. But, laying aside this fruitless

controversy, I shall only add that, in consideration of the many

falsehoods in the Chronicle and Psalter of Justiniani, the senate of Genoa

have imposed a penalty upon any person within their jurisdiction who shall

read or keep those books, and have ordered that they shall be carefully

sought after and destroyed.

To conclude this disquisition, I assert that the admiral, so far from

being a person occupied with the vile employments of mechanics or

handicraft trades, was a man of learning and experience, and entirely

occupied in such studies and exercises as fitted him for and became the

glory and renown of his most wonderful discoveries; and I shall close this

chapter with an extract from a letter which he wrote to the nurse of

Prince John of Castile. "I am not the first admiral of my family, let them

give me what name they please. After all, that most prudent king David was

first a shepherd, and was afterwards chosen king of Jerusalem; and I am a

servant to the same Lord who raised him to so great dignity."

In his person the admiral was above the middle stature and well shaped,

having rather a long visage, with somewhat full cheeks, yet neither fat

nor lean. His complexion was very fair with delicately red cheeks, having

fair hair in his youth, which became entirely grey at thirty years of age.

He had a hawk nose, with fair eyes. In his eating and drinking, and in his

dress, he was always temperate and modest. In his demeanour he was affable

to strangers and kind and condescending to his domestics and dependents,

yet with a becoming modesty and dignified gravity of manner, tempered with

easy politeness. His regard for religion was so strict and sincere, even

in keeping the prescribed fasts and reciting all the offices of the church,

that he might have been supposed professed in one of the religious orders;

and so great was his abhorrence to profane swearing that I never heard him

use any other oath than by St Ferdinand; and even in the greatest passion,

his only imprecation was "God take you." When about to write, his usual

way of trying his pen was in these words, _Jesu cum Maria sit nobis in

via_; and in so fair a character as might have sufficed to gain his bread

by writing.

Passing over many particulars of his character, manners, and disposition,

which will appear in the course of this history, I shall now only mention

that, in his tender years he applied himself to such studies at Pavia as

fitted him to understand cosmography, his favourite science; for which

purpose he chiefly devoted himself to the study of geometry and astronomy,

without which, it is impossible to make any proficiency in cosmography.

And, because Ptolemy, in the preface to his cosmography, asserts that no

person can be a good cosmographer without a thorough knowledge of drawing;

he therefore learnt to draw, so as to be able to delineate not only the

exact outlines of countries, but to express their cosmographical features,

whether having plain surfaces or interspersed with hills and vallies.

Having laid a foundation in the before-mentioned sciences, he went to sea,

and made several voyages both to the east and west[1]: But of these, and

many other circumstances respecting his early years I have no perfect

knowledge. I was so young at his death, that owing to filial respect, I

had not the boldness to ask an account from him of the incidents of his

youth, and besides I was not then interested in such inquiries. But some

account of these things may be gleaned from his letters to their Catholic

majesties, to whom he would not dare to write any thing but the truth. In

one of these letters, written in the year 1501, he says,

"Most Serene Princes! I went to sea when very young, and have continued to

the present day; and this art of navigation inclines those who follow it

to be desirous of discovering the secrets of this world. It is now forty

years[2] that I have been sailing to all those parts of the world which

are frequented at present; and I have conversed with many wise and learned

men, both clergy and laity, Latins, Greeks, Indians and Moors, and of many

other sects and nations. God has been favourable to my inclination, and

has given me the spirit of understanding, so that I have become very

skilful in navigation, with a competent knowledge in arithmetic, geometry,

and astronomy, and both genius and skill to draw maps and charts of this

world, with its cities, rivers, islands, and ports, all in their proper

places and proportions. During my whole life, I have endeavoured to see

and understand all books of cosmography, history, and philosophy; by which

my understanding hath been enlightened so as to enable me to sail from

Europe to the Indies, and God hath inclined me to put this design into

execution. Filled with this desire I came to your highnesses; and after

all who had heard an account of my proposed undertaking had rejected it

with scorn and contempt as visionary and impracticable; in your highnesses

alone I found judgment to believe in the practicability of my proposal,

and constancy and spirit to put it into execution."

In another letter, written in January 1495 from Hispaniola, to their

Catholic majesties, in illustration of the errors and mistakes common in

voyages and the piloting of ships, he thus writes, "I was formerly sent to

Tunis by King _Renee_, whom God hath since taken to himself, to take the

galeasse called Fernandina; and, when near the island of St Peter off

Sardinia, I was informed that the Fernandina was accompanied by two ships

and a carack. This intelligence dismayed my people, who refused to proceed

in the enterprize, and demanded to go back to Marseilles for another ship

and more men. Finding that it was impossible to go on against their

inclinations, without a stratagem, I pretended to yield to their desires;

but having altered the card of the ships compass, I set sail when it was

late, under pretence of making for Marseilles. But next morning at

day-break, when all on board believed we had been sailing for Marseilles,

we found ourselves close in with Cape Carthagena[3]."

In a memorandum or observation tending to prove that all the five zones

are habitable by the experience of navigation, he thus writes: "In

February 1467, I sailed an hundred leagues beyond Thule, or Iceland, the

northern part of which is 73 degrees distant from the equinoctial, and not

63 degrees as some suppose; neither does it lie upon the line where

Ptolemy begins the West, but considerably more to the westwards. To this

island, which is as large as England, the English carry on trade,

especially from the port of Bristol. When I was there the sea was not

frozen, but the tides were so great that in some places it rose and fell

twenty-six fathoms[4]. I have likewise been in the Portuguese fort of St

George del Mina, under the equinoctial, and can witness that it is not

uninhabitable, as some have supposed." In his book respecting his first

voyage, he says that he saw some mermaids on the coast of _Menegueta_, but

that they were not by any means so like ladies as represented in paintings.

In another place he says, that, in several voyages between Lisbon and

Guinea, he had observed that a degree on the earth corresponds to 56 miles

and two thirds. He notices having seen mastick drawn from some trees in

the island of Scio, one of the isles in the Greek Archipelago.

In one place of his own writings he says that he had been at sea during

twenty-three years, without being on shore for any length of time; and had

seen all the countries of the east and west, and towards the north,

particularly England and Guinea; yet had never seen any harbours that

could be compared for goodness with those which he had discovered in the

West Indies. He says farther, "I went first to sea at fourteen years of

age, and have followed that profession ever since." In his note book of

his second voyage he says, "I had two ships, one of which I left at Porto

Sancto, for a certain reason, where it continued one day; and on the day

following, I rejoined it at Lisbon[5]; because I encountered a storm, and

had contrary winds at south-west, and the other ship had contrary winds at

south-east." From these instances it may be inferred that he had great

experience in sea affairs, and that he had visited many countries and

places, before he undertook his great discovery.

[1] This must be understood as referring to voyages in the Mediterranean,

in respect of the port of Genoa.--E.

[2] Supposing Columbus to have been 14 years of age on first going to sea,

it may be concluded that he was born in 1447. He must therefore have

been 45 years old when he set out in 1492 for the discovery of America;

and 59 years old at his death, in 1506.--E.

[3] Or rather Cape Carthago, on the coast of Barbary near Tunis.--E.

[4] It is highly probable that the original translator may have here

mistaken the braccio of 1.913 English feet, for the fathom of 6 feet.

In fathoms, this tide rises to the incredible height of 156 feet;

whereas in _braccios_, it amounts only to 49 feet: And besides there

are braccios considerably shorter than the one here assumed.--E.

[5] There is some inexplicable ambiguity in this passage, which the

original translator must have misunderstood, and which cannot now be

explained.--E.

[Illustration: Chart of North Western Africa]

SECTION II.

_Of his first coming to Portugal, and the cause or motives of his

proposing to discover the West Indies._

The occasion of his first coming into Portugal, arose from his attachment

to a famous man of his name and family, named Columbus, long renowned on

the sea as commander of a fleet against the infidels; insomuch that even

in his own country his name was used to frighten young children. This man,

known by the name of _Columbus the young_, to distinguish him from another

great sea captain of the same name, was a person of great prowess, and

must have commanded a goodly fleet, as he captured at one time four

Venetian galleys, of such size and strength as I could not have believed

unless I had seen them fitted out. Of this Columbus junior, Marc Anthony

Sabellicus, the Livy of our age, says, in the eighth book of his tenth

decade, that he lived at the time when Maximilian the son of the Emperor

Frederick III. was chosen king of the Romans; and that Jerom Donato was

sent ambassador from Venice to return thanks to John II. king of Portugal,

for having relieved and clothed the crews of their great galleys so as to

enable them to return to Venice. These galleys were returning from

Flanders, when they were encountered and taken by the famous corsair

Columbus junior, who stripped their whole crews and turned them ashore on

the coast of Portugal.

The authority of so grave an author as Sabellicus, sufficiently proves the

malice of Justiniani who makes no mention whatever of this incident,

evidently lest the family of Columbus might appear less obscure than he

was disposed to hold it out to the world. If in this he erred through

ignorance, he is not the less worthy of blame for having undertaken to

write the history of his country without making himself acquainted with so

signal a victory, of which even the enemies of Genoa make mention. Even

Sabellicus in his eighth book, mentions the great discovery of the admiral,

though less obliged to inquire into it, but without adding the twelve lies

which Justiniani inserted.

To return to the matter in hand. While the admiral my father sailed along

with Columbus junior, which he long did, they received intelligence of

four large Venetian galleys being on their voyage from Flanders, and going

in quest of them, came up with them near Cape St Vincent on the coast of

Portugal. A furious contest took place, in which the hostile vessels

grappled with each other, and the crews fought with the utmost rage, not

only using their hand weapons but artificial fire-works. The fight

continued with great fury from morning till night; when the vessel in

which my father was took fire, as did likewise a great Venetian galley to

which she was fast grappled by strong iron hooks and chains. In this

dreadful situation neither of them could be relieved, on account of the

confusion and terror of fire, which increased so rapidly that all who were

able of both crews leapt into the water, preferring that death to the

torture of fire. In this emergency, my father being an excellent swimmer,

and having the good fortune to lay hold of an oar, made for the land,

which was little more than two leagues distant. Sometimes swimming, and at

other times resting on the oar, it pleased God, who preserved him for the

accomplishment of greater designs, that he had sufficient strength to

attain the shore, but so exhausted by his exertions and by long

continuance in the water that he had much ado to recover. Being not far

from Lisbon, where he knew that many Genoese his countrymen then dwelt, he

made all haste to that city; where making himself known, he was

courteously received and entertained by the Genoese.

After remaining some time at Lisbon, where he behaved himself honourably,

being a man of comely appearance, it happened that Donna Felipa Moniz, a

lady of good family, then a boarder in the nunnery of All-Saints whether

my father used to go to mass, fell in love with him and married him. The

father of his lady, Peter Moniz Perestrello, being dead, the newly married

pair went to live with the widow; who seeing her son-in-law much addicted

to cosmography, informed him that her husband, Perestrello, had been a

great sea-faring man, and had gone with two other captains to make

discoveries with the license of the king of Portugal, and under an

agreement that they were to divide their discoveries into three portions,

and each to have a share by lot. That accordingly they had sailed from

Lisbon towards the south-west, where they discovered the islands of

Madeira and Porto Sancto, places which had never been seen before. And as

Madeira was the largest, they divided it into two portions, making Porto

Sancto the third, which had fallen to the lot of her husband Perestrello,

who continued in the government of that island till his death.

The admiral being much delighted with the relations of sea voyages, his

mother-in-law gave him the journals and sea charts which had been left by

her husband, which excited his curiosity to make inquiry respecting the

other voyages which the Portuguese had made to St George del Mina and the

coast of Guinea, and he enjoyed great delight in discoursing with such as

had sailed to those parts. I cannot certainly determine whether he ever

went to Mina or Guinea during the life of this wife. But while he resided

in Portugal he seriously reflected on the information he had thus received;

and concluded, as the Portuguese had made discoveries so far to the

southward, it was reasonable to conclude that land might be discovered by

sailing to the westwards. To assist his judgment, he again went over the

cosmographers which he had formerly studied, and considered maturely the

astronomical reasons which corroborated this new opinion. He carefully

weighed likewise the information and opinions on this subject of all with

whom he conversed, particularly sailors. From an attentive consideration

of all that occurred to him, he at length concluded that there must be

many lands to the west of the Canary and Cape de Verd islands; and that it

must be perfectly possible to sail to and discover them. But, that it may

distinctly appear by what train of arguments he came to deduce so vast an

undertaking, and that I may satisfy those who are curious to know the

motives which induced him to encounter so great danger, and which led him

to his great discovery, I shall now endeavour to relate what I have found

among his own papers respecting this matter.

The motives which induced my father to undertake the discovery of the West

Indies were three. Natural reason, authority of authors, and the testimony

of sailors. From natural reason my father concluded that the whole sea and

land of this world composed a globe or sphere, which might assuredly be

gone round, so that men should stand with their feet directly against the

feet of other men, in any precisely opposite parts whatever. _Secondly_,

he took it for granted upon the authority of approved authors that a great

portion of our globe had been already travelled over and explored; and

that it now only remained to discover the whole, so as to make known what

was contained in the vacant space which remained, between the eastern

boundaries of India which were known to Ptolemy and Marinus, and those our

newly discovered western parts of the coast of Africa and the Azores and

Cape Verd islands, the most westerly which were yet known. _Thirdly_, he

concluded that this still unknown space, between the eastern limits known

to Marinus and the Cape Verds, could not exceed a third part of the

circumference of the globe; since Marinus had already described 15 hours

towards the east, out of the 24 parts or hours into which the

circumference of the world is divided by the diurnal course of the sun;

and therefore to return in an easterly direction to the Cape Verd islands

from the limits discovered by Marinus, or to proceed westerly from these

islands to meet the eastern limits of Marinus, required only to pass over

about 8 parts in 24 of the circumference of the earth[1].

He reckoned, _fourthly_, that as the cosmography of Marinus had given an

account of fifteen hours or parts of the circumference of the globe

eastwards, and had not yet attained to a knowledge of the eastern

extremity of the land, it followed of course that this eastern extremity

must be considerably beyond those known limits; and consequently, that the

farther it extended eastwards, so much the nearer it must approach to the

Cape Verd islands, or the then known western limits of the globe: And, if

this space were sea, it might be easily sailed over in a short time; and

if land, that it would be much sooner discovered by sailing to the west,

since it must be much nearer to these islands in that direction. To this

may be added what is related by Strabo in his Fifteenth Book, that no army

ever penetrated to the eastern bounds of India, which according to Ctesias

is as extensive as all the rest of Asia. Onesicritus affirms that India is

a full third part of the world; and Nearchus says that it is four months

journey in a straight line from west to east. Pliny, in the 17th Chap, of

his 6th Book, says that India is a third part of the earth, and that

consequently it must be nearer Spain in the western than in the eastern

direction.

The fifth argument which induced the admiral to believe that the distance

in a western direction to India was small, was taken from the opinion of

Alfragranus and his followers, who computed the circumference of the

globe as much less than all other cosmographical writers, as they only

allowed 56-2/3 miles to a degree of longitude. Whence my father inferred,

that the whole globe being small, the extent of that third part which

remained to be discovered must necessarily be proportionally small

likewise; and might therefore be sailed over in a short time. And, as the

eastern bounds of India were not yet discovered, and must lie considerably

nearer us towards the west, he therefore considered that the lands which

he might discover in his proposed expedition westwards might properly be

denominated the Indies. Hence it appears how much Roderick the archdeacon

of Seville was wrong in blaming the admiral for calling those parts the

Indies which were not so. But the admiral did not call them the Indies as

having been seen or discovered by any other person; but as being in his

opinion the eastern part of India beyond the Ganges, to which no

cosmographer had ever assigned any precise limits, or made it to border

upon any other country farther to the east, considering those unknown

parts of eastern India to border on the ocean. And because he believed

those countries which he expected to discover formed the eastern and

formerly unknown lands of India, and had no appropriate name of their own,

he therefore gave them the name of the nearest known country, and called

them the _West Indies_. He was, so much the more induced to choose this

appellation that the riches and wealth of India were well known, and he

thereby expected the more readily to induce their Catholic Majesties to

accede to his proposed undertaking, of the success of which they were

doubtful; by saying that he intended to discover the way to India by the

west: And he was desirous of being employed in the service of the crown of

Castile, in preference to any other.

The second motive which encouraged the admiral to undertake his great

enterprize, and which might reasonably induce him to call the countries he

proposed to discover by the name of the Indies, was derived from the

authority of learned men; who had affirmed that it was possible to sail

from the western coast of Africa and Spain to the eastern bounds of India

by the westwards, and that the sea which lay between these limits was of

no great extent. This is affirmed by Aristotle, in his Second Book of the

Heaven and of the World, as explained by Averroes; in which he says that a

person may sail from India to Cadiz in a few days. Seneca, in his book of

Nature, reflecting upon the knowledge of this world as insignificant in

comparison with what shall be attained in a future life, says that a ship

may sail in a few days with a fair wind from Spain to India. And if, as

some suppose, the same Seneca were the author of the tragedies, he

expresses himself to the same purpose in the following chorus of the Medea:

Venient annis

Secula feris, quibus Oceanus

Vincula rerum laxat, et ingens

Pateat tellus, Typhysque novos

Detegat orbes, nec sit terris

Ultima Thule.

"There will come an age in latter times, when the ocean shall loosen the

bonds of things, and a great country shall be discovered; when another

Typhys shall find out new worlds, and Thule shall no longer remain the

ultimate boundary of the earth."

This prophecy has now certainly been fulfilled by my father. In the first

book of his cosmography, Strabo says that the ocean encompasses the whole

earth; that in the east it washes the shores of India, and in the west

those of Mauritania and Spain; and that if it were not for the vast

magnitude of the Atlantic, men might easily sail in a short time from the

one to the other upon the same parallel; and he repeats the same opinion

in his second book. Pliny, in the Second Book of his Natural History, Chap.

iii. says that the ocean surrounds all the earth, and extends from east to

west between India and Cadiz. The same author, in his Sixth Book, Chap.

xxxi. and Solinus in the sixty-eight chapter of the Remarkable Things of

the World, say that, from the islands of the Gorgonides, which are

supposed to be those of Cape Verd, it was forty days sail across the

Atlantic Ocean to the Hesperides; which islands the admiral concluded were

those of the West Indies. Marco Polo the Venetian traveller, and Sir John

Mandeville, say that they went much farther eastward than was known to

Ptolemy and Marinus. Perhaps these travellers do not mention any eastern

sea beyond their discoveries; yet from the accounts which they give of the

east, it may be reasonably inferred that India is not far distant from

Spain and Africa. Peter Aliacus, in his treatise on the Figure of the

Earth, in the eighth Chapter respecting the extent of habitable land, and

Julius Capitolinus upon inhabitable places, and in several other treatises,

both assert that Spain and India are neighbours towards the west. The

latter author, in the nineteenth Chapter of his Cosmography says,

according to the opinion of Pliny and other philosophers, the ocean which

stretches from the western shores of Spain and Africa to the eastern

limits of India is of no great extent, and might certainly be sailed over

in a few days with a fair wind; and therefore that the beginning of India

eastwards cannot be far distant from the western limits of Africa.

From these and similar authorities of eminent writers, the admiral was led

to believe that he had formed a sound opinion on this subject; and he was

much encouraged to undertake his proposed voyage of discovery by his

contemporary Paul, physician to Signior Dominico of Florence. This Paul

corresponded with Ferdinand Lopez, a canon of Lisbon, concerning the

voyages which had been undertaken to Guinea in the reign of King Alphonzo

of Portugal, and concerning future discoveries which might be made to the

westwards. The admiral, who was always exceedingly ardent in inquiries on

these topics, came to the knowledge of this correspondence; and soon

afterwards, by means of Laurentio Girarde, a Florentine who then resided

in Lisbon, entered into correspondence with Paul on this subject,

acquainting him with his design, and sending him a small terrestrial globe.

The communications from Paul on this subject are as follow:

"To Christopher Columbus, Paul the Physician wisheth health. I perceive

the noble and earnest desire which you entertain to sail to those parts

which produce spices; and therefore, in answer to your letter, I send you

one which I wrote some time ago to a friend of mine, a servant to the king

of Portugal, before the wars of Castile, in answer to one he had written

to me by the order of his highness upon this same subject; and I send you

a sea chart similar to the one I sent to him, which will satisfy your

demands. The copy of that letter is this!"

"To Ferdinand Martinez, Paul the physician wisheth health.--I rejoice to

learn the familiarity which you have with your most serene and magnificent

king; and although I have often discoursed concerning the short way by sea

from hence to the Indies where spice is produced, which I consider to be

shorter than that you now take by the coast of Guinea; yet you now inform

me that his highness requires me to explain and demonstrate this my

opinion, so that it may be understood and reduced to practice. Therefore,

though I could better shew it with a globe in my hand, so as to make him

sensible of the figure and dimensions of the world; yet I have resolved to

make it as easy and intelligible as possible by delineating this way upon

a chart, such as is used in navigation. Wherefore I now send one to his

majesty, drawn by my own hand; in which I have set down the utmost bounds

of the west, from Ireland in the north to the farthest parts of Guinea,

with all the islands that lie in the way: Opposite to which western coast,

the beginning of the Indies is delineated, with the islands and places to

which you may go, and how far you may bend from the north pole towards the

equinoctial, and for how long a time; that is, how many leagues you must

sail before you arrive at those places which are most fruitful in all

sorts of spice, in jewels and precious stones.

"Do not wonder that I term the country where the spice is produced in the

_west_, because that production has been generally ascribed to the _east_:

Since those who may sail to the westward will always find those places in

the _west_, which those who travel by land eastwards must find in the

_east_. The straight lines that run lengthways in the chart shew the

distances from east to west, and the other lines which cross these at

right angles shew the distances from north to south. I have likewise

represented in the chart, several places in India where ships may take

shelter in any storm or contrary wind, or on occasion of any unforeseen

accident. Moreover, to give you full information respecting all those

places of which you inquire, you must understand that none but traders

reside in these islands, in which as great a number of ships and mariners,

and as great quantities of merchandize is to be found, as in any other

part of the world; more particularly in a most noble port called Zacton[2],

where there are every year 100 large ships loaded and unloaded with pepper,

besides many other ships which take in other kinds of spice. This country

is exceedingly populous, and contains many provinces and kingdoms and

cities innumerable, under the dominion of a sovereign called the Great

Cham, which title signifies the King of kings, who usually resides in the

province of Cathay[3].

"The predecessors of the great cham were very desirous to have amity and

commerce with the Christians; and 200 years ago sent ambassadors to the

pope, desiring him to send many learned men and doctors to instruct them

in our holy faith; but by reason of some obstacles which these ambassadors

encountered, they returned back without coming to Rome. There came however

in our day an ambassador from those parts to Pope Eugenius IV. who told him

of the great friendship which subsisted between these princes and their

people with the Christians. I discoursed at large with this person upon

several matters, respecting the splendour of their royal buildings, the

great length and breadth of their rivers, and many other topics. He told

me many wonderful things of the multitude of cities and towns along the

banks of the rivers; insomuch that there were 200 cities upon one river

alone, having marble bridges over it of wonderful length and breadth, and

adorned with numerous pillars. This country deserves as well as any other

to be explored; and great profit may be made by trading thither, as it

abounds in many valuable commodities, and with gold, silver, all kinds of

precious stones, and spices of all sorts. It is likewise certain that many

wise men, philosophers, astronomers, and others, exceedingly ingenious and

skilled in the arts and sciences, govern the numerous provinces of that

mighty empire, and command its armies.

"From Lisbon directly westwards, there are in the chart which I now

transmit twenty-six spaces, each of which contains 250 miles, or 6500

miles in all, to the vast and most noble city of _Quisay_[4], which is 100

miles or thirty-five leagues in compass. Its name signifies the heavenly

city, and wonderful things are reported respecting the magnificence of its

buildings, the prodigious amount of its revenues, and the multitude and

ingenuity of its inhabitants. This city is in, the province of Mango[5],

bordering on that of Cathay where the king resides. And the before

mentioned distance between Lisbon and that city westwards, is almost a

third part of the circumference of the globe. From the island of Antilia,

which you call the Seven Cities, and of which you have some knowledge,

there are ten spaces in the chart to the most noble island of Cipango,

which make 2500 miles or 875 leagues[6]. The island of Cipango abounds in

gold, pearls and precious stones, and the people even cover their temples

and palaces with plates of pure gold[7]. But, for want of knowing the way,

all these wonderful things remain hidden and concealed, although they

might easily be gone to with safety. Much more might be said, but as you

are a wise and judicious person, and I have already told you of what is

most material, I am satisfied that you will fully understand the whole,

and I shall not therefore be more prolix. What I have written may satisfy

your curiosity, and is as much as the shortness of the time and my

business will admit. Therefore I remain most ready to satisfy his majesty

to the utmost of my abilities in all commands which he may be pleased to

lay upon me."

Paul the Physician afterwards wrote the following letter to my father.--"I

received your letter with those things you sent me, which I esteem a great

favour, and I greatly commend your noble and ardent desire of sailing

from the east to the west, as marked out in the chart which I sent you;

but which would be much better demonstrated in the form of a globe. I am

rejoiced that it is well understood, that the voyage laid down is not

only possible but true, certain, honourable, advantageous, and most

glorious among Christians. You can only become perfect in the knowledge of

it by practice and experience, which I have had in some measure,

especially by the solid and true information of many worthy and wise men

who came from those parts to the court of Rome, and from merchants who

are persons of good reputation and have long traded to those regions.

Hence, when the voyage shall be performed, it will be to powerful kingdoms,

and to most noble provinces and cities, rich, flourishing, and abounding

in all those commodities of which we are in need: particularly in great

quantities of all sorts of spice, and in great store of jewels. It will

likewise be very grateful to the kings and princes of those parts, who are

exceedingly desirous to have intercourse and trade with the Christians;

whether that some of them are inclined to become Christians, or else

desire to communicate with the wise and learned men of Europe, as well in

regard to religion, as in all the sciences, by reason of the extraordinary

accounts they have received of the kingdoms and governments and learning

of our part of the world. On all which accounts, and others which might be

alleged, it is reasonable that your own magnanimity, and the whole

Portuguese nation, ever renowned for great men, and memorable in all their

undertakings, should be eagerly bent upon performing this voyage."

By this letter, as has been before observed, the admiral was greatly

encouraged to go upon his discovery, although the learned physician was

mistaken in believing that Cathay and the empire of the great Cham was the

first land to be met with in sailing towards the west; for experience has

made it appear, that the distance from the West Indies to that country is

greater than from Europe to the West Indies.

The _third_ and last motive by which the admiral was incited to the

discovery of the West Indies, was the hope of finding in his way to India

some very beneficial island or continent, from whence he might the better

be enabled to pursue his main design. This hope was founded upon the

authority and opinion of many wise and learned men, who believed that the

greatest part of the surface of the terraqueous globe was composed of land,

or that there certainly was more earth than sea. If that were the case, he

concluded that, between the coast of Spain and the then known bounds of

India, there must be many islands and a great extent of continent

interposed, which experience has since demonstrated to be true. In this

opinion he was confirmed by many fabulous stories which he had heard from

sailors and others who had sailed to the islands and western coast of

Africa, and to Madeira; and as these testimonies, though false, tended to

confirm the purpose he had so long and ardently cherished, they the more

readily gained his assent; and, to satisfy the curiosity of such as are

curious in these matters, I shall here relate them.

One Martin Vicente, a pilot in the service of the king of Portugal,

related to the admiral, that, being once 450 leagues to the westward of

Cape St Vincent, he had found a piece of wood most curiously curved, but

not with iron; and seeing that the winds had blown for many days

previously from the west, he conjectured that the carved wood must have

been drifted from some island in that direction. One Peter Correa, who had

married a sister of the admirals wife, told him of having seen another

piece of wood which had been brought to the island of Porto Sancto by the

same westerly wind, and of certain drifted canes, so thick that every

joint was large enough to contain four quarts of wine. These he alleged to

have shewn to the king of Portugal, and as there were no such canes in our

parts of the world, he believed that the winds must have wafted them from

some distant islands in the west, or else from India: More especially as

Ptolemy, in the first book of his cosmography, and chapter 17. says, that

such canes grow in the eastern parts of India; and some of the islanders,

particularly those in the Azores, informed Correa that when the west wind

blew long together, the sea sometimes drove pine trees on the islands

Gratioso and Fayal, where no such trees were otherwise to be found. He was

likewise told that the sea had cast upon the island of Flores, another of

the Azores, the dead bodies of two men, having very broad visages, and

very different in their appearance from Europeans.

It was likewise reported to the admiral that the people about Cape Verga

had once seen some almadias or covered boats, which it was believed had

been driven thither by stress of weather while going from one of these

supposed islands in the west to another island. One Anthony Leme, who was

married and settled in the island of Madeira, told the admiral that,

having once made a considerable run to the westward, he had descried three

islands. To this information, however, he gave little credit, as by his

own account Leme had not sailed above 100 leagues to the west, and might

have been deceived by some rocks; or what he had seen might have been some

of those floating islands, called Aguades by the sailors, of which Pliny

makes mention in the 97th chapter of the first book of his natural history.

Pliny says that some spots of land are seen in the northern parts of the

ocean on which there are deep-rooted trees, and that these parcels of land

are carried about like floats, or islands swimming upon the water. Seneca,

in his third book, endeavouring to give a probable reason for the

existence of such islands, alleges that there are certain rocks so light

and spongy in their substance, that islands in India which are composed of

such do actually swim upon the water. Therefore, even if it were actually

the case that Leme had seen the three islands, the admiral, was of opinion

that they must have been of that kind, such as those called the islands of

St Brandan are supposed to be, where many wonders are reported to have

been seen. Accounts have also been propagated of other islands, which are

continually burning, and which lie far to the northward[8].

Juventius Fortunatus mentions an account of two floating islands

considerably to the west, and more southward than those of Cape Verd.

These and such like reports, might induce several of the inhabitants of

Ferro and Gomera, and of the Azores, to affirm that they saw islands

towards the west every year; of which they were so thoroughly convinced,

that many reputable persons swore that it was true. The same Fortunatus

relates, that a person came from Madeira to Portugal in the year 1484, to

beg a caravel from the king in which he might go in quest of an island

which he made oath that he saw every year, and always after the exact same

manner; with whom others agreed, who declared that they had seen the same

land from the Azores.

On these grounds, in all the former maps and charts, certain islands were

placed in that direction. In his book concerning the wonderful things of

nature, Aristotle informs us of a report, that some Carthaginian merchants

had sailed across the Atlantic to a most beautiful and fertile island, of

which we shall give a more particular account hereafter. Some Portuguese

cosmographers have inserted this island in their maps under the name of

Antilla; though they do not agree with Aristotle in regard to its

situation, yet none have placed it more than 200 leagues due west from the

Canaries and Azores. This they assert to be certainly the island of the

seven cities, which is said to have been peopled by the Portuguese in the

year 714, at the time when Spain was conquered by the Moors. At that time,

according to the legend, seven bishops with their people sailed to this

island, where each of them built a city; and, that none of their people

might ever think of returning to Spain, they burnt their ships with all

the tackling, and destroyed every thing that was necessary for navigation.

There are who affirm that several Portuguese mariners have been to that

island, but could never find their way back to it again. It is said

particularly, that in the time of Don Henry, infant of Portugal, a

Portuguese ship was driven by stress of weather upon this island of

Antilla, where the men went on shore, and were led by the islanders to a

church, that they might see whether they were Christians and observed the

ceremonies of the Roman worship; and perceiving that they did, the

islanders requested them to remain till their lord should return, who

happened to be then absent, but who would be very kind to them, and give

them many presents. But the master and seamen were afraid of being

detained, and suspected that the islanders had no mind to be discovered,

and might burn their vessel; wherefore they sailed back to Portugal,

hoping to be rewarded for their discovery by Don Henry. But he reproved

them severely, and ordered them to return quickly; wherefore the master

and all his crew escaped from Portugal with their ship, and never

returned. It is likewise reported, that while the master and seamen of

this vessel were at church in the foresaid island, the boys of the ship

gathered sand for the cook room, a third part of which was found to be

pure gold.

Among others who set out to discover this island was one Jattes de Fiene,

whose pilot Peter Velasquez, of the town of Palos de Moguer, told the

admiral in the monastery of St Mary de la Rabida, that they sailed 150

leagues south-west from Fayal, and discovered the island of Flores in

their return, to which they were led by observing numbers of birds to fly

in that direction, and because these were land birds they concluded that

they were making for land, as they could not rest upon the waters. Leaving

Flores, they sailed so far to the north-east, that they came to Cape Clear

in the west of Ireland, where they met with a stiff western gale and yet a

smooth sea, whence they concluded that there must be land in that

direction by which the sea was sheltered from the effects of the west wind;

but it being then the month of August, they did not venture to proceed in

search of that supposed island, for fear of winter. This happened about

forty years before the discovery of the West Indies.

The foregoing account was confirmed to the admiral by the relation of a

mariner whom he met with at Port St Mary, who told him that, once in a

voyage to Ireland he saw that western land, which he then supposed to be a

part of Tartary stretching out towards the west, but could not come near

it on account of bad weather. But it is probable that this must have been

the land now called _Bacallaos_, or Newfoundland. This was farther

confirmed by what was related to him by one Peter de Velasco of Galicia,

whom he met with in the city of Murcia in Spain: who, in sailing for

Ireland, went so far to the north-west, that he discovered land far to the

west of Ireland; which he believes to have been the same which one

Femaldolmos endeavoured to discover in the following manner, as set down

in my fathers writings, that it may appear how some men build great and

important matters upon very slight foundations. Gonzalo Fernandez de

Oviedo, in his natural history of the Indies, says that the admiral had a

letter in which the Indies were described by one who had before discovered

them; which was by no means the case, but only thus: Vincent Diaz, a

Portuguese of Tavira, on his return from Guinea to the Tercera islands,

and having passed the island of Madeira, which he left to the east, saw,

or imagined that he saw something which he certainly concluded to be land.

On his arrival at Tercera, he told this to one Luke de Cazzana, a Genoese

merchant, his friend, and a very rich man, and endeavoured to persuade him

to fit out a vessel for the conquest of this place: This Cazzana agreed to,

and obtained a license from the king of Portugal for the purpose. He wrote

accordingly to his brother Francis de Cazzana, who resided at Seville, to

fit out a vessel with all expedition for Diaz; but Francis made light of

the matter, and Luke de Cazzana actually fitted out a vessel from Tercera,

in which the before named pilot sailed from 120 to 130 leagues, but all in

vain, for he found no land. Yet neither he nor his partner Cazzana

desisted from the enterprize till death closed their hopes. The before

mentioned Francis de Cazzana likewise informed the admiral, that he knew

two sons of the pilot who discovered the island of Tercera, named Michael

and Jasper Cortereal, who went several times in search of that land, and

at last perished one after the other in the year 1502, without having ever

been heard of since, as was well known to many credible persons.

If all that has been said above concerning so many imaginary islands and

continents appears to be mere fable and folly, how much more reason have

we to consider that as false which Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo conceits in

his Natural History of the Indies, "That there was another discoverer of

this navigation of the ocean, and that the Spaniards held anciently the

dominion of these lands." He pretended to make out this assertion from

what Aristotle wrote concerning the island of Atalantis, and Sebosus of

the Hesperides. Thus, looking upon his own imagination as a certain

standard of truth, he affirms upon the judgment of some persons whose

writings I have duly weighed and attentively examined. I should have

omitted to enlarge on this subject, to avoid tiring the reader, and that I

might not be obliged to condemn the opinions of others, were it not that

many persons, to detract from the honour and reputation of the admiral,

have made great account of these notions. Besides, it appeared that I

should not fully perform my duty by merely recounting with all sincerity

and truth, the motives and incitements which inclined the admiral my

father to undertake his unparalleled enterprize, if I should suffer what I

know to be a manifest falsehood to pass uncensured. Wherefore, the better

to detect the mistake of Oviedo, I shall first state what Aristotle has

said on this subject, as related by F. Theophilus de Ferrariis, among the

problems of Aristotle which he collected in a book entitled De Admirandis

in Natura auditis, in the following strain:

"Beyond the pillars of Hercules, it is reported that certain Carthaginian

merchants discovered an island in the Atlantic, which had never before

been inhabited except by beasts. This island was not many days sail from

the continent, was entirely covered over with trees, and abounded in all

the usual productions of nature, having a considerable number of navigable

rivers. Finding this a beautiful country, possessing it fertile soil and

salubrious atmosphere, these Carthaginians began to people it; but the

senate of Carthage, offended with this procedure, passed a decree

forbidding any person to go to that island under pain of death, and they

ordered all those who had already gone there to be slain; meaning thereby

to prevent all other nations from acquiring any knowledge of the place,

lest some other and more powerful state might take possession, to the

detriment of their liberty and commercial interest."

Oviedo had no just grounds for asserting that this island must have been

Hispaniola or Cuba. As he was ignorant of Latin, he was obliged to take

such interpretation of this story as he could procure from some other

person, who certainly was very ill qualified for the task, since the Latin

text has been altered and misinterpreted in several particulars. This may

have misled Oviedo, and induced him to believe that the foregoing

quotation referred to some island in the West Indies. In the Latin text we

do not read of the Carthaginian merchants going out of the straits of

Gibraltar as Oviedo writes[9]. Neither is it said that the island was

extensive, or its trees large, but only that it was much wooded. Nor do we

find that the rivers were wonderful, or the soil fat, or that the island

was more remote from Africa than from Europe; but merely that it was

remote from the continent. It is not said in the original that any towns

were built here, and indeed it is not likely that these traders should

build much; neither is the place said to have become famous, as we see on

the contrary that the Carthaginians were careful to prevent its fame from

spreading among the nations. Thus the translator being ignorant, led

Oviedo to believe quite a different story from the reality[10].

It is quite ridiculous to suppose that Carthaginian merchants could

possibly be carried so far out of their way as Hispaniola or Cuba; neither

could they have arrived at either of those islands without meeting with

the many other islands which surround them. It is more probable that the

island discovered by the Carthaginians was one of the Azores; for though

Ferrarius speaks of navigable rivers, he might possibly have written _ad

navigandum_ instead of _potandum_, and have thereby corrupted the meaning

of his author, that the island had plenty of streams fit for drinking,

into abundance of rivers adapted for navigation[11]. Oviedo falls into a

similar error in supposing this island of the Carthaginians to have been

the same with that mentioned by Seneca in his fourth book; where he tells

us that Seneca speaks of an island named Atlantica, which was entirely or

mostly drowned in the time of the Peloponnesian war; and of which island

Plato likewise makes mention in his Timaeus: But we have already dwelt too

long on these fables.

Oviedo insists that the Spaniards had the entire dominion of these islands,

which he was pleased to consider as the same with our West Indies. He

grounds this opinion on what is said by Statius and Sebosus, that certain

islands called _Hesperides_ lay forty days sail west from the Gorgonian

islands on the coast of Africa. Hence he argued, that these islands must

necessarily be the West Indies, and were called Hesperides from Hesperes

king of Spain, who consequently with the Spaniards his subjects were lords

of these islands. But I am quite tired of this dispute, and shall now

proceed to the history of the admirals discovery.

[1] In his reasoning, by some error which cannot be now corrected, a

twenty-fourth part, or one hour, is omitted.--E.

[2] Paul here evidently speaks of the empire of China, and the port here

named Zacton or Zaiton, may be that now called Canton, although spice

certainly is not the produce of that country.--E.

[3] Cathay seems here to denote northern China.--E.

[4] This is obviously the Quinsay of Marco Polo.--E.

[5] Mangi or southern China.--E.

[6] The island Antilia, the name of which has been since adopted by the

French for the smaller West India islands, was, like the more modern

Terra Australia incognita, a gratuitous supposition for preserving the

balance of the earth, before the actual discovery of America. Cipango

was the name by which Japan was then known in Europe, from the

relations of Marco Polo.--E.

[7] Such appeared to the early travellers the richly gilt and lackered

tile used in Japan and other parts of India.--E.

[8] This report must have proceeded from some very erroneous account of

Iceland, as it is the only place in the northern part of the Atlantic

which contains a volcano.--E.

[9] Don Ferdinand, or his translator, has forgot here that, in the extract

from Ferrarius, beyond the straits, and in the Atlantic, are the

distinctly expressed situation of the island.--E.

[10] There is a good deal more in the original, totally uninteresting to

the reader, in the same querulous strain of invective against Oviedo,

but which is here abridged as conveying no information.--E.

[11] Our author falls into a mistake in this chapter, supposing the Azores

to have been the Cassiterides of the ancients, well known to have been

the Scilly islands.--E.

SECTION III.

_The Admiral, being disgusted by the procedure of the King of Portugal, in

regard to the proposed Discovery, offers his services to the Court of

Spain._

Having fully satisfied himself of the practicability of his long

considered project of discovering the route to India by the west, as

already explained, the admiral resolved to put his scheme into execution;

and being sensible that the undertaking was only fit for a prince who was

able to go through with the expence, and to maintain the dominion of the

discovery when made, he thought it proper to propose it to the king of

Portugal, because he then lived under his government and protection. And,

though King John who then reigned gave a favourable ear to his arguments

and proposals, he yet seemed backward in acceding to them, on account of

the great expence and trouble he was then at in carrying on the discovery

and conquest of Guinea on the western coast of Africa, which had not yet

been crowned with any considerable success; not having been hitherto able

to double the Cape of Good Hope, which name had been given to this cape

instead of its original denomination, _Agesingue_; as some say because the

Portuguese had no hope of ever extending their discoveries and conquests

any farther, while others assert it was so called on account of their

hopes of better navigation and of discovering more valuable countries

beyond. However this may have been, the king of Portugal was little

inclined to expend more money in prosecuting discoveries; yet he was so

far prevailed upon by the excellent reasons adduced by the admiral in

favour of his proposed undertaking, that the only remaining difficulty was

in complying with the terms my father demanded for himself in case of

success: For my father, who was a man of a noble and dignified spirit,

insisted upon conditions which should redound to his honour and reputation;

being resolved to leave behind him such a reputation, and so considerable

a family as he deemed due to his merits and the actions which he

confidently expected to perform.

While matters were in this train, by the advice of one Doctor Calzadilla

in whom he reposed great confidence, the king of Portugal resolved to

dispatch a caravel in secret to attempt making the discovery which my

father had proposed to him; as, if he could make the discovery in this

clandestine manner, he should be freed from the obligation of bestowing

any great reward on the occasion. Accordingly, a caravel was fitted out

under pretence of carrying supplies to the Cape Verd islands, with private

instructions to sail in the direction in which my father had proposed to

go upon his intended discovery. But the people who were sent upon this

expedition did not possess sufficient knowledge or spirit; and, after

wandering many days in the Atlantic, they returned to the Cape Verd

islands, laughing at the undertaking as ridiculous and impracticable, and

declaring that there could not possibly be any land in that direction or

in those seas. When this scandalous underhand dealing came to my fathers

ears, he took a great aversion to Lisbon and the Portuguese nation; and,

his wife being dead, he resolved to repair into Castile, with his son Don

James Columbus, then a little boy, who has since inherited his fathers

estate. But, lest the sovereign of Castile might not consent to his

proposal, and he might be under the necessity of applying to some other

prince, by which much time might be lost, he dispatched his brother

Bartholomew Columbus from Lisbon to make similar proposals to the king of

England. Bartholomew, though no Latin scholar, was skilful and experienced

in sea affairs, and had been instructed by the admiral in the construction

of sea charts, globes, and other nautical instruments. While on his way to

England, Bartholomew Columbus had the misfortune to be taken by pirates,

who stript him and all the rest of the ships company of every thing they

had of value. On this account he arrived in England in such great poverty,

and that aggravated by sickness, that he was unable to deliver his message

until he had recruited his finances by the sale of sea charts of his own

construction, by which a long time was lost He then began to make

proposals to Henry VII. who then reigned in England, to whom he presented

a map of the world, on which the following verses and inscription were

written:

Terrarum quicunque cupis feliciter oras

Noscere, cuncta decens docte pictura docebit,

Quando Strabo affirmat, Ptolomaeus, Plinius, atque

Isiodorus, non una tamen sententia quisque.

Pingitur hic etiam nuper sulcata carinis

Hispanis zona illa, prius incognita genti,

Torrida, quae tandem minet est notissima multis.

Pro Auctore, sive Pictore.

Janua cui patria est nomen, cui Bartholomaeus

Columbus de Terra-rubra, opus edidit istud,

Londiniis Ann. Dom. 1480, atque insuper anno,

Octavo decimaque die cum tertia mensis

Februarii. Laudes Christi cantentur abunde.

The sense of the first verses is to this effect: "Whosoever thou art who

desirest to know the coasts of countries, must be taught by this draught

what has been affirmed by Strabo, Ptolemy, Pliny, and Isiodorus; although

they do not in all things agree. Here is also set down the formerly

unknown torrid zone, lately visited by vessels from Spain, and now well

known to many." The second inscription has the following signification:

"As to the author or painter of this chart; he is Bartholomew Columbus of

the red earth, a Genoese, who published this work at London on the 21st of

February in the year 1480. Praised be Christ abundantly."

It may be observed here, that I have seen some subscriptions of my father,

the admiral, in which he designs himself Christopher Columbus de

Terra-rubra; but this was before he acquired his title of admiral. But to

return to Bartholomew: The king of England graciously received the map;

and having favourably listened to the admirals proposals, which my uncle

had laid before him, readily agreed to the conditions demanded, and

ordered my father to be invited into England. But Providence had

determined that the advantage of this great discovery should belong to

Castile; and by this time my father had gone upon his first voyage, from

which he was already returned with success, as shall be shewn in its

proper place.

About the end of the year 1484 the admiral stole away privately from

Lisbon with his son James, as he was afraid of being detained by the king

of Portugal. For, being sensible of the misconduct of the people whom he

had sent in the caravel already mentioned, the king was desirous to

restore the admiral to favour, and to renew the conferences respecting the

proposed discovery. But as he did not use as much diligence in executing

this new resolution as the admiral did in withdrawing himself, he lost the

opportunity, and the admiral got into Castile, where better fortune

awaited him. Leaving therefore his son James in the monastery of La Rabida

at Palos, he went to the court of their Catholic majesties at Cordova.

Being of affable manners and pleasant conversation, he soon acquired the

intimacy of such persons as he found best inclined to favour his views,

and fittest to persuade the king to embrace his proposed undertaking.

Among these was Lewis de Santangel an Arragonese gentleman, who was clerk

of the allowances in the royal household, a man of great prudence and

reputation. But, as a matter of such importance required to be learnedly

investigated, and not merely by empty words and the favourable reports of

courtiers, their majesties referred it to the consideration of the prior

of Prado, afterwards archbishop of Granada; ordering him to take the

assistance of some cosmographers, and after a full investigation of the

whole affair, to make a report of their opinion on its practicability.

There were few cosmographers then in Spain, and those who were convened on

this occasion were far from skilful: And besides, warned by the trick

which had been attempted in Portugal, the admiral did not explain himself

so fully as he might, lest he should lose his reward. On these accounts,

the report which they gave to their Catholic majesties was as various as

their several judgments and opinions, and by no means favourable to the

projected enterprize.

Some alleged, that since so many skilful sailors, during the many thousand

years which had elapsed from the creation of the world, had not acquired

any knowledge whatever of these countries, it was not at all probable that

he should know more of the matter than all who had gone before or who now

existed. Others, pretending to ground their opinion upon cosmographical

arguments, said that the world was of such prodigious size that they

questioned if it were possible to sail in three years to the eastern

extremity of India, whither he proposed to go; and they endeavoured to

confirm this opinion by the authority of Seneca, who says in one of his

works, "That many wise men disagreed about whether the ocean were of

infinite extent, and doubted whether it were navigable, and whether

habitable lands existed on its other side; and, even if so, whether it

were possible to go to these." They added, that only a small proportion of

this terraqueous globe, which had remained in our hemisphere above the

water, was habitable; and that all the rest was sea, which was not

sussceptible of being navigated, except near the coasts and rivers; and

that wise men denied the possibility of sailing from the coast of Spain to

the farthest parts of the west. Others argued nearly in the same manner as

had been formerly done by the Portuguese in regard to the navigation along

the western coast of Africa: That if any one should sail due westwards, as

proposed by the admiral, it would certainly be impossible to return again

to Spain; because whoever should sail beyond the hemisphere which was

known to Ptolemy, would then go downwards upon the rotundity of the globe,

and then it would be impossible to sail up again on their return, which

would necessarily be to climb up hill, and which no ship could accomplish

even with the stiffest gale. Although the admiral gave perfectly valid

answers to all these objections; yet, such was the ignorance of these

people, that the more his reasons were powerful and conclusive so much the

less were they understood: For when people have grown old in prejudices

and false notions of philosophy and mathematics, these get such firm hold

of the mind that true and just principles are utterly unintelligible.

The prior and his coadjutors were all influenced by a Spanish proverb,

which, though contradictory to reason and common sense, says _Dubitat

Augustinus_, or it is contradicted by St Augustine; who, in the 9th

chapter of the 21st book of his city of God, denies the possibility of the

_Antipodes_, or that any person should be able to go from one hemisphere

into the other. They farther urged against the admiral the commonly

received opinions concerning the five zones, by which the torrid zone is

declared utterly uninhabitable, and many other arguments equally absurd

and ridiculous. Upon the whole, they concluded to give judgment against

the enterprize as vain and impracticable, and that it did not become the

state and dignity of such great princes to act upon such weak information

as they conceived to have been communicated. Therefore, after much time

spent in the business, the admiral received for answer that their Catholic

majesties were then occupied in many other wars, and particularly in the

conquest of Granada then going on, and could not therefore conveniently

attend to this new undertaking; but that on some future opportunity of

greater leisure and convenience, they would have more time to examine into

his proposal. To conclude, their majesties refused to listen to the great

proposals which the admiral made to them.

While these matters were in agitation, their Catholic majesties had not

been always resident in one place, owing to the war of Granada in which

they were then engaged, by which a long time was lost before they had

formed a final resolution and given their answer. The admiral went

therefore to Seville, where he still found their majesties as unresolved

as before. He then gave an account of his projected expedition to the duke

of Medina Sidonia; but, after many conferences finding no likelihood of

success, he resolved to make application to the king of France, to whom he

had already written on the subject; and, if he should not succeed there,

he proposed to have gone next into England to seek his brother, from whom

he had not hitherto received any intelligence. In this resolution, he went

to the monastery of Rabida, whence he proposed to have sent his son James

to Cordova, and to have then proceeded on his journey into France. But

Providence having decreed otherwise, occasioned the cementation of so

great friendship between the admiral and John Perez, the father guardian

of that monastery, who was so thoroughly assured of the excellence and

practicability of the project, that he was deeply concerned at the

resolution my father had adopted, and for the loss which Spain would

sustain by his departure. Perez earnestly entreated the admiral to

postpone his intended departure; saying, that as he was confessor to the

queen, he was resolved to make an essay to persuade her to compliance, and

hoped that she would give credit to his representations.

Although the admiral was much disgusted with the irresolution and want of

judgment which he had encountered among the Spanish councillors, and was

quite out of hope of success; yet considering himself in a great measure

as a Spaniard, owing to his long residence in the country, he was desirous

that Spain rather than any other country, might reap the benefit of his

undertaking. Another reason of the preference was that his children were

then resident in Spain. In a letter which he wrote about this time to

their Catholic majesties he said: "That I might serve your highnesses, I

have refused the offers of France, England, and Portugal, as may be seen

by the letters of these princes, which I have deposited in the hands of

the doctor Villalan."

Gained by the pressing instances of Perez, the admiral departed from the

monastery of Rabida, accompanied by that ecclesiastic, and went to the

camp of St Faith, where their Catholic majesties were then carrying on the

siege of Granada. Perez here made such pressing instances to Isabella,

that she was pleased to order a renewal of the conferences, which were

still held with the prior of Prado and his former coadjutors, who were

still irresolute and contradictory in their opinions. Besides Columbus was

high in his demands of honour and emolument, requiring that he should be

appointed admiral and viceroy of all the countries he might discover,

together with other important concessions. The Spanish councillors deemed

his demands too high to be granted, as too considerable even in the event

of success; and, in case of disappointment, they thought it would reflect

ridicule and the imputation of folly upon the court to have conceded such

high titles. Owing to these considerations the business again came to

nothing.

I cannot forbear expressing my sense of the admirals wisdom and high

spirit, as well as his foresight and resolution on this trying occasion.

Besides his earnest desire to go upon his great undertaking, and his wish

that it might be in the service of Spain for the reasons formerly

mentioned, he was now so exceedingly reduced in his circumstances, that

any ordinary person would have been glad to accept of almost any offer

whatever. But he would not accept any terms short of the high titles and

honours, and those other conditions of eventual emolument which he had

demanded, as if foreseeing with assured certainty the entire success of

his project. Hence by his spirited determination they were at the last

obliged to concede to all his demands: that he should be admiral on the

ocean of all the seas and lands which he might discorer, with all the

allowances, privileges, and prerogatives enjoyed by the admirals of

Castile and Leon in their several seas; that all civil employments, as

well of government as in the administration of justice, should be entirely

at his disposal in all the islands and continents which he was to discover;

that all governments should be given to one of three persons to be named

by him; and that he should appoint judges in all parts of Spain trading to

the Indies, to decide upon all causes relating to that trade and to those

parts. Besides the salary and perquisites belonging to the offices of

admiral, viceroy, and governor-general over all his discoveries, he

demanded to have one tenth of all that should be bought, bartered, found,

or procured in any manner of way within the bounds of his authority,

abating only the charges attending the discovery and conquest; so that if

1000 ducats were acquired in any island or place, 100 of these were to

belong to him. Besides all this, as his adversaries alleged that he

ventured nothing in the undertaking, and had the command of the fleet

during the expedition, he offered to be at one eighth part of the expence,

for which he demanded to receive the eighth part of what he should bring

home in the fleet. As these high conditions were refused, the admiral took

leave of all his friends, and began his journey to Cordova, with the

intention of making preparations for going to France; being resolved not

to return into Portugal, although the king had invited him back.

The admiral departed from the camp of St Faith in the month of January

1492 on his intended journey; and on the same day Lewis de Santangel,

formerly mentioned, who was exceedingly anxious to forward his project,

obtained an audience of the queen of Castile, and used every argument he

could devise to persuade her to adopt the undertaking and to comply with

the terms required. He expressed his astonishment that she, who had always

evinced much greatness of soul in all important matters, should now want

spirit to venture upon an undertaking where so little was to be risked,

and which might redound so highly to the glory of God and the propagation

of the faith, not without great benefit and honour to her kingdoms and

dominions. That, should any other prince accept the offer of Columbus, the

injury which her crown would sustain was very obvious; and that then she

would justly incur much blame from her friends and servants, and would be

reproached by her enemies, and all the world would say that she deserved

the misfortune and disappointment; and, although she might never be

sensible of the evil consequences of her refusal, her successors must.

That, since the proposal seemed well grounded in reason and sound argument,

and was made by a man of wisdom and knowledge, who demanded no other

reward but what might arise from his discoveries, and who was willing to

bear a proportion of the charges, and to adventure his own personal safety

on the event, her majesty ought certainly to make the attempt. That she

ought not to believe the undertaking was such an impossibility as had been

alleged by those learned men to whom the proposal had been referred,

neither to consider its possible failure as any reflection upon her wisdom;

for in his opinion it would be universally looked upon as a mark of

generous magnanimity to attempt discovering the secret wonders of the

world, as had been done by other monarchs to their great honour and

advantage. That, however uncertain the event might be, even a considerable

sum of money would be well employed in the endeavour to ascertain the

certainty of so very important an affair; whereas the admiral only

required 2500 crowns to fit out a fleet for the discovery; and that

therefore she ought not to allow it to be said hereafter that the fear of

losing so small a sum had kept her from patronizing the enterprise.

The queen was much impressed by these representations of Santangel, of

whose sincere attachment to her service and honour she was extremely

sensible. She thanked him for his good counsel, and said that she was

willing to accede to the proposed enterprise, providing that the execution

were delayed until she might have a little time to recruit her finances

after the conclusion of the present war. Yet, if he thought it necessary

to proceed immediately, she was willing that the requisite funds should be

borrowed on the credit of her jewels. Upon this condescension to his

advice which she had refused to all other persons, Santangel immediately

replied, that there was no necessity to pawn her jewels on the occasion,

as he would readily advance his own money to do such a service to her

majesty. Upon this resolution, the queen immediately sent an officer to

bring the admiral back, who had already reached the bridge of Pinos, two

leagues from Granada. Though much mortified at the difficulties and delays

he had met with hitherto, yet, on receiving intimation of the queens

willingness to comply with his proposals, he returned immediately to the

camp of St Faith, where he was honourably received by their majesties. The

dispatch of the articles of agreement was commited to John Coloma the

secretary, and every thing which he had demanded, as has been mentioned

before, without alteration or diminution, was granted under the hands and

seals of their Catholic majesties.

SECTION IV.

_Narrative of the first voyage of Columbus, in which he actually

discovered the New World._

All the conditions which the admiral demanded being conceded by their

Catholic majesties, he set out from Granada on the 21st May 1492 for Palos,

where he was to fit out the ships for his intended expedition. That town

was bound to serve the crown for three months with two caravels, which

were ordered to be given to Columbus; and he fitted out these and a third

vessel with all care and diligence. The ship in which he personally

embarked was called the St Mary; the second vessel named the Pinta, was

commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon; and the third named the Nina, which had

square sails, was under the command of Vincent Yanez Pinzon, the brother

of Alonzo, both of whom were inhabitants of Palos. Being furnished with

all necessaries, and having 90 men to navigate the three vessels, Columbus

set sail from Palos on the 3d of August 1492, shaping his course directly

for the Canaries.

During this voyage, and indeed in all the _four_ voyages which he made

from Spain to the West Indies, the admiral was very careful to keep an

exact journal of every occurrence which took place; always specifying what

winds blew, how far he sailed with each particular wind, what currents

were found, and every thing that was seen by the way, whether birds,

fishes, or any other thing. Although to note all these particulars with a

minute relation of every thing that happened, shewing what impressions and

effects answered to the course and aspect of the stars, and the

differences between the seas which he sailed and those of our countries,

might all be useful; yet as I conceive that the relation of these

particulars might now be tiresome to the reader, I shall only give an

account of what appears to me necessary and convenient to be known.

On Saturday the 4th of August, the next day after sailing from Palos, the

rudder of the Pinta broke loose. The admiral strongly suspected that this

was occasioned by the contrivance of the master on purpose to avoid

proceeding on the voyage, which he had endeavoured to do before they left

Spain, and he therefore ranged up along side of the disabled vessel to

give every assistance in his power, but the wind blew so hard that he was

unable to afford any aid. Pinzon, however, being an experienced seamen,

soon made a temporary repair by means of ropes, and they proceeded on

their voyage. But on the following Tuesday, the weather becoming rough and

boisterous, the fastenings gave way, and the squadron was obliged to lay

to for some time to renew the repairs. From this misfortune of twice

breaking the rudder, a superstitious person might have foreboded the

future disobedience of Pinzon to the admiral; as through his malice the

Pinta twice separated from the squadron, as shall be afterwards related.

Having applied the best remedy they could to the disabled state of the

rudder, the squadron continued its voyage, and came in sight of the

Canaries at daybreak of Thursday the 9th of August; but, owing to contrary

winds, they were unable to come to anchor at Gran Canaria until the 12th.

The admiral left Pinzon at Gran Canaria to endeavour to procure another

vessel instead of that which was disabled, and went himself with the Nina

on the same errand to Gomera.

The admiral arrived at Gomera on Sunday the 12th of August, and sent a

boat on shore to inquire if any vessel could be procured there for his

purpose. The boat returned next morning, and brought intelligence that no

vessel was then at that island, but that Donna Beatrix de Bobadilla, the

propriatrix of the island, was then at Gran Canaria in a hired vessel of

40 tons belonging to one Gradeuna of Seville, which would probably suit

his purpose and might perhaps be got. He therefore determined to await the

arrival of that vessel at Gomera, believing that Pinzon might have secured

a vessel for himself at Gran Canaria, if he had not been able to repair

his own. After waiting two days, he dispatched one of his people in a bark

which was bound from Gomera to Gran Canaria, to acquaint Pinzon where he

lay, and to assist him in repairing and fixing the rudder.

Having waited a considerable time for an answer to his letter, he sailed

with the two vessels from Gomera on the 23d August for Gran Canaria, and

fell in with the bark on the following day, which had been detained all

that time on its voyage by contrary winds. He now took his man from the

bark, and sailing in the night past the island of Teneriffe, the people

were much astonished at observing flames bursting out of the lofty

mountain called El Pico, or the peak of Teneriffe. On this occasion the

admiral was at great pains to explain the nature of this phenomenon to the

people, by instancing the example of Etna and several other known volcanos.

Passing by Teneriffe, they arrived at Gran Canaria on Saturday the 25th

August; and found that Pinzon had only got in there the day before. From

him the admiral was informed that Donna Beatrix had sailed for Gomera on

the 20th with the vessel which he was so anxious to obtain. His officers

were much troubled at the disappointment; but he, who always endeavoured

to make the best of every occurrence, observed to them that since it had

not pleased God that they should get this vessel it was perhaps better for

them; as they might have encountered much opposition in pressing it into

the service, and might have lost a great deal of time in shipping and

unshipping the goods. Wherefore, lest he might again miss it if he

returned to Gomera, he resolved to make a new rudder for the Pinta at Gran

Canaria, and ordered the square sails of the Nina to be changed to _round_

ones, like those of the other two vessels, that she might be able to

accompany them with less danger and agitation.

The vessels being all refitted, the admiral weighed anchor from Gran

Canaria on Saturday the first of September, and arrived next day at Gomera,

where four days were employed in completing their stores of provisions and

of wood and water. On the morning of Thursday the sixth of September 1492,

the admiral took his departure from Gomera, and commenced his great

undertaking by standing directly westwards, but made very slow progress at

first on account of calms. On Sunday the ninth of September, about

day-break, they were nine leagues west of the island of Ferro. Now losing

sight of land and stretching out into utterly unknown seas, many of the

people expressed their anxiety and fear that it might be long before they

should see land again; but the admiral used every endeavour to comfort

them with the assurance of soon finding the land he was in search of, and

raised their hopes of acquiring wealth and honour by the discovery. To

lessen the fear which they entertained of the length of way they had to

sail, he gave out that they had only proceeded fifteen leagues that day,

when the actual distance sailed was eighteen; and to induce the people to

believe that they were not so far from Spain as they really were, he

resolved to keep considerably short in his reckoning during the whole

voyage, though he carefully recorded the true reckoning every day in

private.

On Wednesday the twelfth September, having got to about 150 leagues west

of Ferro, they discovered a large trunk of a tree, sufficient to have been

the mast to a vessel of 120 tons, and which seemed to have been a long

time in the water. At this distance from Ferro, and for somewhat farther

on, the current was found to set strongly to the north-east. Next day,

when they had run fifty leagues farther westwards, the needle was observed

to vary half a point to the eastward of north, and next morning the

variation was a whole point east. This variation of the compas had never

been before observed, and therefore the admiral was much surprised at the

phenomenon, and concluded that the needle did not actually point towards

the polar star, but to some other fixed point. Three days afterwards, when

almost 100 leagues farther west, he was still more astonished at the

irregularity of the variation; for having observed the needle to vary a

whole point to the eastwards at night, it pointed directly northwards in

the morning. On the night of Saturday the fifteenth of September, being

then almost 300 leagues west of Ferro, they saw a prodigious flash of

light, or fire-ball, drop from the sky into the sea, at four or five

leagues distance from the ships towards the south-west. The weather was

then quite fair and serene like April, the sea perfectly calm, the wind

favourable from the north-east, and the current setting to the north-east

The people in the Nina told the admiral that they had seen the day before

a heron, and another bird which they called _Rabo-de-junco_[1]. These were

the first birds which had been seen during the voyage, and were considered

as indications of approaching land.

But they were more agreeably surprised next day, Sunday sixteenth

September, by seeing great abundance of yellowish green sea weeds, which

appeared as if newly washed away from some rock or island. Next day the

sea weed was seen in much greater quantity, and a small live lobster was

observed among the weeds: From this circumstance many affirmed that they

were certainly near the land. The sea water was afterwards noticed to be

only half so salt as before; and great numbers of tunny fish were seen

swimming about, some of which came so near the vessel, that one was killed

by a bearded iron. Being now 360 leagues west from Ferro, another of the

birds called Rabo-de-junco was seen. On Tuesday the eighteenth September,

Martin Alonzo Pinzon, who had gone a-head of the admiral in the Pinta,

which was an excellent sailer, lay to for the admiral to come up, and told

him that he had seen a great number of birds fly away westwards, for which

reason he was in great hope to see land that night. Pinzon even thought

that he saw land that night about fifteen leagues distant to the

northwards, which appeared very black and covered with clouds. All the

people would have persuaded the admiral to try for land in that direction;

but, being certainly assured that it was not land, and having not yet

reached the distance at which he expected to find the land, he would not

consent to lose time in altering his course in that direction. But as the

wind now freshened, he gave orders to take in the top-sails at night,

having now sailed eleven days before the wind due westwards with all their

sails up.

All the people in the squadron being utterly unacquainted with the seas

they now traversed, fearful of their danger at such unusual distance from

any relief, and seeing nothing around but sky and water, began to mutter

among themselves, and anxiously observed every appearance. On the

nineteenth September, a kind of sea-gull called _Alcatraz_ flew over the

admirals ship, and several others were seen in the afternoon of that day;

and as the admiral conceived that these birds would not fly far from land,

he entertained hopes of soon seeing what he was in quest of. He therefore

ordered a line of 200 fathoms to be tried, but without finding any bottom.

The current was now found to set to the south-west.

On Thursday the twentieth of September, two alcatrazes came near the ship

about two hours before noon, and soon afterwards a third. On this day

likewise they took a bird resembling a heron, of a black colour, with a

white tuft on its head, and having webbed feet like a duck. Abundance of

weeds were seen floating in the sea, and one small fish was taken. About

evening three land birds settled on the rigging of the ship and began to

sing. These flew away at day-break, which was considered a strong

indication of approaching the land, as these little birds could not have

come from any far distant country; whereas the other large fowls, being

used to water, might much better go far from land. The same day an

alcatraz was seen.

Friday the twenty-first another alcatraz and a rabo de junco were seen,

and vast quantities of weeds as far as the eye could carry towards the

north. These appearances were sometimes a comfort to the people, giving

them hopes of nearing the wished-for land; while at other times the weeds

were so thick as in some measure to impede the progress of the vessels,

and to occasion terror lest what is fabulously reported of St Amaro, in

the frozen sea, might happen to them, that they might be so enveloped in

the weeds as to be unable to move backwards or forwards; wherefore they

steered away from those shoals of weeds as much as they could.

Next day, being Saturday the twenty-second September, they saw a whale and

several small birds. The wind now veered to the south-west, sometimes more

and sometimes less to the westwards; and, though this was adverse to the

direction of their proposed voyage, the admiral to comfort the people,

alleged that this was a favourable circumstance; because among other

causes of fear, they had formerly said they should never have a wind to

carry them back to Spain, as it had always blown from the east ever since

they left Ferro. They still continued however to murmur, alleging that

this south-west wind was by no means a settled one, and as it never blew

strong enough to swell the sea, it would not serve to carry them back

again through so great an extent of sea as they had now passed over. In

spite of every argument used by the admiral, assuring them that the

alterations in the wind were occasioned by the vicinity of the land, by

which likewise the waves were prevented from rising to any height, they

were still dissatisfied and terrified.

On Sunday the twenty-third of September, a brisk gale sprung up at W.N.W.

with a rolling sea, such as the people had wished for. Three hours before

noon a turtle-dove was observed to fly over the ship; towards evening an

alcatraz, a river fowl, and several white birds were seen flying about,

and some crabs were observed among the weeds. Next day another alcatraz

was seen and several small birds which came from the west. Numbers of

small fishes were seen swimming about, some of which ware struck with

harpoons, as they would not bite at the hook.

The more that the tokens mentioned above were observed, and found not to

be followed by the so anxiously looked-for land, the more the people

became fearful of the event, and entered into cabals against the admiral,

who they said was desirous to make himself a great lord at the expence of

their danger. They represented that they had already sufficiently

performed their duty in adventuring farther from land and all possibility

of succour than had ever been done before, and that they ought not to

proceed on the voyage to their manifest destruction. If they did they

would soon have reason to repent their temerity, as provisions would soon

fall short, the ships were already faulty and would soon fail, and it

would be extremely difficult to get back so far as they had already gone.

None could condemn them in their own opinion for now turning back, but all

must consider them as brave men for having gone upon such an enterprize

and venturing so far. That the admiral was a foreigner who had no favour

at court; and as so many wise and learned men had already condemned his

opinions and enterprize as visionary and impossible, there would be none to

favour or defend him, and they were sure to find more credit if they

accused him of ignorance and mismanagement than he would do, whatsoever he

might now say for himself against them. Some even proceeded so far as to

propose, in case the admiral should refuse to acquiesce in their proposals,

that they might make a short end of all disputes by throwing him overboard;

after which they could give out that he had fallen over while making his

observations, and no one would ever think of inquiring, into the truth.

They thus went on day after day, muttering, complaining, and consulting

together; and though the admiral was not fully aware of the extent of

their cabals, he was not entirely without apprehensions of their

inconstancy in the present trying situation, and of their evil intentions

towards him. He therefore exerted himself to the utmost to quiet their

apprehensions and to suppress their evil design, sometimes using fair

words, and at other times fully resolved to expose his life rather than

abandon the enterprize; he put them in mind of the due punishment they

would subject themselves to if they obstructed the voyage. To confirm

their hopes, he recapitulated all the favourable signs and indications

which had been lately observed, assuring them that they might soon expect

to see the land. But they, who were ever attentive to these tokens,

thought every hour a year in their anxiety to see the wished-for land.

On Tuesday the twenty-fifth of September near sun-set, as the admiral was

discoursing with Pinzon, whose ship was then very near, Pinzon suddenly

called out, "Land! land, Sir! let not my good news miscarry." And pointed

out a large mass in the S.W. about twenty-five leagues distant, which

seemed very like an island. This was so pleasing to the people, that they

returned thanks to God for the pleasing discovery; and, although the

admiral was by no means satisfied of the truth of Pinzons observation, yet

to please the men, and that they might not obstruct the voyage, he altered

his course and stood in that direction a great part of the night. Next

morning, the twenty-sixth, they had the mortification to find the supposed

land was only composed of clouds, which often put on the appearance of

distant land; and, to their great dissatisfaction, the stems of the ships

were again turned directly westwards, as they always were unless when

hindered by the wind. Continuing their course, and still attentively

watching for signs of land, they saw this day an alcatraz, a rabo de junco,

and other birds as formerly mentioned.

On Thursday the twenty-seventh of September they saw another alcatraz

coming from the westwards and flying towards the east, and great numbers

of fish were seen with gilt backs, one of which they struck with a harpoon.

A rabo de junco likewise flew past; the currents for some of the last days

were not so regular as before, but changed with the tide, and the weeds

were not nearly so abundant.

On Friday the twenty-eighth all the vessels took some of the fishes with

gilt backs; and on Saturday the twenty-ninth they saw a rabo de junco,

which, although a sea-fowl, never rests on the waves, but always flies in

the air, pursuing the alcatrazes till it causes them to mute for fear,

which it catches in the air for nourishment. Many of these birds are said

to frequent the Cape de Verd islands. They soon afterwards saw two other

alcatrazes, and great numbers of flying-fishes. These last are about a

span long, and have two little membranous wings like those of a bat, by

means of which they fly about a pike-length high from the water and a

musket-shot in length, and sometimes drop upon the ships. In the afternoon

of this day they saw abundance of weeds lying in length north and south,

and three alcatrazes pursued by a rabo de junco.

On the morning of Sunday the thirtieth of September four rabo de juncos

came to the ship; and from so many of them coming together it was thought

the land could not be far distant, especially as four alcatrazes followed

soon afterwards. Great quantities of weeds were seen in a line stretching

from W.N.W. to E.N.E. and a great number of the fishes which are called

Emperadores, which have a very hard skin and are not fit to eat. Though

the admiral paid every attention to these indications, he never neglected

those in the heavens, and carefully observed the course of the stars. He

was now greatly surprised to notice at this time that the _Charles wain_

or Ursa Major constellation appeared at night in the west, and was N.E. in

the morning: He thence concluded that their whole nights course was only

nine hours, or so many parts in twenty-four of a great circle; and this he

observed to be the case regularly every night. It was likewise noticed

that the compass varied a whole point to the N.W. at night-fall, and came

due north every morning at day-break. As this unheard-of circumstance

confounded and perplexed the pilots, who apprehended danger in these

strange regions and at such unusual distance from home, the admiral

endeavoured to calm their fears by assigning a cause for this wonderful

phenomenon: He alleged that it was occasioned by the polar star making a

circuit round the pole, by which they were not a little satisfied.

Soon after sunrise on Monday the first of October, an alcatraz came to the

ship, and two more about ten in the morning, and long streams of weeds

floated from east to west. That morning the pilot of the admirals ship

said that they were now 578 leagues west from the island of Ferro. In his

public account the admiral said they were 584 leagues to the west; but in

his private journal he made the real distance 707 leagues, or 129 more

than was reckoned by the pilot. The other two ships differed much in their

computation from each other and from the admirals pilot. The pilot of Nina

in the afternoon of the Wednesday following said they had only sailed 540

leagues, and the pilot of the Pinta reckoned 634. Thus they were all much

short of the truth; but the admiral winked at the gross mistake, that the

men, not thinking themselves so far from home, might be the less dejected.

The next day, being Tuesday the second of October, they saw abundance of

fish, caught one small tunny, and saw a white bird with many other small

birds, and the weeds appeared much withered and almost fallen to powder.

Next day, seeing no birds, they suspected that they had passed between

some islands on both hands, and had slipped through without seeing them,

as they guessed that the many birds which they had seen might have been

passing from one island to another. On this account they were very earnest

to have the course altered one way or the other, in quest of these

imaginary lands: But the admiral, unwilling to lose the advantage of the

fair wind which carried him due west, which he accounted his surest course,

and afraid to lessen his reputation by deviating from course to course in

search of land, which he always affirmed that he well knew where to find,

refused his consent to any change. On this the people were again ready to

mutiny, and resumed their murmurs and cabals against him. But it pleased

God to aid his authority by fresh indications of land.

On Thursday the fourth of October, in the afternoon, above forty sparrows

together and two alcatrazes flew so near the ship that a seaman killed one

of them with a stone. Several other birds were seen at this time, and many

flying-fish fell into the ships. Next day there came a rabo de junco and

an alcatraz from the westwards, and many sparrows were seen. About sunrise

on Sunday the seventh of October, some signs of land appeared to the

westwards, but being imperfect no person would mention the circumstance.

This was owing to fear of losing the reward of thirty crowns yearly for

life which had been promised by their Catholic majesties to whoever should

first discover land; and to prevent them from calling out land, land, at

every turn without just cause, it was made a condition that whoever said

he saw land should lose the reward if it were not made out in three days,

even if he should afterwards actually prove the first discoverer. All on

board the admirals ship being thus forewarned, were exceedingly careful

not to cry out land upon uncertain tokens; but those in the Nina, which

sailed better and always kept a-head, believing that they certainly saw

land, fired a gun and hung out their colours in token of the discovery;

but the farther they sailed the more the joyful appearance lessened, till

at last it vanished away. But they soon afterwards derived much comfort by

observing great flights of large fowl and others of small birds going from

the west towards the south-west.

Being now at a vast distance from Spain, and well assured that such small

birds would not go far from land, the admiral now altered his course from

due west which had been hitherto, and steered to the south-west. He

assigned as a reason for now changing his course, although deviating

little from his original design, that he followed the example of the

Portuguese, who had discovered most of their islands by attending to the

flight of birds, and because these they now saw flew almost uniformly in

one direction. He said likewise that he had always expected to discover

land about the situation in which they now were, having often told them

that he must not look to find land until they should get 750 leagues to

the westwards of the Canaries; about which distance he expected to fall in

with Hispaniola which he then called Cipango, and there is no doubt that

he would have found this island by his direct course, if it had not been

that it was reported to extend from north to south[2]. Owing therefore to

his not having inclined more to the south he had missed that and others of

the Caribbee islands whither those birds were now bending their flight,

and which had been for some time upon his larboard hand. It was from being

so near the land that they continually saw such great numbers of birds;

and on Monday the eighth of October twelve singing birds of various

colours came to the ship, and after flying round it for a short time held

on their way. Many other birds were seen from the ship flying towards the

south-west, and that same night great numbers of large fowl were seen, and

flocks of small birds proceeding from the northwards, and all going to the

south-west. In the morning a jay was seen, with an alcatraz, several ducks,

and many small birds, all flying the same way with the others, and the air

was perceived to be fresh and odoriferous as it is at Seville in the month

of April. But the people were now so eager to see land and had been so

often dissappointed, that they ceased to give faith to these continual

indications; insomuch that on Wednesday the tenth, although abundance of

birds were continually passing both by day and night, they never ceased to

complain. The admiral upbraided their want of resolution, and declared

that they must persist in their endeavours to discover the Indies, for

which he and they had been sent out by their Catholic majesties.

It would have been impossible for the admiral to have much longer

withstood the numbers which now opposed him; but it pleased God that, in

the afternoon of Thursday the eleventh of October, such manifest tokens of

being near the land appeared, that the men took courage and rejoiced at

their good fortune as much as they had been before distressed. From the

admirals ship a green rush was seen to float past, and one of those green

fish which never go far from the rocks. The people in the Pinta saw a cane

and a staff in the water, and took up another staff very curiously carved,

and a small board, and great plenty of weeds were seen which seemed to

have been recently torn from the rocks. Those of the Nina, besides similar

signs of land, saw a branch of a thorn full of red berries, which seemed

to have been newly torn from the tree. From all these indications the

admiral was convinced that he now drew near to the land, and after the

evening prayers he made a speech to the men, in which be reminded them of

the mercy of God in having brought them so long a voyage with such

favourable weather, and in comforting them with so many tokens of a

successful issue to their enterprize, which were now every day becoming

plainer and less equivocal. He besought them to be exceedingly watchful

during the night, as they well knew that in the first article of the

instructions which he had given to all the three ships before leaving the

Canaries, they were enjoined, when they should have sailed 700 leagues

west without discovering land, to lay to every night, from midnight till

day-break. And, as he had very confident hopes of discovering land that

night, he required every one to keep watch at their quarters; and, besides

the gratuity of thirty crowns a-year for life, which had been graciously

promised by their sovereigns to him that first saw the land, he engaged to

give the fortunate discoverer a velvet doublet from himself.

After this, as the admiral was in his cabin about ten o'clock at night, he

saw a light on shore; but it was so unsteady that he could not certainly

affirm that it came from land. He called to one Peter Gutierres and

desired him to try if he could perceive the same light, who said he did;

but one Roderick Sanchez of Segovia, on being desired to look the same way

could not see it, because he was not up time enough, as neither the

admiral nor Gutierres could see it again above once or twice for a short

space, which made them judge it to proceed from a candle or torch

belonging to some fisherman or traveller, who lifted it up occasionally

and lowered it again, or perhaps from people going from one house to

another, because it appeared and vanished again so suddenly. Being now

very much on their guard, they still held on their course until about two

in the morning of Friday the twelfth of October, when the Pinta which was

always far a-head, owing to her superior sailing, made the signal of

seeing land, which was first discovered by Roderick de Triana at about two

leagues from the ship. But the thirty crowns a-year were afterwards

granted to the admiral, who had seen the light in the midst of darkness, a

type of the spiritual light which he was the happy means of spreading in

these dark regions of error. Being now so near land, all the ships lay to;

every one thinking it long till daylight, that they might enjoy the sight

they had so long and anxiously desired[3].

When day light appeared, the newly discovered land was perceived to

consist of a flat island fifteen leagues in length, without any hills, all

covered with trees, and having a great lake in the middle. The island was

inhabited by great abundance of people, who ran down to the shore filled

with wonder and admiration at the sight of the ships, which they conceived

to be some unknown animals. The Christians were not less curious to know

what kind of people they had fallen in with, and the curiosity on both

sides was soon satisfied, as the ships soon came to anchor. The admiral

went on shore with his boat well armed, and having the royal standard of

Castile and Leon displayed, accompanied by the commanders of the other two

vessels, each in his own boat, carrying the particular colours which had

been allotted for the enterprize, which were white with a green cross and

the letter F. on one side, and on the other the names of Ferdinand and

Isabella crowned.

The whole company kneeled on the shore and kissed the ground for joy,

returning God thanks for the great mercy they had experienced during their

long voyage through seas hitherto unpassed, and their now happy discovery

of an unknown land. The admiral then stood up, and took formal possession

in the usual words for their Catholic majesties of this inland, to which

he gave the name of St Salvador. All the Christians present admitted

Columbus to the authority and dignity of admiral and viceroy, pursuant to

the commission which he had received to that effect, and all made oath to

obey him as the legitimate representative of their Catholic majesties,

with such expressions of joy and acknowledgment as became their mighty

success; and they all implored his forgiveness of the many affronts he had

received from them through their fears and want of confidence. Numbers of

the Indians or natives of the island were present at these ceremonies; and

perceiving them to be peaceable, quiet, and simple people, the admiral

distributed several presents among them. To some he gave red caps, and to

others strings of glass beads, which they hung about their necks, and

various other things of small value, which they valued as if they had been

jewels of high price.

After the ceremonies, the admiral went off in his boat, and the Indians

followed him even to the ships, some by swimming and others in their

canoes, carrying parrots, clews of spun cotton yarn, javelins, and other

such trifling articles, to barter for glass beads, bells, and other things

of small value. Like people in the original simplicity of nature, they

were all naked, and even a woman who was among them was entirely destitute

of clothing. Most of them were young, seemingly not above thirty years of

age; of a good stature, with very thick black lank hair, mostly cut short

above their ears, though some had it down to their shoulders, tied up with

a string about their head like womens tresses. Their countenances were

mild and agreeable and their features good; but their foreheads were too

high, which gave them rather a wild appearance. They were of a middle

stature, plump, and well shaped, but of an olive complexion, like the

inhabitants of the Canaries, or sunburnt peasants. Some were painted with

black, others with white, and others again with red: In some the whole

body was painted, in others only the face, and some only the nose and eyes.

They had no weapons like those of Europe, neither had they any knowledge

of such; for when our people shewed them a naked sword, they ignorantly

grasped it by the edge. Neither had they any knowledge of iron; as their

javelins were merely constructed of wood, having their points hardened in

the fire, and armed with a piece of fish-bone. Some of them had scars of

wounds on different parts, and being asked by signs how these had been got,

they answered by signs that people from other islands came to take them

away, and that they had been wounded in their own defence. They seemed

ingenious and of a voluble tongue; as they readily repeated such words as

they once heard. There were no kind of animals among them excepting

parrots, which they carried to barter with the Christians among the

articles already mentioned, and in this trade they continued on board the

ships till night, when they all returned to the shore.

In the morning of the next day, being the 13th of October, many of the

natives returned on board the ships in their boats or canoes, which were

all of one piece hollowed like a tray from the trunk of a tree; some of

these were so large as to contain forty or forty-five men, while others

were so small as only to hold one person, with many intermediate sizes

between these extremes. These they worked along with paddles formed like a

bakers peel or the implement which is used in dressing hemp. These oars or

paddles were not fixed by pins to the sides of the canoes like ours; but

were dipped into the water and pulled backwards as if digging. Their

canoes are so light and artfully constructed, that if overset they soon

turn them right again by swimming; and they empty out the water by

throwing them from side to side like a weavers shuttle, and when half

emptied they lade out the rest with dried calabashes cut in two, which

they carry for that purpose.

This second day the natives, as said before, brought various articles to

barter for such small things as they could procure in exchange. Jewels or

metals of any kind were not seen among them, except some small plates of

gold which hung from their nostrils; and on being questioned from whence

they procured the gold, they answered by signs that they had it from the

south, where there was a king who possessed abundance of pieces and

vessels of gold; and they made our people to understand that there were

many other islands and large countries to the south and south-west. They

were very covetous to get possession of any thing which belonged to the

Christians, and being themselves very poor, with nothing of value to give

in exchange, as soon as they got on board, if they could lay hold of any

thing which struck their fancy, though it were only a piece of a broken

glazed earthen dish or porringer, they leaped with it into the sea and

swam on shore with their prize. If they brought any thing on board they

would barter it for any thing whatever belonging to our people, even for a

piece of broken glass; insomuch that some gave sixteen large clews of well

spun cotton yarn, weighing twenty-five pounds, for three small pieces of

Portuguese brass coin not worth a farthing. Their liberality in dealing

did not proceed from their putting any great value on the things

themselves which they received from our people in return, but because they

valued them as belonging to the Christians, whom they believed certainly

to have come down from Heaven, and they therefore earnestly desired to

have something from them as a memorial. In this manner all this day was

spent, and the islanders as before went all on shore at night.

Next Sunday, being the 15th of October, the admiral sailed in his boats

along the coast of the island of St Salvador towards the north-west, to

examine its nature and extent, and discovered a bay of sufficient capacity

to contain all the ships in Christendom. As he rowed along the coast, the

people ran after him on shore inviting him to land with offers of

provisions, and calling to each other to come and see the people who had

come down from Heaven to visit the earth, and lifting up their hands to

Heaven as if giving thanks for their arrival. Many of them in their canoes,

or by swimming as they best could, came to the boats asking by signs

whether they came down from Heaven, and entreating them to come on shore

to rest and refresh themselves. The admiral gave to all of them glass

beads, pins and other trifles, being much pleased at their simplicity; and

at length came to a peninsula having a good harbour, and where a good fort

might have been made. He there saw six of the Indian houses, having

gardens about them as pleasant as those of Castile in the month of May,

though now well advanced in October. But the people being fatigued with

rowing, and finding no land so inviting as to induce him to make any

longer stay, he returned to his ships, taking seven of the Indians along

with him to serve as interpreters, and made sail for certain other islands

which he had seen from the peninsula, which all appeared to be plain and

green and full of inhabitants.

The next day, being Monday the 16th of October, he came to an island which

was six leagues from St Salvador, to which he gave the name of St Mary of

the Conception. That side of this second island which is nearest to St

Salvador extended north-west about five leagues; but the side to which the

admiral went lies east and west, and is about ten leagues long. Casting

anchor off the west point of this island, he landed and took possession.

Here the people flocked to see the Christians, expressing their wonder and

admiration as had been done in the former island.

Perceiving that this was entirely similar to St Salvador, he sailed on the

17th from this island, and went westwards to another island considerably

larger, being above twenty-eight leagues from north-west to south-east.

This like the others was quite plain and had a fine beach of easy access,

and he named it Fernandina. While sailing between the island of Conception

and Fernandina they found a man paddling along in a small canoe, who had

with him a piece of their bread, a calabash full of water, a small

quantity of a red earth like vermilion, with which these people paint

themselves, and some dried leaves which they value for their sweet scent

and as being very wholesome; and in a little basket he had a string of

green glass beads and two small pieces of Portuguese coin: Whence it was

concluded that he had come from St Salvador past the Conception, and was

going in all haste to Fernandina to carry the news of the appearance of

the Christians. But as the way was long and he was weary, he came to the

ships and was taken on board, both himself and his canoe, and was

courteously treated by the admiral, who sent him on shore as soon as he

came to land, that he might spread the news. The favourable account he

gave caused the people of Fernandina to come on board in their canoes, to

exchange the same kind of things as had been done at the two former

islands; and when the boats went on shore for water, the Indians both

readily shewed where it was to be got, and carried the small casks full on

their shoulders to fill the hogsheads in the boats.

The inhabitants of Fernandina seemed to be a wiser and discreeter people

than those in the two former islands, as they bargained harder for what

they exchanged; they had cotton cloth in their houses as bed-clothes, and

some of the women wore short cotton cloths to cover their nakedness, while

others had a sort of swathe for the same purpose. Among other things

worthy of remark in this island, certain trees had the appearance of being

engrafted, as they had leaves and branches of four or five different sorts,

and were yet quite natural. They saw fishes of several sorts, ornamented

with fine colours; but no sort of land animals except lizards and serpents.

The better to observe this island, the admiral sailed along its coast to

the north-west, and came to anchor at the mouth of a most beautiful

harbour, at the entrance of which a small island prevented the access of

ships. In that neighbourhood was one of the largest towns they had ever

yet seen, consisting of twelve or fifteen houses together, built like

tents or round pavilions, but in which were no other ornaments or

moveables besides those which have been already mentioned as offered in

barter. Their beds were like nets, drawn together in the nature of a sling,

and tied to two posts in their houses. In this island they saw some dogs

resembling mastiffs, and others like beagles, but none of them barked.

Finding nothing of value in Fernandina, the admiral sailed thence on

Friday the 19th October to another island called Saomotto by the natives,

to which, that he might proceed regularly in his nomenclature, he gave the

name of Isabella. Thus to his first discovery called Guanahani by the

natives, he gave the name of St Salvador or St Saviour, in honour of God

who had delivered him from so many dangers, and had providentially pointed

out the way for its discovery. On account of his particular devotion to

the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary, and because she is the great

patroness of the Christians, he named the second island St Mary of the

Conception. The third he named Fernandina in honour of the Catholic king;

the fourth Isabella in honour of the Catholic queen; and the next island

which he discovered, called Cuba by the natives, he named Joanna in

respect to prince John the heir of Castile, having in these several names

given due regard to both spirituals and temporals. Of the four islands

hitherto discovered, St Salvador, the Conception, Fernandina, and Isabella,

Fernandina far exceeded all the others in extent, goodness, and beauty,

and abounded more in delicious waters, pleasant meadows, and beautiful

trees, among which were many aloes. It had likewise some hills, which were

not to be seen in these other islands. Being much taken with its beauty,

the admiral landed to perform the ceremony of taking possession in some

meadows as pleasant and delightful as those of Spain in April, where

nightingales and other birds sung in the most cheerful manner, both in the

trees and flying about in such numbers as almost to darken the sun; but

most of them differed much from our birds in Spain.

In this island there were great abundance of waters and lakes, and in one

of them our people saw a sort of alligator seven feet long and above a

foot wide at the belly. This animal being disturbed threw itself into the

lake, which was by no means deep; and though somewhat alarmed by its

frightful appearance and fierceness, our people killed it with their

spears. The Spaniards learnt afterwards to consider the alligator as a

dainty, and even as the best food possessed by the Indians; as when its

horrid-looking skin, all covered with scales, is removed, the flesh is

very white and delicious. The alligator is called yvana by the Indians.

As it grew late, our people left the alligator where it was slain, and

returned to the ships; but being desirous to explore the country somewhat

farther, they landed again next day, when they killed another alligator in

the same place. Travelling thence into the interior of the island they

found a town or village, whence the natives fled at their approach,

carrying off as much of their goods as they were able. The admiral would

not suffer any part of what they had left to be taken away, lest the

natives should consider the Spaniards as thieves; wherefore their fears

soon abated, and they came to the ships to barter their commodities as the

other Indians had done.

Having examined the nature and products of the island of Isabella and the

manners of its inhabitants, the admiral determined to waste no more time

in exploring the remaining islands in this numerous group, more especially

as he was informed by the Indians that they all resembled each other. He

therefore shaped his course for a large island to the southwards, which

the Indians named Cuba, and which was much applauded by them all.

Accordingly, on Sunday the 28th of October, he arrived on its northern

coast. At first sight this island appeared to be better and richer than

those which he had visited before; from the great extent of its coasts,

the size of its rivers, the beauty and variety of its hills and mountains,

and the extent of its plains, all clothed with an infinite variety of

trees. He was therefore desirous to get some knowledge of its people, and

came to anchor in the mouth of a large river, the banks of which were

richly adorned with thick and tall trees, all covered with fruit and

blossoms very different from those of Spain. The place was in every

respect delicious, and abounded in tall grass, and herbs of a vast variety

of kinds, mostly differing from those of Europe, and the woods were

thronged with birds of various plumage. On going to two houses at a short

distance, the inhabitants were found to have fled, leaving their nets and

other fishing tackle, together with a dog which did not bark. As the

admiral had given strict orders that nothing should be carried away, they

soon returned to the ships.

Leaving this river, the squadron continued its course along the coast to

the westwards, and came to another river, which the admiral named Rio de

Mares, or the river of the seas. This was much larger than the former

river, as a ship was able to turn up its channel, and its banks were

thickly inhabited; but all the natives fled towards the mountains on first

perceiving the approach of our ships; carrying away every thing they were

able to remove. These mountains appeared of a round or conical form, very

lofty, and entirely covered with trees and an infinite variety of

beautiful plants. Finding himself disappointed, through the fears of the

natives, of learning what he wished respecting the nature and productions

of the island, and the manners of the people, and considering that he

should increase their terrors if be were to land a great number of men, he

resolved to send two Spaniards into the interior, accompanied by one of

the natives of St Salvador, whom he had brought along with him from that

island, and a native of Cuba who had ventured aboard in his canoe. He

instructed these men to travel up into the country, and to caress and

conciliate as much as possible any of the natives they might fall in with.

And that no time might be lost during their absence, he ordered the ships

to be laid on shore to careen their bottoms. It was observed in this place

that all the firewood they used was from a tree in every respect

resembling the mastic, but much larger than those of Europe.

The ships being repaired and ready for sailing on the 5th of November, the

two Spaniards who had been sent into the interior returned, bringing two

of the natives along with them. They reported that they had travelled

twelve leagues up the country, where they came to a town of fifty pretty

large houses, all constructed of timber in a round form and thatched with

straw, resembling so many tents or pavilions. According to their

estimation, this place might contain 1000 inhabitants, as all that

belonged to one family dwelt together in one house. The principal people

of the place came out to meet them, and led them by the arms into the town,

giving them one of the large houses to lodge in during their stay. They

were there seated upon wooden stools made of one piece, in very strange

shapes, almost resembling some living creature with four very short legs.

The tail was lifted up, and as broad as the seat, to serve for the

convenience of leaning against; and the front was carved into the

resemblance of a head, having golden eyes and ears. The Spaniards being

seated on those stools or chairs, which the Indians called _duchi_, all

the natives sat about them on the ground, and came one by one to kiss

their hands with great respect, believing them to have come from Heaven.

They were presented with some boiled roots to eat, not unlike chesnuts in

taste; and as the two Indians who had accompanied them had given an

excellent character of the strangers, they were entreated to remain among

them, or at least to rest themselves for some days. Soon afterwards the

men went out from the house, and many women came to see them, who all

respectfully kissed their hands and feet, and offered them presents of

various articles.

When they proposed returning to the ships, many of the Indians wanted to

accompany them, but they would only accept of the king, his son, and one

servant, whom the admiral received with every demonstration of honour and

respect. The Spaniards farther reported that they had fallen in with

several other towns, both in their going out and returning, in all of

which they had been entertained with the same courtesy; but that none of

these other towns contained above five houses. That they met many people

by the way, all of whom carried a lighted fire-brand, to light fires, by

means of which they perfumed themselves with certain odoriferous herbs, or

roasted some of the roots mentioned before, which seemed to be their

principal food. They saw during their journey many kinds of trees and

plants different from those which grew on the coast, and great variety of

birds altogether different from those of Europe; but among the rest were

partridges and nightingales; and they had seen no species of quadruped in

the country, except the dumb dogs formerly mentioned. They found a good

deal of cultivated land, some of which was planted with the roots before

mentioned, some with a species of bean, and some sown with a sort of grain

called maiz, which was very well tasted either baked or dried, and ground

to flour. They saw vast quantities of well spun cotton yarn, made up into

balls or clews; insomuch, that in one house only they had seen 12,500

pounds of that commodity[4]. The plants from which the cotton is procured

grow naturally about the fields, like rose bushes, and are not cultivated

or planted by the natives. When ripe, the pods open of themselves, but not

all at one time; for upon the same plant young buds, others beginning to

open, and others almost entirely ripe are seen at the same time. Of these

pods the Indians afterwards carried large quantities on board the ships,

and gave a whole basket-full for a thong of leather: Yet none of them used

this substance to clothe themselves with, but only to make nets to serve

them for beds, which they call _hamacas_, and in weaving aprons for the

women, all the men going entirely naked. On being asked whether they

possessed any gold, or pearls, or spice, they made answer by signs that

there was great plenty towards the east, in a country which they named

_Bohio_, which was afterwards supposed to be the island of Hispaniola, but

it has never been certainly ascertained what place they meant to indicate.

After receiving this account, the admiral resolved to remain no longer in

the Rio de Mares, and ordered some of the natives of Cuba to be seized, as

he intended to carry some from all parts of his discoveries into Spain.

Accordingly twelve were seized, men women and children; and this was done

with so little disturbance, and occasioned so little terror, that when the

ships were about to sail, the husband of one of the women and father of

two children, who had been carried on board, came off in a canoe,

requesting to go along with his wife and children. This circumstance gave

great satisfaction to the admiral, who ordered him to be taken on board,

and they were all treated with great kindness.

On the 13th of November the squadron weighed from the Rio de Mares and

stood to the eastwards, intending to proceed in search of the island

called Bohio by the Indians; but the wind blowing hard from the north,

they were constrained to come to an anchor among some high islands on the

coast of Cuba, near a large port which the admiral named Puerta del

Principe, or the Princes Port, and he called the sea among these islands

the Sea of our Lady. These islands lay so thick and close together, that

most of them were only a musket-shot asunder, and the farthest not more

than the quarter of a league. The channels between these islands were so

deep, and the shores so beautifully adorned with trees and plants of

infinite varieties, that it was quite delightful to sail among them. Among

the multitude of other trees, there were great numbers of mastic, aloes,

and palms, with long smooth green trunks, and other plants innumerable.

Though these islands were not inhabited, there were seen the remains of

many fires which had been made by the fishermen; for it appeared

afterwards, that the people of Cuba were in use to go over in great

numbers in their canoes to these islands, and to a great number of other

uninhabited islets in these seas, to live upon fish, which they catch in

great abundance, and upon birds, crabs, and other things which they find

on the land. The Indians are by no means nice in their choice of food, but

eat many things which are abhorred by us Europeans, such as large spiders,

the worms that breed in rotten wood and other corrupt places, and devour

their fish almost raw; for before roasting a fish, they scoop out the eyes

and eat them. The Indians follow this employment of fishing and

bird-catching according to the seasons, sometimes in one island, sometimes

in another, as a person changes his diet when weary of living on one kind

of food.

In one of the islands in the Sea of our Lady, the Spaniards killed a

quadruped resembling a badger, and in the sea they found considerable

quantities of mother-of-pearl. Among other fish which they caught in their

nets, was one resembling a swine, which was covered all over with a very

hard skin except the tail, which was quite soft. In this sea among the

islands, the tide was observed to rise and fall much more than in the

other places where they had been hitherto; and was quite contrary to ours

in Spain, as it was low water when the moon was S.W. and by S.

On Monday the 19th November, the admiral departed from the Princes Port in

Cuba and the Sea of our Lady, and steered eastwards in search of Bohio;

but owing to contrary winds, he was forced to ply two or three days

between the island of Isabella, called Saomotto by the Indians, and the

Puerta del Principe, which lie almost due north and south, at about

twenty-five leagues distance. In this sea he still found traces of those

weeds which he had seen in the ocean, and perceived that they always swam

with the current and never athwart.

At this time Martin Alonzo Pinzon, being informed by certain Indians whom

he had concealed in his caravel, that abundance of gold was to be had in

the island of Bohio, and blinded by covetousness, he deserted the admiral

on Wednesday the 21st of November, without being constrained by any stress

of weather, or other necessity whatever, as he could easily have come up

with him before the wind. Taking advantage of the superior sailing of his

vessel the Pinta, he made all sail during the next day, and when night

came on of the 22d, he was entirely out of sight. Thus left with only two

ships, and the weather being unfavourable for proceeding on his way in

search of Bohio, the admiral was obliged to return to Cuba, where he came

to anchor in a harbour which he called St Catherines, not far from the

Princes Port, and there took in wood and water. In this port he

accidentally saw signs of gold on some stones in the river where they were

taking in water. The mountains in the interior were full of such tall pine

trees as were fit to make masts for the largest ships; neither was there

any scarcity of wood for plank to build as many ships as might be wished,

and among these were oaks and other trees resembling those in Castile. But

perceiving that all the Indians still directed him to Bohio and the

eastwards as the country of gold, he ran ten or twelve leagues farther to

the east along the coast of Cuba, meeting all the way with excellent

harbours and many large rivers. In one of his letters to their Catholic

majesties, he says so much of the delightfulness and beauty of the country,

that I have thought fit to give an extract in his own words. Writing

concerning the mouth of a river which forms a harbour which he named

Puerto Santo, or the Holy Harbour, he says thus:

"When I went with the boats before me to the mouth of the harbour towards

the south, I found a river up the mouth of which a galley could row easily;

and it was so land-locked that its entrance could not be discovered unless

when close at hand. The beauty of this river induced me to go up a short

distance, where I found from five to eight fathoms water. Coming to anchor,

I proceeded a considerable way up the river with the boats; and such was

the delightfulness of the place that I could have been tempted to remain

there for ever. The water was so clear that we could see the sand at the

bottom. The finest and tallest palm trees I had ever seen were in great

abundance on either shore, with an infinite number of large verdant trees

of other kinds. The soil seemed exceedingly fertile, being every where

covered by the most luxuriant verdure, and the woods abounded in vast

varieties of birds of rich and variegated plumage. This country, most

serene princes, is so wonderfully fine, and so far excels all others in

beauty and delightfulness as the day exceeds the night; wherefore I have

often told my companions that though I should exert my utmost endeavours

to give your highness a perfect account of it, my tongue and pen must ever

fall short of the truth. I was astonished at the sight of so much beauty,

and know not how to describe it. I have formerly written of other

countries, describing their trees, and fruits, and plants, and harbours,

and all belonging to them as largely as I could, yet not so as I ought, as

all our people affirmed that no others could possibly be more delightful.

But this so far excels every other which I have seen, that I am

constrained to be silent; wishing that others may see it and give its

description, that they may prove how little credit is to be got, more than

I have done, in writing and speaking on this subject so far inferior to

what it deserves."

While going up this river in the boat, the admiral saw a canoe hauled on

shore among the trees and under cover of a bower or roof, which was as

large as a twelve-oared barge, and yet hollowed out of the trunk of one

tree. In a house hard by they found a ball of wax and a mans skull, each,

in a basket, hanging to a post, and the same was afterwards found in

another house; and our people surmized that these might be the skulls of

the founders of these two houses. No people could be found in this place

to give any information, as all the inhabitants fled from their houses on

the appearance of the Spaniards. They afterwards found another canoe all

of one piece, about seventy feet long, which would have carried fifty

persons.

Having sailed 106 leagues eastwards along the coast of Cuba, the admiral

at length reached the eastmost point of that island, to which he gave the

name of Cape Alpha; and on Wednesday the fifth December he struck across

the channel between Cuba and Hispaniola, which islands are sixteen leagues

asunder; but owing to contrary currents, was unable to reach the coast of

Hispaniola until the next day, when he entered a harbour which he named

Port St Nicholas, in honour of the saint on whose festival he made the

discovery. This port is large, deep, safe, and encompassed with many tall

trees; but the country is more rocky and the trees less than in Cuba, and

more like those in Castile: among the trees were many small oaks, with

myrtles and other shrubs, and a pleasant river ran along a plain towards

the port, all round which were seen large canoes as big as those they had

found in Puerto Santo. Not being able to meet with any of the inhabitants,

the admiral quitted St Nicholas and stretched along the coast to the

northwards, till he came to another port which he named the Conception,

which lies almost due south from a small island about the size of the Gran

Canaria, and which was afterwards named Tortuga. Perceiving that this

island, which they believed to be Bohio, was very large, that the land and

trees resembled Spain, and that in fishing they caught several fishes much

like those in Spain, as soles, salmon, pilchards, crabs and the like, on

Sunday the ninth of December the admiral gave it the name of _Espannola_,

or little Spain, or as it is called in English Hispaniola.

Being desirous of making inquiry into the nature of this country and its

inhabitants, three of the Spaniards travelled up the mountain and fell in

with a considerable number of Indians, who were all naked like those they

had seen at the other islands; these immediately ran off into the thickest

parts of the wood on seeing the Spaniards draw near, and they could only

overtake one young woman, who had a plate of gold hanging from her nose.

She was carried to the admiral, who gave her some baubles, as bells and

glass beads, and then sent her on shore without any injury being offered

to her; and three of the Indians who had been brought from the other

islands, with three Spaniards, were ordered to accompany her to her

dwelling-place. Next day he sent eleven men on shore well armed, with

directions to explore the country. After travelling about four leagues

they found a sort of town or village, consisting of about a thousand

houses, scattered about a large valley. The inhabitants all fled on seeing

the Spaniards; but one of the Indians brought from St Salvador went after

them, and persuaded them to return, by assuring them that the Spaniards

were people who had come down from Heaven. Having laid aside their fears

they were full of admiration at the appearance of the strangers, and would

lay their hands on their heads to do them honour; they brought food to our

people and gave them every thing they asked, requiring nothing in return,

and entreated them to remain all night in their village. The Spaniards

would not accept the invitation, but returned to the ships with the news

that the country was very pleasant and abounded in provisions; that the

people were whiter and handsomer than any they had seen in the other

islands, and were very courteous and tractable. To the constant question

respecting gold, they answered, like all the rest, that the country where

it was found lay farther to the eastwards.

On receiving this intelligence, although the wind was adverse, the admiral

set sail immediately; and on the following Sunday the sixteenth of

December, while plying between Tortuga and Hispaniola, he found one man

alone in a small canoe, which they all wondered was not swallowed up by

the waves, as the wind and sea were then very tempestuous. This man was

taken into the ship and carried to Hispaniola, where he was set on shore

with several gifts. He told the Indians how kindly he had been treated,

and spoke so well of the Spaniards that numbers of the natives came

presently on board; but they brought nothing of value, except some small

grains of gold hanging from their ears and noses, and being asked whence

they procured the gold, they made signs that there was a great deal to be

had higher up the country.

Next day, while the cacique or lord of that part of Hispaniola was on the

beach bartering a plate of gold, there came a large canoe with forty men

on board from the island of Tortuga to near the place where the admiral

lay at anchor. When the cacique and his people saw the canoe approach,

they all sat down on the ground, as a sign that they were unwilling to

fight. Almost all the people from the canoe immediately landed; on which

the Hispaniola chief started up alone, and with threatening words and

gestures made them return to their canoe. He then threw water after them,

and cast stones into the sea towards the canoe; and when they had all most

submissively returned into their canoe, he delivered a stone to one of the

Spanish officers, making signs to him to throw it at those in the canoe,

as if to express that he took part with the Spaniards against the Indians

of Tortuga; but the officer, seeing that they retired quietly, did not

throw the stone[5]. While afterwards discoursing the friendly cacique

affirmed that it contained more gold than all Hispaniola; but that in

Bohio, which was fifteen days journey from the place they were then in,

there was more than in any other land.

On Tuesday the eighteenth of December, the cacique who came the day before

to where the canoe of Tortuga was, and who lived about five leagues from

where the ships lay, came in the morning to a town near the sea, where

some Spaniards then were by order of the admiral to see if the natives

brought any more gold. These men came off to the admiral to acquaint him

of the arrival of the king, who was accompanied by above 200 men, and who

though very young, was carried by four men in a kind of palanquin. Having

rested a little, the king drew near the ships with all his people, but I

shall give an account of the interview in the admiral's own words

addressed to their Catholic majesties.

"There is no doubt that your highnesses would have been much pleased to

have seen the gravity of his deportment, and the respect with which he was

treated by his people, though all we saw were entirely naked. When he came

on deck and understood that I was below at dinner, he surprized me by

sitting down at my side without giving me time to go out to receive him or

even to rise from table. When he came down, he made signs to all his

followers to remain above, which they did with the utmost respect, sitting

down quietly on the deck, excepting two old men who seemed to be his

councillors, who came down along with him and sat down at his feet. Being

informed of his quality, I ordered some meat which I was eating at the

time to be offered him. He and his councillors just tasted it, and then

sent it to their men upon deck, who all eat of it. The same thing they did

in regard to drink; for they only kissed the cup, and then handed it about.

Their deportment was wonderfully grave, and they used but few words, which

were uttered very deliberately and with much decorum. After eating, one of

his attendants brought him a girdle not much unlike those used in Castile,

but wrought of different materials, this they very respectfully delivered

into his hand, and he presented it to me with two very thin pieces of

wrought-gold. Of this gold I believe there is but little here, though I

suspect there is a place at no great distance which produces a great deal,

and whence they procure it. Believing he might like a carpet or

counterpane which lay on my bed, I presented it to him, together with some

fine amber beads which I wore about my neck, a pair of red shoes, and a

bottle of orange-flower water, with all of which he seemed very much

pleased. The two old men who sat at his feet, seemed to watch the motions

of the kings lips, and spoke both for and to him; and both he and they

expressed much concern because they did not understand me or I them,

though I made out that if I wanted any thing all the island was at my

command. I brought out a casket in which was a gold medal weighing four

ducats, on which were the portraits of your highnesses, and shewed it to

him, endeavouring to make him sensible that your highnesses were mighty

princes, and sovereigns of the best part of the world. I shewed him

likewise the royal standard, and the standard of the cross, which he made

great account of. Turning to his councillors, he said that your highnesses

must certainly be great princes, who had sent me so far as from Heaven

thither without fear. Much more passed between us which I did not

understand; but could easily perceive that they greatly admired every

thing they saw. It being now late, and seeming anxious to be gone, I sent

him on shore very honourably in my boat, and caused several guns to be

fired. When ashore, he got into his palanquin attended by above two

hundred people, and a son whom he had along with him was carried on the

shoulders of one of his principal people. He ordered all the Spaniards who

were on shore to have provisions given to them, and that they should be

very courteously used.

"Afterwards I was told by a sailor who met him on his way into the country,

that every one of the things I had given him were carried before him by a

person of note; that his son did not accompany him on the road, but was

carried at some distance behind with as many attendants as he had; and

that a brother of his, with almost as many more followed on foot, led by

two principal people supporting him under the arms. The brother had been

on board along with the king, and to him likewise I had made some trifling

presents."

In continuance of the foregoing account of his proceedings, the admiral

gives the following narrative of the unfortunate loss of his own caravel

the St Mary:

"Having put to sea, the weather was very calm on Monday the twenty-fourth

December, with hardly any wind; but what little there was carried me from

the sea of St Thomas to _Punta Santa_ or the Holy Cape, off which we lay

at about the distance of a league. About eleven at night, being very much

fatigued, as I had not slept for two days and a night, I went to bed; and

the seaman who was at the helm left it to a _grummet_[6], although I had

given strict injunctions that this should never be done during the whole

voyage, whether the wind blew or not. To say the truth I thought we were

perfectly safe from all danger of rocks and shoals; as on that Sunday when

I sent my boats to the king of the island, they went at least three

leagues and a half beyond Punta Santa, and the seamen had carefully

examined all the coast, and noted certain shoals which lie three leagues

E.S.E. of that cape, and observed which way we might sail in safety, a

degree of precaution which I had not before taken during the whole voyage.

It pleased God at midnight, while all the men were asleep, that the

current gently carried our ship upon one of the shoals, which made such a

roaring noise that it might have been heard and discovered at the distance

of a league. Then the fellow who felt the rudder strike and heard the

noise, immediately began to cry out, and I hearing him got up immediately,

for no one had as yet perceived that we were aground. Presently the master

whose watch it was came upon deck, and I ordered him and other sailors to

take the boat and carry out an anchor astern, hoping thereby to warp off

the ship. Thereupon he and others leapt into the boat, as I believed to

carry my orders into execution; but they immediately rowed away to the

other caravel which was half a league from us. On perceiving that the boat

had deserted us, and the water ebbed apace to the manifest danger of our

ship, I caused the masts to be cut away, and lightened her as much as

possible in hopes to get her off. But the water still ebbed, and the

caravel remained fast in the shoal, and turning athwart the stream the

seams opened and all below deck became filled with water."

"Meanwhile, the boat returned from the other caravel to our relief, for

the people in the Nina, perceiving they had fled, refused to receive them,

and obliged them to return to our ship. No hopes of saving the ship

appearing, I went away to the other caravel to save the lives of the

people; and great part of the night was already spent, while yet we knew

not which way to get from among the shoals, I lay to with the Nina till

daylight, and then drew towards the land within the shoals. I then

dispatched James de Arana the provost, and Peter Gutieres, your highnesses

secretary, to acquaint the king with what had happened, and to inform him,

that as I was bound to his own port to pay him a visit, according to his

desire, I had lost my ship on a flat opposite his town. On receiving this

intelligence, with tears in his eyes, the king expressed much grief for

our loss, and immediately sent off all the people in the place with many

large canoes to our assistance. We accordingly began immediately to unload,

and with our own boats and their canoes, we soon carried on shore every

thing that was on the deck. The aid given us on this occasion by the king

was very great; and he afterwards, with the assistance of his brothers and

kindred, took all possible care, both on board and ashore, that every

thing should be conducted and preserved in the most orderly manner. From

time to time he sent some of his people to me weeping, to beg me not to be

dejected, as he would give me everything he possessed. I assure your

highnesses that better order could not have been taken in any port in

Castile to preserve our things, for we did not lose the value of a pin. He

caused all our clothes and other articles to be laid together in one place

near his own residence, and appointed armed men to watch them day and

night, until the houses which he had allotted for our accommodation could

be emptied and got in readiness for our reception. All the people lamented

our misfortune as if the loss had been their own. So kindly, tractable,

and free from covetousness are these good Indians, that I swear to your

highnesses there are no better people, nor is there a better country in

the world. They love their neighbours as themselves, and their

conversation is the sweetest that can be conceived, always pleasant and

always smiling. It is true that both men and women go entirely naked, yet

your highnesses may rest assured that they have very commendable customs.

The king is served with much state and ceremonious respect, and his

manners are so staid that it is very pleasing to see him. They have

wonderfully good memories, and are of quick apprehension, and were

extremely desirous to know every thing, asking many questions, and

inquiring into the causes and effects of every thing they saw."

The chief king of the country came on board to visit the admiral on

Wednesday the 26th of December, and expressed much sorrow for his

misfortune, and endeavoured to comfort him by promising to give him every

thing that he might desire. He said that he had already given three houses

to the Spaniards to lay up every thing which had been saved from the ship

and was ready to give them as many more as they might require. In the mean

time, a canoe came from a neighbouring island, bringing some plates of

gold to exchange for small bells, which the Indians valued above every

thing; and our seamen from the shore informed the admiral that many

Indians resorted from other places to the town, who brought several

articles made of gold which they bartered for points and other things of

small value, and offering to bring much more gold if the Christians

desired. The king or great cacique perceiving that the admiral was much

gratified by this information, told him he would give orders to bring a

great quantity of gold from a place called _Cibao_, where it was to be had

in great abundance. Afterwards, when the admiral was on shore, the cacique

invited him to eat axis and cazabi, which formed the principal diet of the

Indians[7]. He likewise presented him with some masks or vizors, having

their eyes, noses, and ears, made of gold, and many pretty ornaments of

that metal which the Indians wore about their necks.

The cacique complained to the admiral of a nation called the _Caribs_, who

used often to carry away his men to make slaves of or to eat them; and he

was greatly rejoiced when the admiral shewed him the superiority of the

European weapons, and promised to defend him and his people against the

Caribs. He was much astonished at our cannon, which so terrified the

natives that they fell down as if dead on hearing the report. Finding

therefore so much kindness among these people, and such strong indications

of gold, the admiral almost forgot his grief for the loss of his ship,

thinking that God had so ordered on purpose to fix a colony of Christians

in that place, where they might trade and acquire a thorough knowledge of

the country and people, by learning the language and conversing with the

natives; so that when he returned from Spain with succours and

reinforcements, he might have several persons qualified to assist and

direct him in subduing and peopling the country; and he was the more

inclined to this measure, that many of the people voluntarily offered to

remain and inhabit the place. For this reason he determined to build a

fort or blockhouse from the timber of the ship which had been wrecked, all

of which had been saved and was now put to that use.

While employed in this plan, he received intelligence on Thursday the 27th

December, that the missing caravel, the Pinta, was in a river towards the

east point of Hispaniola. To be assured of the truth of this report, the

cacique, whose name was Guacanagari, sent a canoe with some Indians and

one Spaniard to make inquiry. These people went twenty leagues along the

coast, and returned without being able to hear any thing of the Pinta; for

which reason no credit was given to another Indian, who reported that he

had seen that vessel a few days before. The admiral still persisted,

however, in his resolution of leaving some Christians in that place, being

still more sensible of the goodness and wealth of the country, as the

Indians frequently brought masks and other articles of gold, and told them

of several districts in the island where that metal was to be procured.

Being now nearly ready to depart, the admiral took occasion to discourse

with the cacique about the Caribs or Cannibals, of whom they complained

and were in great dread; and therefore, as if to please him, he offered to

leave some Christians behind for their protection. At the same time, to

impress him with awe in regard to our weapons, he caused a gun to be fired

against the side of the ship, when the bullet went quite through and fell

into the water, at which the cacique was much amazed. The admiral shewed

him all our other weapons, and explained to him both how the Spaniards

were able to offend others, and to defend themselves in a very superior

manner; telling him, that since such people with such weapons were to be

left for his protection, he need be in no fear of the Caribs, as the

Christians would destroy them all; and that he would leave him a

sufficient guard, while he returned to Castile for jewels and other things

to give him.

The admiral particularly recommended to the attention of the cacique James

de Arana, son to Roderick de Arana of Cordova, of whom mention has been

formerly made in this narrative. To him, with Peter Gutierres and Roderick

de Eskovedo, he left the government of the fort, with a garrison of

thirty-six men, with abundance of commodities, provisions, arms, and

cannon, the boat which had belonged to the lost ship, with carpenters,

caulkers, a surgeon and gunner, and all other necessaries for settling

commodiously. All this being settled, he determined to return with all

speed to Castile without attempting to make any farther discoveries;

fearing, as he had now but one ship remaining, that some other misfortune

might befal him by which their Catholic majesties would be deprived of the

knowledge of those new kingdoms which he had acquired for them.

On Friday the 4th of January 1493, the admiral set sail at sun-rise,

standing to the north-west, having the boats a-head to lead him safe cut of

shoal water. He named the port which he now quitted Navidad, or the

Nativity, because he had landed there on Christmas day, escaping the

dangers of the sea, and because he began there to build the first

Christian colony in the new world which he had discovered. The flats

through which he now sailed reach from Cape Santo to Cape Serpe, which

forms an extent of six leagues, and they run above three leagues out to

sea. All the coast to the north-west and south-east, is an open beach, and

continues plain and level for four leagues into the country, where high

mountains begin, and the villages were more numerous than are to be seen

in the other islands. Having got past the shoals, the admiral sailed

towards a high mountain, which he called Monte Christo, eighteen leagues

east of Cape Santo. Whosoever wishes to arrive at the Nativity from the

eastwards, most first make Monte Christo, which is a rock of a round or

conical form, almost like a pavilion. Keeping two leagues out to sea from

this mountain, he must sail west till he comes to Cape Santo, whence the

Nativity is five leagues distant, and to reach which place, certain

channels among the shoals which lie before it must be passed through. The

admiral chose to particularize these marks that it might be known where

the first Christian habitation had been established in these parts.

While sailing eastwards from Monte Christo with a contrary wind on Sunday,

the 6th of January, a sailor from the round top discovered in the morning

the caravel Pinta coming down westward, right before the wind. As soon as

it came up with the admiral, the captain Martin Alonzo Pinzon came on

board, and began to give reasons and excuses for leaving the squadron,

alleging that it had been against his will. Though the admiral was

satisfied that it had proceeded from evil intentions, well remembering the

bold and mutinous proceedings of Pinzon during the voyage, he yet

concealed his displeasure and accepted the excuses, lest he might ruin the

voyage, as most of the crew were Martins countrymen, and several of them

his relations. The truth is, that when Martin Alonzo forsook the admiral

at Cuba, he went purposely away with the design of sailing to Bohio, where

he learned from the Indians on board his caravel that plenty of gold was

to be found. But not finding the object of his search, he had returned to

Hispaniola where other Indians informed him there was much gold, and had

spent twenty days in sailing not above fifteen leagues east of the

Nativity, where he had lain sixteen days in a river, which the admiral

called the river of Grace, and had there procured a considerable quantity

of gold for things of small value, as the admiral had done at the Nativity.

He distributed half of this gold among his crew, that he might gain them

to his purposes, and concealed the rest for his own emolument, pretending

to the admiral that he had not got any. Finding the wind still contrary,

the admiral came to an anchor under Monte Christo, and went in his boat up

a river to the south-west of that mountain, where he discovered signs of

gold in the sand, on which account he called it the river of gold. This

river is seventeen leagues east of the Nativity, and is not much less than

the Guadalquivir which runs past Cordova.

Proceeding afterwards on the voyage, and being off Cape Enamorado, or the

Lovers Cape, on Sunday the 13th of January, the admiral sent the boat on

shore to examine the nature of the country. Our people there found a

considerable number of fierce looking Indians, armed with bows and arrows,

who seemed disposed to enter into hostilities, yet considerably alarmed at

the appearance of the Spaniards. After some conference, our people bought

two of their bows and some arrows, and with much difficulty prevailed on

one of them to go on board the admiral. These people appeared much fiercer

than any of the natives who had been hitherto seen; and their faces were

all daubed over with charcoal; their hair was very long, and hung in a bag

made of parrots feathers. Their mode of speech resembled the fierceness of

their aspect and demeanour, and one of them, standing completely naked

before the admiral, said in a lofty tone that all in these parts went in

the same manner. Thinking this Indian was one of those called Caribs, and

that the bay they were now in divided that race from the other inhabitants

of Hispaniola, the admiral asked him where the Caribs dwelt. Pointing with

his finger, the Indian expressed by signs that they inhabited another

island to the eastwards, in which there were pieces of _guanin_[8] as

large as half the stern of the caravel. He said moreover, that the island

of _Matinino_ was entirely inhabited by women, with whom the Caribs

cohabited at a certain season; and that such sons as they brought forth

were afterwards carried away by the fathers, while the daughters remained

with their mothers[9]. Having answered all the questions, partly by signs,

and partly by means of what little of their language the Indians from St

Salvador could understand, the admiral gave this person to eat, and

presented him with some baubles, such as glass beads and slips of green

and red cloth, and sent him on shore, desiring that his companions would

bring gold to barter as had been done by the other Indians.

When our people landed with this man, they found fifty-five other Indians

among the trees near the shore, all of them armed with bows and arrows,

perfectly naked and having their long hair tied into a large knot on the

crown of the head, as worn by the women in Spain, and decorated with

plumes of various feathers. The man who had been on board prevailed upon

them to lay down their bows and arrows and great clubs, which they carry

instead of swords. The Christians stept on shore, and began to trade for

bows and arrows, as ordered by the admiral; but after selling two, they

scornfully refused to part with any more, and even made demonstrations to

seize the Spaniards, running to where they had left their arms, and taking

up ropes as if to bind our men. They being now on their guard, and seeing

the Indians coming furiously to attack them, although only seven, fell

courageously upon them, and cut one with a sword on the buttock, and shot

another in the breast with an arrow. Astonished at the resolution of our

men, and terrified at the effect of our weapons, the Indians fled, leaving

most of their bows and arrows behind; and great numbers of them would

certainly have been killed, but the pilot of the caravel, who commanded

the boats crew, restrained our people from any farther vengeance. The

admiral was not at all displeased at this skirmish, as he imagined these

Indians were Caribs, so much dreaded by all the other natives of

Hispaniola; or at least, being a bold and resolute people, that they

bordered on that race; and he hoped that the islanders on hearing how

seven Spaniards had so easily defeated fifty-five fierce Indians, would

give the more honour and respect to our men who had been left at the

Nativity.

Afterwards about the evening, these people made a smoke as if in defiance;

but on sending a boat on shore to see what they wanted, they could not be

brought to venture near our people, and the boat returned. Their bows were

of a wood resembling yew, and almost as large and strong as those of

France and England; the arrows of small twigs which grow from the ends of

the canes, massive and very solid, about the length of a mans arm and a

half; the head is made of a small stick hardened in the fire, about

three-eighths of a yard long, tipped with a fishes tooth, or sharpened

bone, and smeared with poison. On this account, the admiral named the bay

in which he then was _Golpho de Flechas,_ or Gulf of arrows; the Indians

called it _Samana_. This place appeared to produce great quantities of

fine cotton, and the plant named _axi_ by the Indians, which is their

pepper and is very hot, some of which is long and others round[10]. Near

the land where the water was shallow, there grew large quantities of those

weeds which had formerly been seen in such abundance on the ocean; whence

it was concluded that it all grew near the land, and broke loose when ripe,

floating out to sea with the currents.

On Wednesday the 16th of January 1493, the admiral set sail from the Gulf

of Arrows, or _Samana,_ with a fair wind for Spain, both caravels being

now very leaky and requiring much labour at the pumps to keep them right.

Cape Santelmo was the last land they saw; twenty leagues north-east of it

there appeared great abundance of weeds, and twenty leagues still farther

on the whole sea was covered with multitudes of small tunny fishes, and

they saw great numbers of them on the two following days, the 19th and

20th of January, followed by great flocks of sea-fowl; and all the weeds

ran with the currents in long ropes east and west; for they always found

that the current takes these weeds a great way out to sea, and that they

do not continue long in the same direction, as they sometimes go one way,

and sometimes another, as carried by the changes of the currents; and

these weeds continued to accompany them for many days, until they were

almost half way across the Atlantic.

Holding on their course steadily with a fair wind, they made such way,

that on the 9th of February, the pilots believed they had got to the south

of the Azores; but in the opinion of the admiral, they were still 150

leagues to the west of these islands, and his reckoning turned out to be

true. They still found abundance of weeds, which, when they formerly

sailed to the West Indies, had not been seen until they were 263 leagues

west from the island of Ferro. As they sailed thus onwards with fair

weather and favourable winds, the wind began to rise, and increased from

day to day with a high sea, till at length they could hardly live upon it.

The storm had so increased on Thursday the 14th of February, that they

could no longer carry sail, and had to drive whichever way the wind blew;

but the Pinta, unable to lie athwart the sea, bore away due north before

the wind, which now came from the south; and though the admiral always

carried a light, she was entirely out of sight next morning. Considering

their consort to be certainly lost, and believing themselves in imminent

hazard, the whole company betook themselves to prayers, and cast lots

which of them should go on pilgrimage for the whole crew to the shrine of

our Lady of Guadaloupe, which fell upon the admiral. They afterwards drew

for another to go to Loretto, and the lot fell upon Peter de Villa, a

seaman of Port St Mary; and they cast lots for a third to watch all night

at the shrine of St Olave of Moguer. The storm still increasing, they all

made a vow to go barefooted, and in their shirts, to some church of our

Lady at the first land they might come to. Besides these general vows,

several others were made by individuals. The tempest was now very violent,

and the admirals ship could hardly withstand its fury for want of ballast,

which was fallen very short in consequence of the provisions and water

being mostly expended. To supply this want, they filled all the empty

casks in the ship with sea water, which was some help and made the ship to

bear more upright, and be in less danger of oversetting. Of this violent

storm the admiral wrote thus to their Catholic majesties:

"I had been less concerned at the tempest had I alone been in danger, for

I know that I owe my life to my Creator, and I have often been so near

death that only the slightest circumstance was wanting to its completion.

But, since it had pleased God to give me faith and assurance to go upon

this my undertaking in which I have been completely successful, I was

exceedingly distressed lest the fruits of my discoveries might be lost to

your highnesses by my death; whereas if I survived, those who opposed my

proposal would be convinced, and your highnesses served by me with honour

and increase of your royal state. I was therefore much grieved and

troubled lest the Divine Majesty should please to obstruct all this by my

death, which had yet been more tolerable to contemplate if it were not

attended with the loss of all those men I had carried with me upon promise

of happy success. They, seeing themselves in so great jeopardy, did not

only curse their setting out upon the expedition, but the fear and awe

which I had impressed upon them, to dissuade them from returning when

outward bound, as they had several times resolved upon. Above all, my

sorrow was redoubled by the remembrance of two sons whom I had left at

school in Cordova, destitute of friends and in a strange country, before I

had done, or at least before it could be known that I had performed any

service which might incline your majesties to remember and protect them."

"Though I comforted myself with the hope that God would not allow a matter

which tended so much to the exaltation of his church to be left imperfect,

when I had through so much opposition and trouble brought it almost to

perfection; yet I considered that it might be his will that I should not

be permitted to obtain such honour in this world, because of my demerits.

In this perplexity, I remembered your highnesses good fortune; which,

though I were dead and the ship lost, might yet find some means that a

conquest so nearly achieved should not be lost, and that possibly the

success of my voyage might come to your knowledge by some means or other.

With this view, as briefly as the time would permit, I wrote upon

parchment that I had discovered the lands which I had promised; likewise

how many days were employed on the voyage, the direction in which I had

sailed, the goodness of the country, the nature of the inhabitants, and

how some of your highnesses subjects were left in possession of my

discoveries. Which writing I folded and sealed up and superscribed to your

highnesses, promising a reward of 1000 ducats to whoever might deliver it

sealed into your hands; that, in case it might be found by a foreigner,

the promised reward might induce him not to communicate the intelligence.

I then caused a great cask to be brought to me, and having wrapped the

writing in oiled cloth, which I surrounded with a cake of wax, I placed

the whole in the cask: I then carefully closed up the bung-hole and threw

the cask into the sea, all the people fancying that it was some act of

devotion. Apprehending that this might never be taken up, and the ship

coming still nearer to Spain, I made another packet like the first, which

I placed on the poop, that when the ship sunk the cask might float upon

the water, and take its chance of being found."

Sailing on in such extreme danger, at break of day on Friday the 15th of

February, one Ruy Garcia saw land from the round top bearing E.N.E. The

pilot and seamen judged it might be the rock of Lisbon, but the admiral

concluded that it was one of the Azores. Yet though at no great distance,

they could not come to anchor there that day because of the weather, and

the wind being easterly, they lost sight of that island, and got sight of

another, towards which they used every effort to approach, struggling with

continual labour against wind and weather, but unable to reach the land.

In his journal, the admiral says that on the night of Saturday the 16th of

February he arrived at one of the Azores, but could not tell which; and

having had no rest from the foregoing Wednesday, and being lame in both

legs by being continually wet and in the open air, he took some sleep that

night. Even provisions were now scanty. Having come to anchor on Monday

the 18th February, he learnt from some of the inhabitants that it was the

island of St Mary, one of the Azores, and the inhabitants expressed great

surprize that the ship had weathered the storm, which had continued

fifteen days in these parts without intermission.

Learning the great discovery which the admiral had made, the inhabitants

of St Mary seemed greatly to rejoice, giving praise to God, and three of

them came on board with some fresh provisions, and with many compliments

from the commander of the island, who resided at the town not far from

thence. About this place nothing was seen but a hermitage, said to be

dedicated to the Blessed virgin; whereupon the admiral and all the crew,

bearing in remembrance the vow which they had made on the Thursday before,

to go barefooted and in their shirts to some church of our Lady at the

first land, were of opinion that they ought here to discharge their vow,

especially as the governor and people expressed so much kindness for them,

and as they belonged to a king who was in perfect amity with Castile. The

admiral therefore requested these three men to repair to the town and

cause a chaplain to come to the hermitage to say mass for them. To this

these men consented, and went on shore in the caravels boat with half the

crew, that they might perform their vow, meaning on their return that the

other half of the ships company should then go on shore in their turn.

They accordingly landed, and proceeded according to their vow barefooted

and in their shirts towards the hermitage; but the governor and many

people from the town, who lay in ambush, suddenly rushed out upon them and

made them all prisoners, taking away their boat at the same time, without

which they believed it impossible for the admiral to get away from thence.

It being now noon, and thinking that the people staid too long on shore as

they went off before day-break, the admiral began to suspect that some

misfortune had befallen them either by land or sea; but not being able to

see the hermitage from the place where he then lay, he sailed round a

point which intervened, and then saw a multitude of people on horseback,

who dismounted and went into the boat to attack the caravel. Suspecting

what had really happened, the admiral ordered all his remaining hands to

quarters well armed, but made no shew of resistance that the Portuguese

might come near. When they were near the admiral, the chief man among them

stood up and demanded a parley, which the admiral agreed to in hope that

he might come on board and might be secured without any breach of faith,

considering that he had seized the Spaniards without any just cause. But

the Portuguese would not venture nearer than was sufficient for being

heard; whereupon the admiral told him that he was surprised at his

irregular proceedings, and that none of his men had come off in the boat,

since they had gone ashore upon assurance of safety and offers of

assistance, and more especially as the governor of the island had sent to

welcome him. He desired him to consider that their conduct was contrary to

the laws of honour, such as even enemies would, not have been guilty of,

and at which the king of Portugal would be highly offended; since when any

of his subjects landed in the dominions of their Catholic majesties or

resided there, even without any safe conduct, they were perfectly safe and

were treated with all manner of civility. Besides, he declared that their

Catholic majesties had given him letters of recommendation to all princes

potentates and other persons in the world, which he was ready to shew if

he would come on board; and as such letters were received in all places

with respect, and he and the subjects of their Catholic majesties always

well treated on their account, much more ought they to be so in the

dominions of Portugal, their sovereigns being such near neighbours and

allies; and as he was their great admiral of the ocean and viceroy of the

Indies which he had discovered, he was ready to shew him all this under

their highnesses hands and seals. Accordingly at that distance he

exhibited his commissions, and told him he might draw near without any

apprehension, as he was commanded to pay the utmost civility to such

Portuguese ships as he might fall in with. He added, that even if they

should persist in detaining his men, this should not prevent his return to

Spain, as he still had a sufficient number, not only to return to Seville,

but if need were to punish his treacherous conduct which he well deserved;

besides that he would be assuredly punished by his own king, for giving a

cause of war between Spain and Portugal.

The Portuguese captain and his men made answer, that they neither knew

their Catholic majesties or their letters, neither did they fear them, and

would make him to know what Portugal was. From this answer, the admiral

suspected that some breach had occurred between the crowns since his

departure, and therefore gave him such an answer as his folly deserved.

At last when about to depart, the captain stood up and said that the

admiral might go with his caravel to the harbour, as all he had done was

by order of the king his master. The admiral desired all his ships company

to bear witness to this, and then calling out to the Portuguese, declared

he would not leave his caravel till he had taken an hundred Portuguese to

carry prisoners to Castile, and that he would utterly destroy the whole

island. This said, the Portuguese went away to the land, and the admiral

came to anchor in the port where he had first arrived, being obliged by

the wind to do so. But the wind increasing next day and the place being

unsafe, he lost his anchors and was obliged to stand out to sea towards

the island of St Michael; resolving, in case he might be unable to come to

anchor there, to stand out to sea notwithstanding the danger, and that he

now had only three able seamen left and some _grummets_, all the rest of

the crew being landsmen and Indians who knew nothing of sea affairs.

Supplying the want of the absent hands by his own continual personal

attention, he passed the whole of that night in much danger and anxiety,

and when day appeared he perceived that the had lost sight of the island

of St Michael. The weather being now calmer, he resolved to return to St

Mary that he might endeavour to recover his men, anchors, and boat.

On Thursday the twenty-first of February in the afternoon he got back to

the island of St Mary, and a boat soon afterwards came off with five men

and a notary, who all came on board upon assurance of safety, and staid

all night, it being then too late to return safely to the shore. Next day

the notary declared that they came from the governor to be certainly

informed whence the ship came, and whether it had a commission from their

Catholic majesties, and that being fully satisfied on these points the

admiral might depend upon receiving every friendly assistance; but all

this was merely because they could not succeed in seizing the ship and the

admiral, and were therefore afraid of the consequences of what they had

already done. The admiral suppressed his resentment and thanked them for

their civil offers; and since they now proceeded according to the maritime

rules and customs, declared his readiness to satisfy them. He accordingly

shewed them the letters of their Catholic majesties directed to all their

own subjects and to those of other princes, and his own commission for the

voyage; upon which the Portuguese went on shore quite satisfied, and soon

dismissed the Spanish boat and all the seamen. From them the admiral

learnt that it was reported in the island, that the king of Portugal had

sent orders to all his subjects to secure the person of the admiral

wherever he might be found.

The admiral sailed from the island of St Mary for Spain on Sunday the

twenty-fourth of February, being still much in want of wood and ballast,

which he could not take in because of the badness of the weather; but the

wind being fair he was unwilling to make any longer delay. Being about 100

leagues from the nearest land, a swallow came on board the ship, driven

out to sea as was believed by a storm; and this was the more probable as a

great many more swallows and other land birds came onboard next day, the

twenty-eighth February, and a whale was seen. On the third of March about

midnight it blew so great a storm as to split their sails; and being in

great danger of perishing, they made a vow to send one of their number on

a pilgrimage to the shrine of _Neustra Senhora de Cintra_ at Guelva, and

the lot fell again on the admiral, shewing that his offerings were more

acceptable than those of others. While thus driving on under bare poles,

amid high winds, a raging sea, and frightful thunder and lightning, it

pleased God to give them a sight of land about midnight. But this

threatened them with new danger; and to avoid being beaten to pieces on

the rocks, or running into some unknown place whence they might not be

able to get off, they were under the necessity to make some sail and to

beat up against the storm till day. When day appeared they found

themselves close in with the rock of Lisbon, and were forced to put in

there for present safety. The people and seamen of that country were much

astonished at the news, and flocked from all parts to behold the wonder;

for such they considered a ship which had escaped so terrible a storm, as

they had heard of many vessels having perished about the coast of Flanders

and other parts at this time. The admiral came to anchor in the river

Tagus on Monday the fourth of March, and immediately sent off an express

to their Catholic majesties with an account of his arrival, and another to

the king of Portugal asking leave to come to anchor off the city of Lisbon;

for he did not consider himself in safety where he then lay, especially

from any that might entertain evil designs against him, who might believe

that in destroying him they did acceptable service to their own king by

obstructing the success of the court of Spain.

On Tuesday the fifth of March, the master of a large guard-ship which lay

in the Tagus came in his boat filled with armed men to the admirals

caravel, and required him to go with him to the kings officers to give an

account of himself, as was the custom of all ships that came to this port.

To this he answered, that the admirals of their Catholic majesties, one of

whom he was, were not bound to obey any such summons, nor to quit their

ships to give an account of themselves to any one, and that he was

resolved to do his duty. The master then desired him to send his

boatswain to make the report. To this the admiral replied that it was the

some thing whether he sent even a grummet or went himself, and it was

therefore in vain to desire him to send any person. Being sensible that

the admiral was right, the master now requested to see the letter of their

Catholic majesties, that he might be able to satisfy his own captain; and

this request being entirely reasonable, the admiral produced that letter,

with which he was entirely satisfied, and went back to his ship to give an

account to his captain Alvaro de Acunna, who immediately came on board in

great state, with trumpets, drums, and fifes, expressing much kindness and

offering every service in his power.

Next day, it being known at Lisbon that the ship came from the Indies,

such throngs of people went on board to see the Indians that the caravel

could not contain them all, and the water was covered over with boats.

Some praised God for the happy discovery, while others expressed their

severe regret that their country should have been deprived of that vast

acquisition through the incredulousness of their king. On the next day the

king of Portugal gave orders to present the admiral with every kind of

refreshment, and all things he might need for himself or his people,

without taking any payment in return. He at the same time wrote to the

admiral a congratulatory letter on his safe arrival, and desiring that he

would come to see him. The admiral was doubtful how he should proceed in

this case; but considering that the king of Portugal was in amity with

their Catholic majesties and had treated him courteously, he consented to

go to Valparaiso, nine leagues from Lisbon, where the king then was. He

accordingly went there on Saturday night the ninth of March, and the king

ordered all the nobility of his court to go out to meet him; and when the

admiral came into the presence, the king received him with great honour,

commanding him to put on his cap and to sit down: and having listened with

a pleasant countenance to a recital of his successful voyage, made offer

of supplying with every thing he might stand in need of for the service of

their Catholic majesties. The king then alleged, as Columbus had been a

captain in the service of the crown of Portugal, that the discovery and

conquest of the new found Indies ought to belong to him. To this the

admiral answered, that he knew of no agreement to that effect, and that he

had strictly obeyed his orders, which were not to go to the Portuguese

mines nor to the coast of Guinea. The king then observed that all was well,

and he had no doubt that justice would be done between the two countries.

Having spent a long time in discourse, the king commanded the prior of

Crato, the greatest person then in the presence, to entertain the admiral

and to shew him all civility and respect, which was done accordingly.

The admiral remained at Valparaiso all the Sunday and Monday till after

mass, when he took leave of the king, who expressed great kindness and

made him great proffers; and ordered Don Martin de Noronha to accompany

him. Many other gentlemen went along with him to do him honour, and from

curiosity to hear an account of the voyage. While on his way to Lisbon,

the admiral had to pass a monastery where the queen then resided, who

earnestly entreated him not to pass without seeing her. She received him

with all the favour and honour which is due to the greatest lord. That

night a gentleman brought a message from the king to inform the admiral

that if he chose to go by land into Spain, he had orders to attend him,

and to provide lodgings and every thing he might want by the way, as far

as the frontiers of Portugal. But the admiral chose to return by sea.

On Wednesday the thirteenth of March, two hours after day-break, the

admiral sailed from Lisbon, and on the following Friday, the fifteenth of

March 1493, he arrived at Saltes about noon, and came to an anchor in the

port of Palos, whence he had set out on the preceding third of August 1492,

having been absent seven months and twelve days upon his expedition. He

was there received by all the people in solemn procession, giving thanks

to God for his prosperous voyage and glorious discovery, which it was

hoped would greatly redound to the propagation of Christianity, and the

extension of their Catholic majesties dominions. All the inhabitants

considered it as a great honour to their city that the admiral had sailed

from thence, and that most of his men belonged to the place, although many

of them, through the instigations of Pinzon, had been mutinous and

disobedient.

It so happened that about the same time that the admiral arrived at Palos,

Pinzon had arrived with the Pinta in Galicia, and designed to have gone by

himself to Barcelona to carry the news of the expedition to their Catholic

majesties. But he received orders not to come to court, unless along with

the admiral with whom he had been sent upon the discovery; at which he was

so mortified and disappointed that he returned indisposed to his native

country, where he died shortly after of grief. But before Pinzon got to

Palos the admiral had set out for Seville, designing to go from thence to

Barcelona where their majesties then resided, and he was forced to make

several short stops by the way, to gratify the importunate curiosity and

admiration of the people, who flocked from all the towns in the

neighbourhood wherever he went, to see him and the Indians and the other

things he had brought with him. Thus holding on his way, the admiral

reached Barcelona about the middle of April, having before sent to their

highnesses on account of the happy success of his voyage. This was very

pleasing to them, and they ordered him to be received in the most

distinguished manner, as a person who had done them such signal service.

All the court and city went out to meet and welcome him, and to escort him

in honourable triumph to the royal presence. Their Catholic majesties sat

in public with great state on rich chairs under a canopy of cloth of gold

to receive him; and when he advanced to kiss their hands, they stood up as

if to receive a great lord, even making a difficulty in giving him their

hands to kiss, and then caused him to sit down in their presence. Having

given a brief account of his voyage, they gave him leave to retire to his

apartment, whither he was attended by the whole court; and so great was

the favour and honour shewn him, that when the king rode about Barcelona,

the admiral rode on one side of him and the Infante Fortuna on the other;

whereas before no one rode along-side of the king except the Infante, who

was his near kinsman.

[1] Rabo de junco is explained to signify Rush-tailed: Rabo being a tail

and Junco a rush in the Spanish language.--E.

[2] Don Ferdinand compliments his father too largely in this place by

supposing Cipango and Hispaniola the same. The original design of

Columbus to sail westwards to India, which he erroneously supposed to

be vastly nearer in that direction, led him accidentally almost to

discover Hispaniola on the supposed route to Cipango or Japan.--E

[3] The dates of the voyage may be here recapitulated. Columbus sailed

from Palos on the third of August 1492, and reached the island of

Gomera, one of the Canary islands, on the ninth of August, or in six

days. He remained there and at Gran Canaria, refitting and

replenishing his stores, till the sixth of September, when he began

his passage due west across the Atlantic; and the first land of

America was discovered on Friday the twelfth of October at two in the

morning: thirty-six days after leaving Gran Canaria, and seventy days

after leaving Palos in Spain.--E.

[4] This would seem to be a great exaggeration, perhaps an error of the

press; but now impossible to be rectified.--E

[5] Nothing can be more ambiguous than the interpretation of signs between

people who are utterly ignorant of each others language: But the signs

on this occasion seem rather to imply that the cacique requested the

Spaniards to declare themselves his friends, by participating in

hostile demonstrations against the people from Tortuga.--E.

[6] This term evidently expresses a person unused to the sea, as

contradistinguished from an experienced seaman.--E.

[7] Cazabi seems to have been what is now called casada in the British

West Indies, or prepared manioc root; and axi in some other parts of

this voyage is mentioned as the spice of the West Indies; probably

either pimento or capsicum, and used as a condiment to relish the

insipidity of the casada.--E.

[8] The meaning of this term is nowhere explained in this voyage: but in

the account of the discovery of America by Herrera, it is said to

signify pale gold. From its application in the text, it is probably

the Indian name of gold, the perpetual object of inquiry by the

Spaniards.--E.

[9] Such absurd fables have in all ages been the consequence of credulous

intercourse of ill-informed men, ignorant of the languages of newly

discovered nations. The Amazons of antiquity are here supposed to be

rediscovered; but were afterwards transferred to the interior marshy

plains of South America.--E.

[10] The author probably alludes here to the various-shaped pods of

different species or varieties of capsicum.--E.

SECTION VI.

_Second Voyage of Columbus to the West Indies_.

Orders were issued from Barcelona to prepare with all care and expedition

for the return of the admiral to Hispaniola, as well to relieve those

Christians who had been left there as to enlarge the colony and subdue the

island, with the rest that were and should be discovered. To strengthen

and confirm their title to the newly discovered regions, their Catholic

majesties by the advice of the admiral, procured the approbation and

consent of the pope for the conquest of the Indies, which was readily

granted by Alexander VI, who then governed the church; and the bull to

this effect was not only for what was already discovered, but for all that

might be discovered westwards, until they should come to the _East_, where

any Christian prince was then actually in possession, and forbidding all

persons whomsoever to intrude within these bounds. And this concession and

exclusive right was again confirmed in the year following in the most

ample terms. Sensible that all this favourable grant from the pope was due

to the admiral, by whose discovery they had become entitled to the

possession of all these parts, their majesties were pleased, on the

twenty-eighth of May, at Barcelona, to ratify, renew, confirm, and explain

the privileges and prerogatives which they had granted him before, by

granting them of new, so as explicitly to define how far the bounds of his

admiralty and viceroyalty extended, being over all which had been granted

to them by his holiness, of which grant the tenor follows:

_Original Grant to Columbus in 1492, before the Discovery_.

"FERDINAND and ISABELLA, by the grace of God, King and Queen of Castile,

Leon, Arragon, Sicily, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Majorca,

Minorca, Seville, Sardinia, Jaen, Algarve, Algezira, Gibraltar, and the

Canary islands, Lord and Lady of Biscay and Molina, Duke and Duchess of

Athens and Neopatria, Count and Countess of Boussillon and Cerdagne,

Marquis and Marchioness of Oristan and Gociano, &c."

"Forasmuch as you CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS are going by our command, and with

some of our ships and men to discover and subdue certain islands and

continents in the ocean, and it is hoped by Gods assistance that some of

those islands and continents will be discovered by your means and conduct,

it is therefore just and reasonable, since you expose yourself to such

dangers in our service, that you be suitably rewarded. And willing to

honour and favour you for the reasons aforesaid, our will is that you

Christopher Columbus, after discovering and conquering the said islands

and continent, in the said ocean, or any of them, shall be our admiral

of all such islands and continent as you shall so discover and conquer,

and that you be our admiral, viceroy, and governor in them: that for the

future you may call and style yourself Don Christopher Columbus; and that

your sons and successors in the said employment may call themselves dons,

admirals, viceroys, and governors, in the same: That you may exercise the

charge of admiral, viceroy, and governor of the said islands and continent

which you or your lieutenants shall conquer, and shall freely decide all

causes, civil and criminal, appertaining to the said employments of

admiral, viceroy, and governor, as you think fit according to justice, and

as the admirals of our kingdom are in use to do: That you shall have power

to punish all offenders: That you and your lieutenants may exercise the

employments of admiral, viceroy, and governor, in all things belonging to

the said offices, or any of them, and that you shall enjoy the perquisites

and salaries belonging to the said employments and to each of them, in the

same manner that the high admiral of our kingdom does at present."

"By this our letter, or by a copy thereof signed by a public notary, We

command prince John, our dearly beloved son the Infante, dukes, prelates,

marquisses, great masters, and military orders, priors, commanderies, or

councillors, judges, and others our officers of justice whomsoever,

belonging to our household, courts, and chancery, and constables of

castles, commanders of forts and others, and all corporations, mayors,

bailiffs, and magistrates, governors, judges, commanders, and sea officers;

the aldermen, common councillors, officers, and good people, of all

cities, towns, lands, and places in our kingdoms and dominions, and in

those which you shall discover and subdue; and the captains, masters,

mates, and all other officers and sailors, our natural subjects at present,

or who shall so become hereafter, all or any of them, that when you shall

have so discovered the said islands and continent in the ocean, and you or

any that have your commission shall have taken the oaths usual in such

cases, that they shall look upon you for the future so long as you live,

and after you your son and heir, and so on from one heir to another for

ever, as our admiral, viceroy, and governor of the said islands and

continent by you Christopher Columbus to be discovered and conquered; and

that they treat you, and your lieutenants by you appointed for executing

the employments of admiral, viceroy, and governor, as such in all respects;

and shall give you all the perquisites and other things belonging and

appertaining to the said offices; and shall allow and cause to be allowed

you, all honours, graces, concessions, preeminences, prerogatives,

immunities, and other things, or any of them, which are due to you by

virtue of your commands of admiral, viceroy, and governor, all to be

observed completely, so that nothing shall be diminished: That they shall

raise no objection to this or any part of it, nor suffer any such to be

made; forasmuch as we by this our letter bestow on you the employments of

admiral, viceroy and governor forever, and have put you in possession of

the said offices and all of them, with full power to use and exercise them,

and to receive the perquisites and salaries belonging to them, or any of

them, as above said."

"Concerning all which things if it be requisite and you shall desire it, We

command our chancellors, notaries, and other officers, to pass, seal, and

deliver to you our letter of privilege, in such firm and legal manner as

you shall require and stand in need of. And that none presume to do any

thing to the contrary upon pain of our displeasure, and the forfeiture of

thirty ducats for each offence. And we command him who shall shew them

this our letter, that he shall summon them to appear before us at our

court wherever we shall then be, within fifteen days after such summons

under the foresaid penalty. Under which same penalty we also command any

public notary whomsoever, that he give to him that shews it to him a

certificate under his seal, that we may know how our command is obeyed."

"Given at Granada on the thirtieth of April in the

year of our Lord 1492."

"_I the King._ _I the Queen._"

_Confirmation in_ 1493.

After a preamble, as in the original grant, it proceeds thus:

"And now, forasmuch as it has pleased GOD that you have discovered several

of the said islands, as we still hope you will proceed by his grace to

discover others, and the continent in the said ocean, and those parts of

the Indies, and seeing that you have desired us to confirm to you our said

grant here recapitulated, and all the contents thereof, to the end that

you and your children, heirs, and successors, one after another, and after

your days, may have and enjoy the said employments of admiral, viceroy,

and governor of the said ocean, islands, and continent, as well of those

you have already found and discovered as of those you shall hereafter find

and discover, with all the powers, preeminence, privileges, and

prerogatives as the admirals, viceroys, and governors in our kingdoms of

Castile and Leon do actually enjoy; and that all the perquisites and

salaries, appertaining and belonging to the said offices, and granted and

allowed to our admirals, viceroys, and governors, may be made good to you,

or that we shall make such provision in this case as in our goodness we

may think fit."

"And, having regard to the fatigues and dangers which you have exposed

yourself to in our service, in going to discover and find out the said

islands, and that which you now run in attempting to find out the other

islands and continent, wherein we have been and hope to be by you well

served; we, to requite and reward you, do by these presents confirm to you

and your children, heirs, and successors, one after another, now and for

ever, the said employments of admiral of the said ocean, and viceroy and

governor of the said islands and continent, by you discovered and found

out, and of the other islands and continent that shall be by you, or by

your industry found or discovered in those parts of the Indies. And it is

our will, that you, and after you your children, heirs, and successors,

one after the other, enjoy the said employment of admiral of the said

ocean which is ours, and which commences at a line which we have caused

to be drawn from the Azores islands to the islands of Cape Verd, and so

from pole to pole north and south, so that all beyond the said line

westwards is ours and belongs to us. And we accordingly constitute you

our admiral, and your sons and successors one after another, of all that

part for ever. And we appoint you, and your sons, heirs, and successors,

one after another, viceroy and governor of the said islands and continent

discovered, and to be discovered in the said ocean, and in those parts of

the Indies aforesaid; and we grant you the possession of all the said

employments of admiral, viceroy, and governor for ever, with full

commission and authority to use and exercise in the said ocean the office

of admiral in all things, and in the same manner and form, and with the

rights and privileges, perquisites and salaries as our admirals of Castile

and Leon now use, have, and enjoy, or have enjoyed, as well in the said

islands and continent already discovered, as in those which shall

hereafter be discovered in the said ocean, and in the said parts of the

Indies, that the planters or colonists of the same may be the better

governed."

"And we grant you such power and authority, that you, as our viceroy and

governor, and your lieutenants, commanders, and officers, by you created,

may exercise the civil and criminal jurisdiction, the supreme and mean

authority, and the absolute and mixed command. And in those places you may

remove, turn out, and put in others in their places, as often as you

please, and may find convenient. And they shall have power to hear, judge,

and determine, all suits or causes, civil and criminal, that shall occur

or arise in said islands and continent, and they shall have and receive

the fees and salaries usually annexed and pertaining to those employments

in our kingdoms of Castile and Leon. And you our said viceroy and governor,

may hear and determine all the said causes or any of them, whensoever you

please, upon the first motion, or by way of appeal or complaint, and may

examine, determine, and decide them as our viceroy and governor: and you

and your children may do all that is reasonable in such cases, and in all

other things pertaining to the office of viceroy and governor; and you and

your lieutenants and officers, may take such cognizance and use such

methods as you shall think proper for our service and the due execution of

justice. All which you and they may do, and perform lawfully and

effectually, as they might and ought to do, had the said officers been

appointed by us. And our will and pleasure is, that all such

letters-patent as you shall grant, be drawn and granted in our names with

these words, _Ferdinand and Isabella, by the grace of GOD, king and queen

of Castile and Leon, &c._ and shall be sealed with our seal, which we

shall cause to be given you for the said islands and continent. And we

command all the people and inhabitants, and other persons in the said

islands and continent, to obey you as our viceroy and governor of the same,

and all those who sail on the said seas, to obey you as our admiral of the

said ocean; and that all of them shall execute your letters and orders,

and shall take part with you and your officers for the due execution of

our justice, and shall give and cause to be given you all the aid and

assistance you shall require and stand in need of, upon such penalties as

you shall impose upon them, which by these presents we do impose upon them,

and declare to be imposed; and we grant you authority to execute the same,

upon their persons and goods."

"And it also is our will, that if you shall find it for our service, and

the due execution of justice to cause any person who shall be in the said

islands and continent to depart therefrom, and not to stay or return

thereto, and that they shall come and appear before us; you may, in our

name command and make them depart accordingly, all whom we by these

presents command, that they presently perform, execute, and put in

practice all that has been enjoined, without looking farther or asking

advice in the same, not expecting any other letter or command from us, and

notwithstanding any appeal or petition which they may make or present to

us against your said order. For all which things, and any other due or

belonging to the said offices of our admiral, viceroy, and governor, we

give you sufficient authority in all incidents, dependencies, and

emergencies, that may occur. Concerning all which, if you shall so desire,

we command our chancellor, notaries, and others, our officers belonging to

our seals, that they give, pass, dispatch, and seal for you, our letters

of privilege, in as strong, firm, and effective manner as you may require

of them and stand in need of, and that none of them do any thing to the

contrary, upon pain of our displeasure, and of _thirty_ ducats to be paid

to our treasury by every one who may be guilty to the contrary hereof."

"And besides, we command him that shall shew them[1] this our letter to

summon them to appear before us in our court wheresoever we may happen to

be, within fifteen days, under the same penalty. Under which we also

command any public notary, who may be called for such purpose, that he

give to him who shall produce these letters to him a certificate, signed

under his hand, that we may know how our commands are obeyed[2].

"Given in our city of Barcelona, this 28th of May, in the

year of our Lord 1493."

"_I the King._ _I the Queen._"

"By their majesties order, _Ferdinand Alvarez de Toledo_,

secretary to the king and queen."

"_Peter Gutierres_, Chancellor: Without fees for seal or

entry."

"Delivered by _Roderick Doctor_."

"Entered, _Alonzo Perez_."

Orders having been issued to make all necessary preparations for the

establishment of a permanent colony in the new discovery, the admiral went

from Barcelona to Seville in June 1493, and so diligently solicited the

fitting out of the fleet which their Catholic majesties had directed to be

provided, that in a short time seventeen vessels of various sizes were got

ready, well stored with provisions and with all things deemed necessary

for the intended colonization. Handicrafts of all sorts, with peasants or

farmers to till the ground, and a variety of labourers, were engaged to

accompany the expedition. The fame of the gold and other rarities which

the newly discovered region produced, had induced so many gentlemen and

other persons of respectability to offer themselves, that it became

necessary to limit the numbers who could be permitted to embark, and not

to allow all who were eager to transport themselves to the new world to go

there, until time should make it appear how matters might succeed, and the

colony might be somewhat settled. Yet so eager were the adventurers to

engage in the scheme of this new colony, that 1500 persons of all sorts

went upon the expedition; of whom some carried out horses, asses, and

other kinds of cattle, which were afterwards of most important benefit to

the colony.

All things being prepared, the admiral weighed anchor from the road of

Cadiz, where the fleet had been prepared, upon Wednesday the 25th of

September 1493, an hour before sun-rising, and stood to the southwards for

the Canary islands, designing to procure some necessary refreshments

there[3]. On the 28th of September, being then 100 leagues from Spain,

great numbers of land birds, among which were turtle-doves, and many small

birds, came aboard the admirals ship, which were supposed to come from the

Azores, and to be on their passage to Africa to pass the winter. Holding

on their course, the fleet came to anchor at Gran Canaria on Wednesday the

2d of October, and sailed again at midnight for Gomera, where it arrived

on the 5th of October. The admiral issued orders for every thing of which

the fleet might stand in need to be provided with all possible dispatch.

On Monday the 7th of October, the admiral continued his voyage for the

West Indies, having first delivered sealed orders to every ship in the

fleet, with strict injunctions that they were not to be opened unless

separated from him by stress of weather. In these he gave directions for

the course which they were to steer for attaining the town of the Nativity

in Hispaniola, and he did not wish that course should be known by any one

without urgent necessity. Having sailed on with a fair wind until Thursday

the 24th of October, when they were by estimation 400 leagues west from

Gomera, all were astonished at not finding any of the weeds which had been

met with on the former voyage when only 250 leagues advanced into the

Atlantic. On that day and the next a swallow was seen flying about the

fleet. On the night of Saturday the 26th, the body of _St Elmo_, with

seven lighted candles, was seen on the round top, which was followed by

prodigious torrents of rain and frightful thunder and lightning. I mean

those lights were seen which the seamen affirm to be the body of St Elmo,

to whom they sing litanies and prayers upon these occasions, and they

firmly believe that there can be no danger from those storms in which that

phenomenon occurs. According to Pliny, when such lights appeared to the

Roman sailors they were said to be Castor and Pollux, of which Seneca

likewise makes mention in the beginning of his Book of Nature.[4]

On Saturday the 2d of November, the admiral observed a great alteration in

the appearance of the sky and in the winds, and concluded from these, and

the prevalence of heavy rains, that he was certainly approaching the land,

and therefore ordered most of the sails to be furled, and all the people

to be on the watch, and to keep a strict look out. This precaution was

exceedingly necessary; for next morning, just as day began to dawn, a high

mountainous island was discovered about seven leagues to the west, to

which the admiral gave the name of Dominica, because discovered on Sunday.

Soon afterwards another island was seen to the north-east of Dominica, and

then another, and another after that more to the northwards.[5] On this

joyful occasion, all the crew assembled on the poop, and devoutly sung the

_salve regina_, and other hymns, giving thanks to God that in twenty

days after their departure from Gomera they had safely made the land,

judging the distance between Gomera and Dominica to be between 750 and 800

leagues. Finding no convenient place for anchoring on the east side of

Dominica, the admiral stood over to another island which he named

Marigalante after his own ship. Landing here, he again confirmed with all

due solemnity, the possession which he had taken in his first voyage of

all the islands and continent of the West Indies for their Catholic

majesties.

On Monday the 4th of November, the admiral sailed northwards past another

large island, which he named St Mary of _Guadalupe_, partly by reason of

his own especial devotion to the holy Virgin, and because he had made a

promise to the friars of that monastery to name some island after their

house. Before they came to it, and about two leagues distance from its

coast, they discovered a very high rock ending in a point, whence issued a

stream of water as thick as a large barrel, which made so great a noise in

its fall as to be heard on board the ships; yet many affirmed that it was

only a white vein in the rock, the water was so white and frothy by reason

of its rapid fall. Going on shore to view a kind of town, they found no

parson there except some children, all the people having fled into the

woods. To the arms of these children they tied some baubles, to allure

their fathers when they returned.

In the houses our people found some geese like those of Spain, and

abundance of parrots as large as common cocks, having red, green, blue,

and white feathers. They also found pompions, and a sort of fruit

resembling our green pine apples, but much larger, which were full of a

solid fruit like melons, but much sweeter both in taste and smell, and far

better than those which are brought up by art. This fruit grew on long

stalks, like lilies or aloes, wild about the fields. They also saw other

sorts of fruits and herbs different from ours. In the houses there were

beds or hammocks made of cotton nets, with bows and arrows, and other

articles; but our people took none of these things away, that the Indians

might be the less afraid of the Christians. What they most admired and

wondered at was that they found an iron pan in one of the houses; though I

am disposed to believe that the rocks and fire-stones of the country being

of the colour of bright iron, a person of indifferent judgment may have

taken it for iron without sufficient examination; for there never was any

iron found afterwards among these people, and I find no authority from the

admiral for this incident on his own knowledge, and as he used to write

down daily whatever happened and was reported to him, he may have set down

this among other particulars related by those who had been on shore.[6]

Even if it actually were iron, it may be thus accounted for: The natives

of Guadaloup, being Caribs, were accustomed to make plundering expeditions

as far as Hispaniola, and might have procured that pan from the Christians

or the natives of that island. It is likewise possible that they might

have carried off some of the iron from the wreck of the admirals former

ship; or some of that wreck containing iron might have been drifted by the

winds and currents from Hispaniola. Be this as it may, the people neither

took away the pan nor any thing else.

Next day the admiral sent two boats on shore, to endeavour to procure some

person who might be able to give him some account of the country, and to

inform him in what direction Hispaniola lay. Each of the boats brought off

a youth, who agreed in saying that they were not of that island, but of

another which they called _Borriquen_, now St John; and that the

inhabitants of Guadaloupe were Caribs or Canibals, and had taken them

prisoners from their own island. Soon afterwards, the boats returned on

shore to bring off some Christians who had been left, and found six women

who had fled to them from the Caribs, and came off willingly to the ships.

To allure the Indians, the admiral would not keep them, but set them on

shore against their wills, giving them some glass beads and bells. This

was not done unadvisedly, for as soon as they landed, the Caribs even in

sight of the Christians, took away all the trinkets which had been given

them. Therefore, either through hatred or fear of the Caribs, when the

boats returned some time afterwards for wood and water, the women got into

them and requested to be carried back to the ships, and gave the seamen to

understand by signs that those people eat men and make slaves of the women,

and therefore they would not remain with them. Yielding to their

entreaties, the seamen brought them back, with two children and a young

man who had escaped from the Caribs; these people thinking themselves

safer in the hands of strangers whom they had never seen or heard of,

than among the cruel and wicked Caribs who had eaten their husbands and

children, but who are said not to eat women, whom they keep as slaves. One

of the women said there were many islands to the south, some inhabited and

others not, which they severally named Giamachi, Cairvaco, Huino, Buriari,

Arubeira, and Sixibei. They said that the continent was very large, and

both they and the inhabitants of Hispaniola named it Zuanta; saying, that

in former times canoes had come from that land to the islands to barter

with abundance of lads, of whom there were two thirds in an island not far

distant[7]. They also said that the king of the island, from which they

fled, was gone with ten large canoes and 300 men to make incursions into

the neighbouring islands to take prisoners to eat. The women likewise gave

information where Hispaniola lay; for though the admiral had inserted it

in his chart, yet he was inclined to hear what the natives of these

islands knew respecting it for his better guidance.

The admiral now wished to proceed on his voyage, but was told that one

Captain Mark had gone on shore before day with eight men without his leave,

and had not yet returned. He was therefore obliged to send out to look for

him, though in vain, by reason of the thickness of the trees. Therefore,

that they might not be lost or be obliged to leave a ship for them, which

might afterwards miss its way to Hispaniola, the admiral resolved to

remain till next day; and because the country was full of extensive and

thick woods, he ordered them to be carefully sought after, making a great

noise with trumpets and muskets to lead them on the right way. But the

people having searched the whole day ineffectually, returned to the ships

in the evening without finding them, or hearing any thing of them. It was

now Thursday morning, and no news had been heard of them since Tuesday;

and considering that they had gone without leave, the admiral declared his

resolution to continue the voyage, or at least made a shew of doing so to

deter others from doing the like in future; but he allowed himself to be

prevailed on by some of the kindred and friends of the stragglers to stay

a little longer, and gave orders in the meantime for all the ships to

complete their wood and water, and for the people to wash their linens;

and he sent Captain Hojeda with forty men to look out for those who were

amissing, and to examine into the nature of the country. Hojeda found

mastick, aloes, sandal, ginger, frankincense, and some trees resembling

cinnamon in taste and smell, and abundance of cotton. He saw many falcons,

and two of them pursuing the other birds; also kites, herons, daws,

turtles, partridges, geese, and nightingales; and he affirmed, that in

travelling six leagues they had crossed twenty-six rivers, several of

which were very deep; but I am apt to believe, as the country was very

woody and uneven, that they had often crossed the same river. While the

party under Hojeda were admiring the beauties of the country, and other

parties were going about in all directions in search of the stragglers,

they returned to the ship on Friday the 8th of November without having

been met by any of those who looked for them. They excused themselves by

saying that they had lost their way in the woods; but to punish their

presumption, the admiral ordered the captain to be put in irons, and that

the rest should have their allowance of provisions retrenched. The admiral

then landed and went to some of the houses, where he saw all the

particulars which have been already mentioned; likewise abundance of

cotton, both spun and unspun, and looms for weaving, many human skulls

hung up, and baskets full of human bones. The houses in this island were

better, and more plentifully furnished with provisions and other things

used by the Indians, than any which he had seen in his first voyage.

On Sunday the 10th of November the admiral weighed anchor, standing with

the whole fleet towards the N.W. along the coast of Guadaloupe, and came

to an island which he named Monseratte on account of its height; and was

informed by the Indians on board that the Caribs had entirely dispeopled

it by devouring all the inhabitants. He thence proceeded by St Mary

Redonda, so named on account of its round and upright shape, insomuch,

that there seemed no possibility of getting up to it without ladders. It

was called Ocamaniro by the Indians. He next came to St Maria la Antigua,

which is about twenty-eight leagues in extent. Still holding on his course

to the N.W. there appeared several other islands towards the north, and in

the N.W. and S.E. all very high and woody; at one of these he cast anchor

and named it St Martin. They here took up some pieces of coral sticking to

the flukes of the anchors, which made them hope to find other useful

articles of commerce in these islands. Though the admiral was always

anxious to examine into every place which he discovered, he yet resolved

to hold on his course towards Hispaniola, that he might carry relief to

the people who had been left there. But the weather being bad, he was

obliged to come to anchor at an island on the 14th of November, where he

gave orders to take some of the inhabitants, that he might learn

whereabout he then was. As the boat was returning to the fleet with four

women and three children whom they had taken, it met a canoe in which were

four men and a woman; who perceiving that they could not escape, stood

upon their defence, and hit two of the Spaniards with their arrows, which

they discharged with such force and dexterity that the woman pierced a

target quite through. The Spaniards attempted to board, and the canoe was

overset, so that all the Indians were taken swimming in the water; and one

of them shot several arrows while swimming, as dexterously as if he had

been on dry land.

These people were found to be castrated; for they had been made prisoners

by the Caribs in some other islands, who had so used them as we do capons,

that they might become fatter and better food. Departing from thence, the

admiral continued his voyage W.N.W. where he fell in with a cluster of

above fifty islands, which he left to the northward of his course. The

largest of these he named the island of St. Ursula, and the others he

called the Eleven Thousand Virgins. He next came to the island called

_Borriquen_ by the Indians, but which he named St John the Baptist, in a

bay on the west side of which the fleet came to anchor, where they caught

several sorts of fish, as skate, olaves, pilchards, and shads. On the land

they saw falcons, and bushes resembling wild vines. More to the eastwards

some Spaniards went to certain houses well built after the Indian fashion,

having a square before them and a broad road down to the sea, with bowers

on each side made of canes, and curiously interwoven with evergreens, such

as are seen in the gardens of Valencia. At the end of the road next the

sea there was a raised stage or balcony, lofty and well built, capable of

containing ten or twelve men.

On Friday the fifteenth of November the admiral reached the north side of

Hispaniola, and immediately sent on shore at Samana one of the natives of

the island who had been in Spain, and who being converted to our holy

faith, offered to engage all his countrymen to submit to the Christians.

The admiral continued his voyage to the Nativity, and off Cape Angel some

Indians came on board to barter their commodities. Coming to anchor in

the bay of Monte Christo a boat was sent on shore, the people of which

found two dead men lying near a river. One of these seemed to be young and

the other old, having a rope made of a substance like Spanish broom round

his neck, and his arms extended and tied to a piece of wood in the form of

a cross. Having been long dead, it could not be known whether these people

were Christians or Indians, but it was considered an evil omen. The next

day, twenty-sixth November, the admiral sent on shore in several places,

and the Indians came boldly and freely to converse with the Spaniards,

touching their shirts and doublets, and naming these articles in the

Spanish language. This confidence and friendly behaviour relieved the

admiral from the fears which he had conceived on account of the dead men;

believing that if the natives had injured the Christians whom he had left,

they would not have come so boldly on board the ships. But next day,

coming to anchor about midnight near the town of Nauidad or the Nativity,

a canoe came to the fleet and asked for the admiral, and being bid to come

on board, they refused to do so till they should see him. The admiral

therefore went to the ships side to hear what they had to say, and then

two men from the canoe went up with two marks of gold, which they

presented with many compliments to the admiral as from the cacique

Guacanagari. Being asked concerning the Christians who were left at the

Nativity, they answered that some of them had died of distempers, some had

parted from the company and had gone into other parts of the country, and

that all of them had four or five wives. Though it appeared from the way

in which these Indians spoke, that all or most of the colonists were dead,

yet the admiral did not think fit to take much notice of the circumtance

at the time; he therefore dismissed the messengers with some brass

trinkets and other baubles for Guacanagari, and a few to themselves.

Towards evening on Thursday the twenty-eighth November the admiral came

with all the fleet into the harbour of the Nativity, and found the whole

town burnt, and no person whatever could be seen about the place. Next

morning the admiral landed, and was much concerned to find the fort and

houses entirely destroyed, and nothing left which had belonged to the

Christians, except some tattered garments and other broken articles of no

value. Finding no person at whom he could make inquiries, he went up a

river in the neighbourhood with several boats, leaving orders to clean out

the well which he had dug in the fort, as he had directed the colonists to

throw all the gold they could get into that well, to be prepared against

the worst that might happen; but nothing of the kind could be found. On

his way up the river he could meet with none of the Indians, who all fled

from their houses into the woods on his approach. He therefore returned to

Nauidad, where eight of the Christians had been discovered and three

others in the fields, who were recognized by the remnants of their apparel,

and seemed to have been a month dead. While prosecuting this melancholy

search, a brother of the cacique Guacanagari came, accompanied by some

Indians, to the admiral. These men could speak a few words of Spanish, and

knew the names of all the Christians who had been left there. They said

that those Spaniards had soon fallen out among themselves after the

departure of the admiral, everyone taking for himself as much gold and as

many women as he could procure. That Gutierres and Escovedo killed one

named James, and then went away with nine others and all their women to

the territories of a cacique named Caunabo who was lord of the mines, and

by whom they had all been killed. That many days afterwards Caunabo came

with a great number of men to Nauidad, where only James de Arana remained

with ten men to guard the fort, all the rest of the Spaniards having

dispersed about the island. Caunabo came by night and set fire to the

houses where the Christians resided with their women, all of whom fled to

the sea, where eight of them were drowned, three of them being slain on

shore. That Guacanagari, in fighting against Caunabo in defence of the

Christians, had been wounded and fled.

This account agreed with that which was received by some Spaniards whom

the admiral had sent up into the country, and had gone to a town in the

interior where the cacique lay ill of his wounds. This he said had

prevented him from waiting upon the admiral and giving him an account of

the catastrophe of the Christians, which he narrated exactly in conformity

with the account given by his brother, and he requested that the admiral

would go to see him as he was unable to be moved. The admiral went

accordingly next day, and with great signs of sorrow the cacique related

all that had happened, and that he and his men had all been wounded in

endeavouring to defend the Christians, as appeared by their wounds, which

had not been inflicted by Christian weapons, but with _aragayas_ or wooden

swords and arrows pointed with fish bones. At the end of his discourse the

cacique presented to the admiral eight strings of small beads made of

white, green, and red stones, a string of gold beads, a royal crown of

gold, and three small calabashes full of gold dust, all of which might be

about four marks weight of gold, the mark being half a pound. In return

for all this the admiral gave him abundance of our baubles, which though

not worth three ryals or eighteen-pence, he yet valued exceedingly.

Although Guacanagari was very ill, he insisted upon going, with the

admiral to see the fleet, where he was courteously entertained, and was

much delighted to see the horses, of which he had received an account from

the Christians. And as some of those who had been killed had given him a

very erroneous account of our holy faith, the admiral used his best

endeavours to instruct him, and prevailed with him to wear an image of the

Virgin Mary suspended from his neck, which he had at first refused to

receive.

Reflecting on the disaster of the Christians at Nauidad, and his own

misfortune in that neighbourhood by losing his ship, and considering that

there were other places at no great distance more commodious for the

establishment of a colony, he sailed on Saturday the seventh of December

with the whole fleet to the eastwards, and about evening cast anchor not

far from the islands of Monte Christo. And the next day removed to Monte

Christo, among those seven low islands which were mentioned in the account

of the former voyage. These little islands, although destitute of trees,

are yet extremely pleasant; for in that season of winter they found a

profusion of fine flowers, the nests had many of them eggs, and young

birds in others, and all other things resembled the appearance of summer

in Spain. Removing thence, he went to anchor before an Indian town where

he had resolved to plant his colony, and landed all the men, provisions,

utensils, and animals which had been brought on board the fleet. The place

he now chose was a fine plain near a rock on which a fort might be very

conveniently built for its defence; and here he immediately began to build

a town which he named Isabella, in honour of the queen of Castile. The

port of this place, though exposed to the N.W. was large and convenient,

and had a most delicious river only a bow-shot distant, from which canals

of water might be drawn for the use of the town, to run through the

streets. Immediately beyond that river there lay a vast open plain, from

the extremity of which the Indians said the gold mines of Cibao were not

far remote. For all these reasons the admiral was so extremely intent upon

settling the colony, that what with the fatigues which he had endured at

sea and the labour he now encountered, he not only was unable to write

down from day to day the occurrences as had been his usual custom, but he

fell sick, by which causes his journal was interrupted from the eleventh

of December 1493 till the twelfth of March 1494. During all this time

however, he ordered the affairs of the colony to the best advantage, as

far as he was able. In this interval likewise he detached Alonzo de Hojeda

with an escort of fifteen men to explore the mines of Cibao. And

afterwards he sent on the second of February twelve ships of his fleet

back to Spain under the command of Captain Anthony de Torres, who was

brother to the nurse of Don John prince of Spain. Torres was a man of

great judgment and entire honour, in whom their Catholic majesties and the

admiral reposed much confidence. With him the admiral sent a detailed

account in writing of the nature of the country, and of every thing which

was required for the assistance of the infant colony, as well as an ample

account of every occurrence from the time the fleet had departed from

Spain.

Hojeda returned soon after the departure of the fleet, and gave an account

of his journey. He reported that he halted on the second night of his

journey at the pass of a mountain which was of very difficult access. That

afterwards at many leagues distance, he found Indian villages and caciques

who had been very kind to him; and that at the end of his sixth days

journey he came to the mines of Cibao, were the Indians immediately took

up gold in his presence from the bed of a small river, as they had done in

many other places on his route, where he affirmed that there was plenty of

gold. This news greatly rejoiced the admiral, who was now recovered from

his sickness, and he resolved to go on shore to observe the nature of the

country and the disposition of the inhabitants, that he might be the

better able to judge of what ought to be done. Accordingly, on Wednesday

the twelfth of March 1494, he set out from Isabella to inspect the mines

of Cibao, taking all the people along with him who were in health, part on

foot and part on horseback; leaving a good guard in the two ships and

three caravels that remained of the fleet, and causing all the tackle and

ammunition belonging to the other ships to be removed into his own.

He took the above mentioned precaution to prevent any from rebelling

during his absence and seizing the ships to return home, as several had

attempted to do during his sickness. Many had embarked in this voyage

under the belief that they might load themselves with gold as soon as they

landed, and so return rich home in a short time. But gold wherever it is

to be found requires time, trouble and labour to gather it; and matters

not turning out according to their sanguine expectations, they became

dissatisfied and offended, and weary of the fatigue attending the building

of Isabella, and of the diseases which the climate and change of diet had

engendered among them. One Bernard de Pisa, who had been an inferior

officer of justice at court, and who had gone the voyage as comptroller

for their Catholic majesties, was the ring-leader and head of these

mutineers; therefore the admiral would not punish him any otherwise than

by securing him on board ship, with the design of sending him home to

Spain, with his process regularly drawn up, as well on account of his

mutinous conduct as for having written a false information against the

admiral, which he had hidden in the ship.

Having properly ordered all these matters, and having left some persons in

whom he could confide both at sea and on shore, to look to and secure the

fleet under the charge of his brother Don James Columbus, he set out for

Cibao, carrying with him all the necessary tools and implements for

building a fort to keep that district under subjection, and for securing

the Christians who might be left there to gather gold from any evil

designs or attempts of the Indians. And the more to impress the natives

with awe and respect, and to take away all hopes that they might be able

to do now as they had done with Arana and the thirty-eight Christians who

had been left with him at the Nativity, he carried all the men that he

could along with him, that the natives might see and be sensible of the

power of the Christians, and that if any injury should be offered even to

a single individual of our people, there was a sufficient force to ensure

due and severe chastisement. To appear the more formidable to the natives,

when he set out from Isabella, and whenever he passed any of the Indian

towns, he caused his men to march with their arms in rank and file as is

usual in time of war, with trumpets sounding and colours flying. In this

way he marched along the river, which lay about a musket-shot from

Isabella; he crossed a smaller river about a league beyond, and halted for

the night in a plain divided into pleasant fields about three leagues from

Isabella, which reached to a craggy hill about two bow-shots high. To this

place he gave the name of Puerta de los Hidalgos, or the Gentlemens Pass,

because some gentlemen had been sent on before to order a road to be

opened, which was the first road ever made in the Indies. The paths made

by the Indians are only broad enough for one person to pass at a time.

Beyond this pass he entered upon a large plain over which he marched five

leagues the next day, and halted on the banks of a large river called the

River of Canes, which falls into the sea at Monte Christo, and over which

the people crossed on rafts and in canoes. In the course of the journey

they passed many Indian towns, consisting of round thatched houses, with

such small doors that it requires a person entering to stoop very low. As

soon as the Indians from Isabella who accompanied the march entered any

of those houses they took what they liked best, and yet the owners seemed

not to be at all displeased, as if all things were in common among them.

In like manner the people of the country were disposed to take from the

Christians whatever they thought fit, thinking our things had been in

common like theirs; but they were soon undeceived. In the course of this

journey they passed over mountains most delightfully wooded, where there

were wild vines, aloes, and cinnamon trees[8]; and another sort that

produces a fruit resembling a fig, which were vastly thick at the foot,

but had leaves like those of our apple trees.

The admiral continued his march from the River of Canes on Friday the 14th

March, and a league and a half beyond it he came to another which he

called the River of Gold, because some grains of gold were gathered in

passing. Having crossed this river with some difficulty, the admiral

proceeded to a large town, whence many of the inhabitants fled to the

mountains; but most of them fortified their houses by barring the doorways

with large canes, as if that had been a sufficient defence to hinder

any body from coming in; for according to their customs, no one dares to

break in at a door that is barred up in this manner, as they have no

wooden doors or any other means of shutting up their houses. From the

river of gold the march was continued to another fine river, which was

named _Rio verde_, or the Green River, at which the party halted for the

night. Continuing the march next day, they passed several considerable

towns, the inhabitants of which had barricadoed their doors with canes and

sticks in the manner already mentioned. The whole party being fatigued

with the march of this day, halted for the night at the foot of a rugged

mountain, to which the admiral gave the name of _Puerto de Cibao_, or the

Pass of Cibao, because the province or district of Cibao begins beyond

that mountain. Betwixt the former ridge named the Hidalgos Pass and this

of Cibao they had travelled directly south for eleven leagues over a fine

level plain. From this place the admiral sent back a party with several

mules to Isabella to bring a supply of bread and wine, as they began to

want provisions; the Spaniards suffered the more on this long journey that

they were not yet accustomed to the food of the country, which is more

easy of digestion and agrees better with the constitution in that country

than what is brought from Europe, according to the experience of those who

now live and travel in these parts, though not so nourishing.

The people who had been sent for provisions having returned, the admiral

passed over the mountain along a path so narrow, steep, and winding, that

the horses were led over with much difficulty. They now entered the

district of Cibao, which is rough and stoney and full of gravel, yet

plentifully covered with grass, and watered with several rivers in which

gold is found. The farther they went in this country they found it the

rougher and more uncouth, and everywhere encumbered with mountains, on the

summits even of which they found grains of gold, which is washed down from

the tops of these mountains by the great rains and torrents into the beds

of the rivers, and there found in small dust, sand, or grains,

interspersed with some of a larger size. This province is as large as

Portugal, and abounds in mines and brooks producing gold; but for the most

part has few trees, and these are mostly pines and palms of several sorts,

growing on the banks of the rivers. As Ojeda had travelled before into

this country, the Indians had some knowledge of the Christians; and

understanding that they came in search of gold, the natives came to meet

the admiral everywhere during the march with small quantities of gold

which they had gathered, and bringing presents of provisions. Being now 18

leagues from Isabella[9], and the country he had marched over from the

Pass of Cibao very rugged, the admiral ordered a fort to be constructed in

a strong and very pleasant situation, to command the country about the

mines, and to protect the Christians that might be employed there in

procuring gold, and gave it the name of the castle of St Thomas. He gave

the command of this new fort to Don Pedro Margarite, with a garrison of 56

men, among whom were workmen of all kinds for building the castle, which

was constructed of clay and timber, as of sufficient strength to resist

the efforts of any number of Indians that might come against it. On

breaking ground for the foundations of the fort, and cutting a rock to

form its ditches, at two fathoms below the surface, they found several

nests made of hay and straw, containing instead of eggs three or four

round stones as large as oranges, as artificially made as if they had been

cannon-balls [10]. In the river that runs at the foot of the hill on which

the castle was built, they found stones of several colours, some of them

large, of pure marble, and others of jasper.

Leaving orders for finishing the fortifications of fort St Thomas, the

admiral set out on his return for Isabella on Friday the 21st of March.

Near the Green River he met the escort of mules with provisions, which he

sent on to the fort[11]; and was constrained to remain some time at the

green river on account of the excessive rains which then fell. While

afterwards endeavouring to find the fords of the Rio Verde and Rio del Oro,

which is larger than the Ebro, he had to remain for several days among the

towns of the Indians, subsisting his whole party on the Indian bread and

garlick, which the natives parted with for a small price. On Sunday the

29th of March he returned to Isabella, where melons were already grown and

fit for eating, although the seed had only been put into the ground two

months before. Cucumbers came up in twenty days. A wild vine of the

country having been pruned, had produced large and excellent grapes. On

the 30th of March a peasant gathered some ears of wheat which had only

been sown in the latter end of January. There were vetches likewise, but

much larger than the seed they had brought from Spain; these had sprung up

in three days after they were sown, and the produce was fit to eat after

twenty-five days. The stones of fruit set in the ground sprouted in seven

days. Vine branches shot out in the same time, and in twenty-five days

they gathered green grapes.

Sugar canes budded in seven days. All this wonderful rapidity of

vegetation proceeded from the temperature of the climate, which was not

unlike that of the south of Spain, being rather cool than hot at the

present season of the year. The waters likewise were cold, pure, and

wholesome; so that upon the whole the admiral was well satisfied with the

soil and air, and with the people of the country.

On Tuesday the 1st of April, intelligence was brought by a messenger from

fort St Thomas, that all the Indians of that country had withdrawn from

the neighbourhood, and that a cacique named Caunabo was making

preparations to attack the fort. Knowing how inconsiderable the people of

that country were, the admiral was very little alarmed by this news, and

was especially confident in the horses which were in that garrison, as he

knew the Indians were particularly afraid of them, and would not enter a

house where a horse stood lest they should be devoured. But, as he

designed to go out from Isabella with the three caravels he had detained

there on purpose to discover the continent, he thought fit to send more

men and provisions to the fort, that every thing might remain quiet and

safe during his absence. Wherefore, on Wednesday the 2d of April he sent

70 men with a supply of provisions and ammunition to fort St Thomas. Of

these, 25 were appointed to strengthen the immediate garrison, and the

others were directed to assist in making a new road between the _puerto_

and the fort, the present one being very troublesome and difficult, as

well as the fords of the rivers, which were ordered to be cleared. While

the ships were fitting out to go upon the new discovery, the admiral

attended to order all things necessary and useful for the town of Isabella,

which he divided into regular streets, and provided with a convenient

market-place. He likewise endeavoured to bring the river water to the town

along a large canal, because the river being almost a gun-shot distant,

occasioned much trouble to the people in supplying themselves with water;

more especially as most of them were then weak and indisposed, owing to

the sharpness of the air, which did not agree with them. They had now no

other Spanish provisions except bread and wine, owing partly to the bad

management of the captains of the ships, and partly because nothing keeps

so well in that country as in Spain; and though they had abundance of the

provisions of the country, yet not being used to that food it did not

agree with them, and many of them were sick. Taking all these

circumstances into consideration, he resolved to send back part of the

people into Spain, retaining only 300 men in the island, which number he

considered as quite sufficient for keeping the country under subjection.

In the mean time, as biscuit began to grow scarce and they had no flour to

make more, though wheat was in plenty, he resolved to construct some mills,

although there was no fall of water fit for the purpose within less than a

league from the town; in this and all other works he was under the

necessity of constantly superintending the workmen, who all endeavoured

to save themselves from any labour or fatigue.

To husband the remaining provisions, Hojeda was sent from Isabella on

Wednesday the 29th of April with 400 men, leaving none in the town who

were in health except handicrafts and artificers. These were ordered to

march about the country in various directions to strike terror into the

Indians, to accustom them to subjection, and to enure the Spaniards to the

food of country. Hojeda was ordered to march in the first place to fort St

Thomas, of which he was to take the command as the first discoverer of the

province of Cibao, which in the Indian language means the stony country.

Don Pedro Marguerite was then to take charge of marching with this little

army about the country. While on his outward march, Hojeda apprehended a

cacique who resided on the other side of the Rio del Oro, together with

his brother and nephew, sending them in irons to the admiral, and cut off

the ears of one of his subjects in the great place of his town, for the

following reason: This cacique had sent five Indians along with three

Christians who were travelling from St Thomas to Isabella to carry their

clothes over the river at the ford, and they being come to the middle of

the river returned to the town with the clothes, when the cacique, instead

of punishing the people for the robbery, took the clothes to himself and

refused to restore them. Another cacique who dwelt beyond the river,

relying on the service he had done the Christians, went along with the

prisoners to Isabella to intercede with the admiral for their pardon. The

admiral received him very courteously, but ordered that the prisoners

should be brought out into the market-place with their hands bound, and

sentenced them to die. On seeing this the friendly cacique petitioned for

their lives with many tears, promising that they should never be guilty of

any other offence; at length the admiral relented and discharged them all.

Soon afterwards a person came on horseback from St Thomas, and reported

that he had found five Christian prisoners in the town of the cacique who

had just been pardoned, who had been taken by his subjects while going

from Isabella; that by frightening the Indians with his horse he had

obtained the relief of the prisoners, above 400 of the Indians running

away from him alone, two of whom he wounded in the pursuit; and that when

he crossed the river the Indians turned back upon the Christians to retake

them, but by making as if he would go against them, they all ran away lest

the horse should fly over the river.

Before proceeding on his intended voyage for discovering the continent,

the admiral appointed a council to govern the island in his absence, of

which he appointed his brother Don James Columbus president: the others

were F. Boyl and Peter Fernandez Coronell regents, together with Alonzo

Sanchez de Caravajal, rector of Bracca, and Juan de Luxan of Madrid,

gentleman to their Catholic majesties. That there might be no want of

flour for supporting the people, he hastened the building of the mills,

notwithstanding the rain and floods which very much obstructed the work.

Owing to these rains, in the admirals opinion, the great fertility of the

island proceeded. So wonderful is this fertility that they eat the fruits

of the trees in the month of November, while at the same time they are

blossoming afresh, by which it is evident that they bear fruit twice every

year. But herbs and seeds grow at all times indiscriminately, and nests

with eggs and young birds are found on the trees throughout the whole year.

As the fruitfulness of the island appeared so extraordinary, so daily

accounts arrived of its abundant wealth, and of the discovery of new mines,

which coincided with the reports of the Indians concerning the great

quantity of gold to be met with in several parts of the island[11a]. But

the admiral could not rest satisfied with these things, and resolved to

prosecute his discoveries by sea, beginning with the coast of Cuba, not

yet knowing whether it was an island or a continent.

In the afternoon of Thursday the 24th of April 1494 the admiral sailed

with three caravels from Isabella, and came to anchor that evening at

Monte Christo, having shaped his course to the west. On Friday he went to

Guacanagaris port, or the Nativity, thinking to find him there; but he

fled, though his subjects falsely affirmed that he would soon return. Not

caring to stay without sufficient cause, he departed on Saturday the 26th

of April, and went to the island of Tortuga 6 leagues to the westwards. He

lay here all that night in a calm with all his sails loose, the tide

running back against the current. Next day the N.W. wind and a strong

current setting to the west obliged him to go back to anchor in the river

Guadalquiver in the same island, to wait for a wind sufficient to stem the

current, which both then and the year before he found to run strong from

the east. On Tuesday the 29th of April, the wind became fair and he was

able to reach Cape St Nicholas, whence he crossed over to Cuba and run

along its southern coast a league beyond Cape Fuerte, where he put into a

large bay which he named _Puerto Grande_ or the Great Harbour. The mouth

of this port was 150 paces across, and had abundant depth of water. He

cast anchor in this bay, where he procured refreshment of fish and oysters,

which the Indians had in great abundance. On the first of May he continued

his voyage along the coast, where he everywhere found commodious harbours,

fine rivers, and lofty mountains. After leaving Tortuga the sea everywhere

abounded with the same kind of weeds which he saw on the ocean in his

voyages to and from Spain. While sailing along the coast many of the

natives came off in their canoes, and thinking our people came down from

heaven, freely bestowed their country bread and fish without asking any

thing in return; but the admiral ordered them to be paid with beads, bells,

and such like baubles, and sent them away well pleased.

On Saturday the third of May, having heard that there was much gold in

Jamaica, he stood over for that island, which he discovered on Sunday the

fourth of May. Upon Monday he came to an anchor there, and thought it the

most beautiful of any island he had yet seen in the West Indies, and was

astonished at the multitudes of people who came off to the ships in large

and small canoes. Next day he ran along the coast in search of harbours.

The boats being sent in to examine a harbour which the admiral named

_Puerto Bueno_ or the Good Port, so many canoes came out filled with armed

natives to defend their country, that our people thought proper to return

towards the ships, to avoid any quarrel with these people; but considering

that to shew any signs of fear would make the Indians proud, they returned

again towards the port; and as the Indians came to drive them off they

gave them a flight of arrows from their cross-bows, by which six or seven

of them were wounded, and they all retired. The fight ended upon this, and

afterwards many natives came off to the ships in a peaceable manner to see

our people and to barter provisions and other articles for such trifles as

our people offered. In this bay, which is in the form of a horse shoe, the

admiral repaired his ship which was leaky; and then sailed on the ninth of

May, keeping along shore to the westwards, the Indians following

continually in their canoes to trade or barter with our people. The wind

proving rather contrary, and not being able to make so much way as he

wished, the admiral left the coast of Jamaica and stood over for Cuba,

designing to keep along its coast for five or six hundred leagues, that he

might be satisfied whether it were an island or the continent. That day

while leaving Jamaica, a young Indian came on board desiring to be

carried into Spain, and when several of his kindred and others entreated

him to return he refused to change his resolution, and to avoid the

importunities of his friends, and not to see his sisters cry and sob, he

went where they could not come to him. The admiral admired his resolution,

and gave orders that he should be civilly treated.

Leaving Jamaica on Wednesday the 15th of May, the admiral came to that

point of Cuba which he named Cabo de Santa Cruz, or Cape Holy Cross. In

running along the coast they encountered a great storm of thunder and

lightning which, combined with numerous flats and strong currents,

occasioned much trouble and great danger, being obliged to struggle at the

same time against two evils which required opposite remedies; for it is

proper during thunder to strike the sails, whereas it is necessary to

spread them to avoid the flats, and had this double calamity lasted for

eight or ten leagues it had been quite insupportable. The worst of all was,

that all over this sea, both northwards, and to the north-east, the farther

they went the greater number of low little islands they met with, in some

of which there were trees, but others were sandy and scarcely appeared

above the surface of the water; some of these were a league in compass,

some more and some less. The nearer they kept to the coast of Cuba the

higher and pleasanter these small islands appeared; and it being difficult

and useless to give names to every one, the admiral called them all in

general _Jardin de la Reyna_, or the Queens Garden. They saw many more

islands next day to the north-east, north-west, and south-west, insomuch

that they counted 160 islands that day, all parted by deep channels, many

of which the ships sailed through. In some of these islands they saw many

cranes resembling those of Spain in shape and size, but of a scarlet

colour[12]. In others they found great numbers of turtles, or sea

tortoises, and immense quantities of their eggs, which are not unlike

those of a hen but with much harder shells. The female turtle deposits her

eggs in holes on the sand, and covering them up leaves them to be hatched

by the heat of the sun, which brings forth the little turtles, which grow

in time to be as large as a buckler or great target. In these islands they

also saw crows and cranes like those of Spain, and sea crows, and infinite

numbers of small birds which sung delightfully, and the very air was sweet,

as if they had been among roses and the finest perfumes; yet the danger

was very great on account of the innumerable channels among the islands,

by which much time was spent in finding the way through.

In one of these channels they observed a canoe with Indian fishermen, who

very quietly awaited our boat coming towards them, and made signs not to

approach near till they had done fishing. Their manner of fishing was so

strange and new to our people that they willingly complied, and looked on

with astonishment. They had tied certain small fishes which they call

_reves_ by the tail with a long line and let them into the water, where

these _reves_ attached themselves to other fishes, by means of a certain

roughness which they have from the head to the middle of the back, and

stick so fast that the Indians drew both up together. It was a turtle our

men saw taken in this manner, and the _reve_ clung close to its neck,

which place they usually fasten upon because safe from being bitten by the

other fish, and they sometimes fasten upon vast sharks. When the Indians

in the canoe had thus taken the turtle, having already two others, they

came in a very friendly manner to know what our men would have, and went

by their direction on board the admiral who treated them courteously, and

to whom they would have freely given all they had; but he would only allow

their fish to be taken, and refused their nets, hooks, and calabashes

full of water which they had on board to drink, for which he gave them

some trifles with which they went away very well contented. From these

Indians he learnt that there were an infinite multitude of islands in that

sea, and he held on his course. But beginning to want provisions he could

not continue much longer, otherwise he meant to have gone west about

before returning to Hispaniola, although much spent, having never had it

in his power to go to bed, except eight nights, from the time he left

Hispaniola on the 24th of April till now, which was the 19th of May. He

always had much care and anxiety in his voyages, but infinitely greater

this time by reason of the innumerable islands among which he was sailing,

insomuch that on the 20th of May they counted seventy-one, besides a great

many more that were seen about sun-set. These islands are not only

dangerous on account of their numbers, but there rises from them every

night a heavy fog to the eastwards, so dismal to behold as if some great

shower of hail would fall, and it is generally accompanied by violent

thunder and lightning; but when the moon rises it all vanishes, partly

turning to rain and wind. These phenomena are so natural and usual in

these seas that they not only took place all those nights on which the

admiral was there, but I saw the same among those islands in the year 1503

on my return from the discovery of Veragua; and generally, the wind here

is every night from the north, coming from the island of Cuba, and

afterwards when the sun rises it comes about east, and follows the sun

till it comes to the west.

The admiral still held on his course westwards among infinite numbers of

islands, and came to one on the 22d of May somewhat larger than the rest,

which he called St Mary. They landed at a town which was seen on shore,

but none of the natives would stay to converse with the Christians, and

nothing was found in their houses save fish upon which they feed, and

several dogs like mastiffs which feed likewise on fish. They sailed thence

to the north-west still among numerous islands, on which they saw many

scarlet cranes or flamingos, parrots, and other birds, and dogs like those

mentioned before, and the sea was covered with large quantities of weeds.

The sailing among so many islands, channels, and shoals, fatigued the

admiral extremely, as sometimes they had to stand west, sometimes north,

and sometimes south, according as the channels would permit; and

notwithstanding his constant care in sounding and keeping men continually

on the look-out from the round top, yet the ship often touched, and there

was no avoiding it, there being no end to the flats on all hands. Sailing

on in this manner, they came at length again to Cuba to take in water, of

which they stood much in need. Though no town could be seen because the

place was entirely overgrown with trees, yet one of the seamen who was on

shore, having gone among the trees to kill some bird or beast with his

cross-bow, saw about thirty people armed after the Indian manner with

spears and a kind of clubs or staves, which they use instead of swords,

and which they call _macanas_. Among these he said that he saw one person

clad in a white coat or vest down to his knees, carried by two others who

had white vestments down to their feet, all three of them as white as

Spaniards; but that he had no intercourse with them, because being afraid

of such a number he called out to his comrades, and the Indians ran away

without looking back[13].

Next day, the admiral sent some people on shore to look after these

natives, but they could not travel above half a league from the shore on

account of the thickness of the trees and bushes, and because all that

coast for two leagues up the country, where the hills and mountains begin,

is boggy and marshy, so that they only saw a few footsteps of fishermen on

the shore, and abundance of cranes like those of Spain but larger. Having

sailed about ten leagues farther westwards, they saw some houses on the

shore, whence some canoes came off with water, and such food as the

Indians use, and for which they were well paid. The admiral caused one of

those Indians to be detained, telling him and the rest, by means of an

interpreter, that he would freely permit him to go home as soon as he had

given him an account of the country and some directions for the voyage.

This Indian assured the admiral that Cuba was an island, and that the king

or cacique of the western part of it never spoke to any of his subjects

but by signs, yet that all his orders were immediately obeyed; that all

this coast was very low and full of small islands. This latter information

was found to be too true; as next day, the 11th of June, the admiral was

forced to have the ships towed over a flat where there was not a foot of

water, and its whole breadth did not exceed two ships length[14]. Bearing

up closer to Cuba, they saw turtles of vast bigness, and in such numbers

that they covered the sea. At break of day, they saw such an enormous

flock of sea crows as even darkened the sun, these were going from sea

towards to the island, where they all alighted; besides these abundance of

pigeons and other birds were seen; and the next day such immense swarms of

butterflies, as even to darken the air, which lasted till night, when a

heavy rain carried them all away.

Perceiving that the coast of Cuba ran far west, and that it was extremely,

difficult to sail in that direction, on account of the infinite multitude

of islands and shoals, and because provisions were very scanty, the

admiral resolved on the 13th of June to return to Isabella. He anchored

therefore at an island which he named _Evangelista_ which is thirty

leagues in circuit, and lies 700 leagues west from Dominica, to take in

wood and water; and thence directed his course southwards, hoping to get

better out in that direction from among the labyrinth of islands in which

he had been so long bewildered. After sailing in the channel which seemed

the clearest for a few leagues, he found it entirely shut up, which

dismayed the people extremely, at seeing themselves apparently hemmed in

on all sides, and destitute of provisions and all hopes of comfort. But

he, who was always wise and courageous, cheered their faint-heartedness,

by saying he was thankful for being forced back so soon, as if they had

been able to continue their voyage in that direction, they might possibly

have got into a situation whence they could hardly have extricated

themselves, when they had neither ships nor provisions to carry them back,

but which was now easily in their power. He therefore returned to

Evangelista, and sailed thence on the 25th of June to the N.W. towards

some small islands about five leagues off. Going on still a little farther,

they found the sea so patched with green and white that it seemed one

entire sand, though there was two fathoms water. Along this singular

looking sea they sailed seven leagues, and then came to another sea as

white as milk and very thick; this was much wondered at, and dazzled the

eyes of all the beholders, who could not conceive that there was water

enough for the ships, and yet it was about three fathoms deep. After

sailing about four leagues on this white sea, they came to another which

was as black as ink, and five fathoms deep[15]. Through this black sea he

held on his course to Cuba, and thence stood to the eastwards[16] with

scanty winds, and through narrow channels among continual shoals.

While writing his journal on the 30th of June, his ship ran so fast

aground, that neither by means of anchors or any ether invention could she

be got off; but it pleased GOD that she was at length drawn over the shoal

a-head, though with some damage from beating on the sand. He thence

sailed on as the wind and shoal water would permit, always through a white

sea of two fathoms regular depth, unless when he approached a shoal when

the water became shallower. Besides all this anxious fatigue, occasioned

by these perpetual shoals, they were distressed every evening about

sun-set by prodigious rains, which arose from the mountains and marshes of

Cuba, and continued till he came off Cuba towards the east, the way he had

come at first. Thence as he had found before, came off a most refreshing

scent as of fragrant flowers. On the 7th of July, the admiral landed to

hear mass, when there came to him an old cacique, who was very attentive

to the service. When it was ended, by signs, and the best methods which he

could find to express himself, he said it was good to give thanks to GOD,

because the souls of the good would go to Heaven, while the body remained

on earth, whereas wicked souls would go to hell. Among other things, this

cacique said that he had been to Hispaniola, where he knew some of the

chief men; that he had been to Jamaica, and a great way west in the island

of Cuba, and that the cacique of that part was clothed like a priest[17].

Sailing thence on the 16th of July, and still attended by terrible rains

and winds, he at length drew near to Cape Santa Cruz in Cuba, where he was

suddenly assailed by so violent a squall of wind and furious rain, which

laid his ship on her broad-side; but it pleased GOD that they immediately

lowered all their sails and dropt their anchors, and the ship soon righted;

yet the ship took in so much water at the deck that the people were not

able to keep the hold clear, they were so much spent for want of

provisions. For some time they had been reduced to a pound of rotten

biscuit daily with half a pint of wine, unless when they happened to catch

fish, which could not be kept from day to day on account of the climate.

This want and short allowance was common to all, and the admiral speaks

thus of it in his journal addressed to their Catholic majesties. "I am

myself at the same allowance, and I pray to GOD that it may be for his

honour and the service of your highnesses, for I shall never again expose

myself to such sufferings and dangers for my own benefit; and there never

passes a day but we are all on the very brink of death."

In this state of distress and danger, the admiral arrived at Cape Santa

Cruz on the 18th of July, where he was entertained in a very friendly

manner by the Indians, who brought him abundance of their bread made from

grated roots, which they name _cazabi_[18]. They brought likewise a great

deal of fish, and abundance of fruit, and other articles of their ordinary

provisions, which proved a great relief to the exhausted mariners. The

wind being contrary for going to Hispaniola, the admiral stood over to

Jamaica on the 22d of July, and sailed along to the westwards close under

the shore, the country being all along most delightful, and very fruitful,

with excellent harbours at every league distance. All the coast was full

of towns, whence the natives followed the ships in their canoes, bringing

such provisions as they used, which were much better liked by our people

than what they found in any of the other islands. The climate, air, and

weather, was the same as in the other islands, for in this western part of

Jamaica, there gathered every evening a storm of rain which lasted

generally about an hour. This the admiral attributed to the great woods

in these countries, as he knew that this was usual at first in the

Canaries, Azores, and Madeira islands, whereas now that the woods in these

islands are mostly cut down, there are not such great and frequent storms

and heavy rains as formerly[19]. The admiral sailed along the coast of

Jamaica, but was obliged by contrary winds to take shelter every night

under the land, which appeared green, pleasant, fruitful, abounding in

provisions, and so populous that he thought nothing could excel it,

especially near a bay which he named _De las Vacas_, on account of nine

islands close to the land. At this place the land was as high as any he

had ever seen, insomuch that he believed it to reach above the regions in

which the storms are bred. He estimated Jamaica to be 800 miles in

compass; and when it was fully discovered, he computed it to be fifty

leagues long by twenty leagues broad. Being much taken with the beauty of

this island, he was much inclined to have made a longer stay to be fully

informed of its nature; but the great want of provisions under which he

laboured, and the crazy state of his vessels would not permit. Wherefore,

as soon as the weather became a little fair, he sailed away to the

westwards, and on Tuesday the 19th of August, he lost sight of that island,

standing directly for Hispaniola and named the most easterly cape of

Jamaica on the south coast _Cabo del Farol_.

On Wednesday the 20th of August, the admiral got sight of the south side

of Hispaniola, and called the first point Cape St Michael, which is thirty

leagues distant from the most easterly point of Jamaica; but through the

ignorance of the sailors that Cape is now called _Tiberoun_. From this

cape, on the 23d of August, a cacique came on board, who called the

admiral by his name, and had some other Spanish words, from which

circumstance he was convinced that this was the same land with Hispaniola.

At the end of August, he anchored at an island called _Alto Velo_, and

having lost sight of the other two ships, he caused some men to go on

shore in that little island which was very high, but they were unable to

see either of their consorts. When about to return on board, they killed

eight sea wolves that lay asleep on the sand, and took abundance of

pigeons and other birds; for that island being uninhabited, these animals

were unaccustomed to the sight of men, and allowed themselves to be

knocked down with sticks. They did the same on the two following days

waiting for the ships, which had been missing ever since the 22d of August.

At the end of six days they made their appearance, and all three proceeded

to the island _Beata_, twelve leagues from Alto Velo. Hence they continued

to coast along Hispaniola, in sight of a delightful country, which was a

plain of about a mile broad, before the hills began to ascend, and so

populous, that in one place there seemed to be a continued town for the

length of a league; and in that plain there appeared a lake five leagues

long from east to west. The people of the country having some knowledge of

the Christians, came on board in their canoes, and said that some

Spaniards from Isabella had been among them, and that they were all well,

which news gave the admiral great satisfaction; and to the end that they

too might receive intelligence of his return to the island, he ordered

nine men to cross the island by way of the forts St Thomas and the

Magdalen to Isabella.

Continuing his voyage eastwards, he sent the boats on shore for water, to

a place where a great town appeared, when the Indians came out with bows

and poisoned arrows, and with ropes in their hands, making signs to the

Spaniards that they would bind them if they came on shore. But as soon as

the boats came close to the beach they laid down their weapons, and

offered to bring bread and water, and every thing they had, asking in

their language for the admiral. Going from hence, they saw a strange fish

in the sea as big as a whale, having a great shell on its neck like a

tortoise, and bearing its head, as big as a hogshead, above the water, the

tail was very long like a tunny fish, and it had two large fins on the

sides. From the appearance of this fish and other signs, the admiral

foresaw an approaching change of weather, and sought for some harbour to

secure himself; and it pleased GOD that on the 15th of September, he

discovered an island near the east part of Hispaniola named _Adamanoi_ by

the Indians, and the weather being very stormy, dropt anchor in the

channel between it and Hispaniola, close to a small island which lies

between both. That night he saw an eclipse of the moon, which he said

varied five hours and twenty-three minutes from its time at Cadiz[20], to

the place where he then was. The bad weather, probably owing to the

eclipse, lasted so long, that he was forced to remain at that anchorage

till the 20th of the month, all the time under great anxiety for the other

ships which were not able to get into the same place of security, but it

pleased GOD to save them. Having rejoined the other caravels, they all

sailed over to the eastern part of Hispaniola, and thence to a little

island called _Mona_ by the Indians, which lies between Hispaniola and St

John de Boriquen.

The journal of the admiral breaks off at this island, and he does not

inform us of his course from thence to Isabella; but only, that while

going from Mona to St John, the great fatigues he had undergone, together

with his own weakness and the want of proper food, brought on a violent

malady, between a pestilential fever and a lethargy, which presently

deprived him of his senses and memory; whereupon, all the people in the

three caravels resolved to desist from the design he had then in hand of

discovering all the islands in the Caribbean sea, and returned to Isabella,

where they arrived on the 29th of September, five days afterwards[21].

This heavy sickness lasted during five months, but it pleased GOD to

restore him afterwards to health. His illness was occasioned by the great

sufferings he had gone through in this voyage, during which he had often

not been able to sleep three hours in eight days, owing to the perilous

nature of the navigation among innumerable islands and shoals; a degree

of privation that seems almost impossible, were it not authenticated by

himself and those who accompanied him.

On his return to Hispaniola, the admiral found there his brother

Bartholomew Columbus whom he had sent, as formerly related, to treat with

the king of England about the discovery of the Indies. On his return to

Spain with the grant of all his demands, he learned at Paris from Charles

king of France, that his brother the admiral had already made the

discovery, and the king supplied him with an hundred crowns to enable him

to prosecute his journey into Spain. He thereupon made all the haste he

could to overtake the admiral in Spain; but on his arrival at Seville, he

found that the admiral had gone out upon his second voyage with seventeen

sail, as already related. Wherefore, to fulfil the orders which his

brother had left for him at the beginning of 1494, he went to the court of

their Catholic majesties at Valadolid, carrying my brother Don James

Columbus and me along with him, as we had been appointed to serve as pages

to Prince John. Immediately upon our arrival, their majesties sent for Don

Bartholomew, and dispatched him with three ships to Hispaniola, where he

served several years, as appears from the following memorandum which I

found among his papers: "I served as captain from the 14th April 1494,

till the 12th of March 1498, when the admiral set out for Spain, and then

I began to act as governor till the 24th of August 1498, when the admiral

returned from the discovery of Paria; after which, I again served as

captain till the 11th of December 1500, when I returned to Spain." On his

return from Cuba, the admiral appointed his brother governor of the

Indies; though controversies afterwards arose on this subject, as their

majesties alleged that they had not given authority to the admiral to

make any such appointment. But to end this difference, their highnesses

granted it a-new, under the title of adelantado, or lieutenant of the

Indies, to my uncle Don Bartholomew.

Having now the assistance and advice of his brother, the admiral took some

rest, and lived in quiet, although he met with sufficient troubles, both

on account of his sickness, and because he found that almost all the

Indians had revolted through the fault of Don Pedro Marguerite. He, though

obliged to respect and honour the admiral, who had left him the command of

360 foot and 14 horse, with orders to travel all over the island, and to

reduce it to the obedience of their Catholic Majesties and the Christians,

particularly the province of Cibao, whence the chief profit was expected;

yet acted in every thing contrary to his orders and instructions, insomuch,

that when the admiral was gone, he went with all his men to the great

plain called _Vega Real_, or the Royal Plain, ten leagues from Isabella,

where he remained without ever endeavouring to traverse and reduce the

island. Hence there ensued discords and factions at Isabella, as Don Pedro

endeavoured to make the council which the admiral had instituted in that

place, subservient to his own authority, sending them very insolent

letters; and perceiving that he could not succeed in getting the whole

power and authority into his hands, he was afraid to wait the return of

the admiral who would have called him to a severe account for his conduct,

and went therefore on board the first ships that returned to Spain,

without giving any account of himself or any way disposing of the men who

had been left under his command.

Upon this desertion of Don Pedro, every one went among the Indians as they

thought fit, taking away their women and goods, and committing everywhere

such outrages, that the Indians resolved to revenge themselves on all whom

they should find straggling about the country. The cacique of the Magdalen,

Guatiguana, had killed ten, and had privately caused a house to be fired

in which there were eleven sick Spaniards. But he was severely punished by

the admiral after his return; for though the cacique himself could not

then be taken, yet some of his subjects were sent prisoners into Spain in

four ships that sailed in February 1495 under Antonio de Torres. Six or

seven other Indians who had injured the Christians in other parts of the

island suffered for their conduct. The cacique had killed many, and would

certainly have destroyed many more, if the admiral had not fortunately

come in time to restore order among the Christians, and to curb the

refractory spirit of the Indians. On his arrival from his late voyage to

Cuba and Jamaica, he found that most of the Christians had committed a

thousand insolencies, for which they were mortally hated by the Indians,

who refused to submit to their authority. It was no difficult matter for

them all to agree in casting off the Spanish yoke, as the whole island was

subject to the authority of four principal caciques. These were Caunabo,

Guacanagari, Behechico, and Gaurionex; each of whom commanded over seventy

or eighty inferior lords or caciques. These paid no tribute to the

superior caciques, but were obliged to till the ground when called upon,

and to assist them in their wars; but of these four, Guacanagari, who was

superior lord of that part of the island in which the town of Navidad had

been built, continued always friendly to the Christians. As soon therefore

as he heard of the admirals return to Isabella, he went to wait upon him,

and represented that he had not been any way aiding or advising with the

others, as might appear from the great civility the Christians had always

received in his country, where 100 men had always been well used and

furnished with every thing of which they stood in need. For which reason

the other caciques had become his enemies, as Behechico had killed one of

his women, and Caunabo had taken away another; wherefore he entreated the

admiral to cause her to be restored, and to assist him in revenging his

wrongs. The admiral was disposed to believe that Guacanagari spoke truth,

as he always wept whenever the discourse turned upon the slaughter of the

Christians at the Nativity; and the admiral was the more inclined to take

part with this cacique, as he considered that the discord among the Indian

chiefs, would make it the more easy for him to reduce the country to

subjection, and to punish the other Indians for their revolt, and for

having killed so many of the Christians.

Having resolved to make war upon the refractory natives, he set out from

Isabella on the 24th of March 1495, taking Guacanagari along with him; yet

the enterprize seemed difficult, as the malcontent Indians had collected

a force of above 100,000 men, whereas the admiral had only about 200

infantry, 20 horsemen, and about the same number of dogs [22]. Being well

acquainted with the nature and qualities of the Indians, when he was two

days march from Isabella, the admiral divided his small force, giving

half to his brother the lieutenant, that he might attack the multitude

which was scattered over the plain in two places at once, believing that

the terror of the noise in two places would throw them into disorder, and

put them to flight the sooner, as it actually proved in the event. The

battalions of foot fell upon the disordered multitude of the Indians, and

broke them with the first discharge of their cross-bows and muskets; the

cavalry and the dogs next fell upon them in the most furious manner that

they might have no time to rally, and the faint-hearted natives fled on

every side. Our men pursued them, and made such havock, that in a short

time, through GOD'S assistance, many of the enemies were slain, and others

taken prisoners, among whom was Caunabo the principal cacique of the whole,

with his wives and children, and one of his brothers. Caunabo afterwards

confessed that he had killed twenty of the Spaniards who had been left

with Arana at the town of the Nativity on the first voyage, when the

Indies were discovered; and that he had afterwards gone under colour of

friendship to Isabella, that he might observe how best to attack it and do

as he had formerly done at Navidad. The admiral had been fully informed

of all these things by others, and therefore to punish him for that

offence and for this revolt, he sent the whole family prisoners into Spain,

not being inclined to execute so considerable a person without the

knowledge of their Catholic majesties; but he capitally punished several

others of the ringleaders in the revolt. The consequences of this great

victory, and the capture of Caunabo put the affairs of the Christians into

such good order, that although there were then only 630 Spaniards in the

island, many of whom were sick, and others women and children; yet in the

space of a year, which the admiral employed in traversing the island

without being again constrained to use the sword, he reduced it to entire

obedience, and brought the people to engage for the payment of a tribute

every three months to their Catholic majesties. All the inhabitants of

the province of Cibao, in which the gold mines are situated, from fourteen

years of age and upwards; were to pay a large horse bell full of gold dust;

while those in the other districts of the island were rated at twenty-five

pounds of cotton each person[23]. That it might be known who had paid

their quotas of this tribute, a sort of coin made of brass and tin was

stamped, one of which was given to each person that paid, which he was

directed to wear hanging from his neck, that whoever was found without

this token might be known as not having paid, and be punished accordingly.

Doubtless this arrangement would have proved effectual to ensure a

respectable revenue, as after the capture of Caunabo, the country became

so peaceable, that for the future a single Christian went safely all over

the island, and the Indians would even carry the Spaniards about on their

shoulders. But the troubles which happened afterwards among the Christians,

which will be related in the sequel, overturned all this fair fabric of

order.

The admiral attributed the ease with which he had discomfited so vast a

multitude, with only 200 ill armed and half-sick men, to the interposition

of Providence and the good fortune of their Catholic majesties. And it

pleased the Divine Majesty, not only to enable him to reduce the whole

country under authority, but to end such a scarcity of provisions, and

such violent diseases among the natives, that they were reduced to a third

of the number which they had been when first discovered: Thus making it

evident that such miraculous victories, and the subduing of nations, are

the gift of Providence, and not the effect of our power or good conduct,

or of the want of courage in the natives; for though our men were superior

to them, yet their numbers might have compensated for any advantage we had

over them in arms and discipline [24].

The people of the island being reduced to subjection, and conversing more

freely with our men, many particulars and secrets respecting their

religion were discovered, and many circumstances of the nature of the

country: Particularly that it contained mines of copper, azure, and amber,

and that it produced ebony, cedar, frankincense, and other rich gums, and

spice of several kinds, but wild, and which might be brought to perfection

by cultivation; as cinnamon of a good colour but bitter, ginger, long

pepper, abundance of mulberry trees for making silk which bear leaves all

the year, and many other useful trees and plants not known in our parts. I

shall here insert an account of the religion of these people as written by

the admiral, which is followed by a more particular memorial on the same

subject, written at his desire by an Anchorite who understood the language

of the natives.

"I could discover neither idolatry among those people nor any other sect,

though every one of their kings, who are very numerous both in Hispaniola

and the other islands and continent, has a house apart from the town, in

which there are nothing but some carved wooden images which they call

_cemis_[25], and every thing that is done in these houses is expressly for

the service of these images, the people repairing to these houses to pray

and to perform certain ceremonies, as we do to our churches. In these

houses they have a handsome round table made like a dish, on which there

is some powder which they lay on the head of the _cemi_, with certain

ceremonies; and then by means of a tube which has two branches which they

apply to their nostrils, they snuff up this powder, using certain words

which none of our people understand. This powder puts them beside

themselves as if they were intoxicated. They also give each of these

images a name, which I believe to be derived from the names of their

fathers and grandfathers; for all have more than one image, and some of

them above ten, all in memory of their forefathers. I have heard them

commend one of these images as superior to others, and have observed them

to shew more devotion and respect to one than to another, as we do in our

processions in time of need, and the people and their caciques boast among

one another of having the best _cemis_. When they go to their cemis they

shun the Christians, and will not allow them to go into the houses where

they are kept; and if they suspect any of our people will come, they take

away their cemis into the woods and hide them, for fear we should take

them away; and, what stems most ridiculous, they are in use to steal the

cemis from one another. It happened once that some Christians rushed into

one of these houses, when presently the cemi began to cry out; by which it

appeared to be artificially made hollow, having a tube connected with it

leading into a dark corner of the house, where a man was concealed under a

covering of boughs and leaves, who spoke through the cemi according as he

was ordered by the cacique. The Spaniards, therefore, suspecting how the

trick was performed, kicked down the cemi and discovered the concealed

invention; and the cacique earnestly entreated them not to betray the

secret to his subjects and the other Indians, as he kept them in obedience

by that policy. This may be said to have some resemblance to idolatry,

especially among those who are ignorant of the fraud practised by the

caciques, since they believe that it is the cemi that speaks, and all are

imposed upon by the deceit, except the cacique and the person who combines

with him to abuse their credulity, by which means he draws what tribute he

pleases from his people."

"Most of the caciques have three stones also, to which they and their

people shew great devotion. One of these they say helps the growth of all

sorts of grain, the second causes women to be delivered without pain, and

the third procures rain or fair weather, according as they stand in need

of either. I sent three of these stones to your highnesses by Antonio de

Torres, and I have three more to carry along with myself. When these

Indians die, their obsequies are performed in several manners, but their

way of burying their caciques is this. They open and dry him at a great

fire, that he may be preserved whole. Of others they preserve only the

head. Others they bury in a grot or den, and lay a calabash of water and

some bread on his head. Others they burn in their houses, having first

strangled them when at the last gasp, and this is done to caciques. Others

are carried out of the house in a hammock, laying bread and water at their

head, and they never return any more to see after them. Some when

dangerously ill are carried to the cacique, who gives orders whether they

are to be strangled or not, and their orders are instantly obeyed. I have

taken pains to inquire whether they know or believe what becomes of them

after death, and I particularly questioned Caunabo, who was the chief

cacique in all Hispaniola, a man well up in years, experienced, and of a

most piercing wit and much knowledge. He and the rest answered, that they

go after death to a certain vale, which every great cacique supposes to be

in his own country, and where they affirm they rejoin their relations and

ancestors, that they eat, have women, and give themselves up to all manner

of pleasures and pastimes. These things will appear more at large in the

following extended account which I ordered to be drawn up by one father

_Roman_, who understood their language, and set down all their ceremonies

and antiquities: But these are so filled with absurdities and fable, that

it is hardly possible to make any thing out of them, except that the

natives have some ideas of the immortality of the soul and of a future

state."

[1] This apparently ambiguous expression, probably means all contraveners

in the premises, or all who might in any way obstruct the full

execution of the offices and their privileges here granted to Columbus

and his heirs.--E.

[2] This is certainly the greatest hereditary grant that ever was conceded

by sovereign to subject. Had it taken effect in its clear extent, the

family of Columbus must long ere now have become prodigiously too

powerful and wealthy to have remained hereditary admirals, viceroys,

and governors of the whole new world. They must either have become

independent sovereigns, or must have sunk under the consequences of

rebellion. If they still exist, they owe their existence, or their

still subjected state, to the at first gross injustice of the court of

Spain, and its subsequent indispensably necessary policy to preserve

the prodigious acquisition acquired for them by the genius of this

great man.--E.

[3] The author mentions that he and his elder brother, the sons of

Columbus, were present on this occasion, probably to take leave of

their father. It appears afterwards that James the admirals brother,

accompanied him on this second voyage.--E.

[4] The phenomenon here alluded to is now well known to be electricity,

proceeding from or to pointed projections and in a continued stream,

resembling flame.--E.

[5] These three additional islands probably were successively, Marigalante,

Petite Terre, and Deseado or Desirade.--E.

[6] The origin of this may have been one of the people saying he had seen

a pan or vessel of a substance _like iron_, while in the progress of

the story to the admiral the qualifying circumstance of resemblance

was omitted.--E.

[7] The meaning of this passage is quite inexplicable.--E.

[8] Those here called cinnamon trees must only have had some distant

resemblance to true cinnamon in flavour; probably what is now called

_Canella alba_, which is only used to give a flavour to nauseous

medicines.--E.

[9] By the description of the route in the foregoing narrative, the

distances appear to have been, from Isabella to the pass of Hidalgos 3

leagues; from Hidalgos to the pass of Cibao 11 leagues; and from this

latter pass to the Castle of St Thomas 4 leagues: in all 18 leagues as

in the text.--E.

[10] This story, like the iron pan in Dominica formerly mentioned, seems

to have gained circumstances in its passage to the author. Such

collections of balls or round stones are not uncommon in mines, and

are termed nests: The hay and straw seem an embellishment.--E.

[11] In a former passage he was said to have waited for the convoy of

provisions before going to Cibao, which must have been an oversight in

the author.--E.

[11a] All these mighty promises of mines turned out only torrents and

rivulets, in the beds of which gold dust and grains were found with

infinite labour, and which, after the destruction of the natives, were

all abandoned as unprofitable.--E.

[12] Flamingos.

[13] The remarkable whiteness of these three natives might have proceeded

from the use of white pigments, which, as well as red and black, were

used by the natives of the West India islands.--E.

[14] There must be a gross error here in the original translation, as the

circumstance of towing ships in such shallow water is impossible. The

passage ought probably to be thus understood: "There was not a foot of

water _to spare_, and the wind being foul the channel was too narrow

to turn through, which occasioned the necessity of towing." As

expressed in the text, the boats could not have floated.--E.

[15] These strong descriptive epithets seem to have been colloquial

exaggerations of the recounter to Don Ferdinand Columbus.--E.

[16] Columbus seems now to have changed his course, back again the way be

came, though not clearly so expressed in the text.--E.

[17] Probably alluding to the dress of the Spanish priest who had said

mass, and explanatory of the clothed natives who had been seen in that

place during this voyage.--E.

[18] This bread, which is called cassada or cassava in the British West

Indies, is made from the roots of Manioca pounded or grated, and

carefully pressed free from its juice, which is alleged to be

poisonous. The process will be found minutely described in other parts

of this collection.--E.

[19] It is not competent in the bounds of a note to enter upon

philosophical discussions. But it may be shortly mentioned that the

regular evening rains can be easily accounted for upon Dr Huttons

ingenious theory of rain. The heated land air loaded to saturation

with water, by the periodical change of the land and sea breezes,

meets and mixes with the colder sea air, likewise saturated. The

reduced mean temperature of the mixture is no longer able to hold the

same quantity of water in solution, and the superabundant quantity

precipitates in rain. Hence likewise the prodigious rains in all warm

latitudes at the changes of the monsoon. The observation of Columbus

respecting clearing away the woods has been verified in several West

India islands.--E.

[20] The longitude of Cadiz is 6°18' W. from Greenwich. That of _Saono_,

the modern name of Adamanoi, is 68°30'. The difference between these

is only 62°12', or four hours five minutes. The calculation in the

text therefore is one hour and eighteen minutes erroneous in point of

time, and 12°15' in longitude; and would remove the east end of

Hispaniola, to long 80°45' west from Greenwich, considerably beyond

the west end of Jamaica.--E.

[21] Our author forgets what he had said a few pages before, that the

admiral had previously resolved to return to Isabella, on account of

wanting provisions to continue the voyage.--E.

[22] This is probably the first instance of a civilized nation employing

the horrid alliance of ferocious animals to hunt down their brethren

like beasts of chase. Once only were the British arms disgraced by a

demonstration of using this savage mode of warfare, which it is to be

hoped will never be again heard of in our annals.--E.

[23] The measure of gold dust in the text seems enormous, and I am

disposed to believe that instead of the large _horse_ bell, mentioned

in the text, a large _hawks_ bell ought to be substituted. It is

difficult, perhaps impossible to estimate the population of St Domingo

at this period, and thence to form a conjecture as to the amount of

the tribute. From the preceding account of the number of subordinate

caciques, and the large force opposed to Columbus, perhaps Hispaniola

might then contain 500,000 inhabitants of all ages, half of whom, or

250,000, might be liable to the tax. Supposing 50,000 of these

employed as gold finders, and to pay one ounce each annually, worth

L. 4 the ounce, this would produce L. 200,000. The remaining 200,000

paying 100 libs. of cotton each, would give twenty million of pounds;

and this rated at sixpence a pound would produce L. 500,000, making

the whole revenue L. 700,000 a-year, a prodigious sum in those days;

but out of which the expences of government and the admirals share

were to be defrayed. All this can only be considered as an

approximation or mere conjecture.--E.

[24] It is a singularly perverted devotion that praises the Almighty for

success in murder, rapine, and injustice; and doubtless a devout

Spaniard of those days would sing Te Deum for the comfortable

exhibition of an _auto de fe_, in which those who differed from the

dogmas of the holy Catholic church were burnt for the glory of GOD.

The ways of Providence are inscrutable, and are best viewed by human

ignorance in silent humility and reverential awe.--E.

[25] It is surely possible that a good Catholic, accustomed to the worship

of images, might not see idolatry in the ceremonies of the

Hispaniolans; but the sentiment seems darkly expressed.--E.

SECTION VII.

_Account of the Antiquities, Ceremonies, and Religion of the Natives of

Hispaniola, collected by F. Roman, by order of the Admiral_[1].

I, Father Roman, a poor anchorite of the order of St Jerome, by command of

the most illustrious lord admiral, viceroy and governor-general of the

islands and continent of the Indies, do here relate all that I could hear

and learn concerning the religious opinions and idolatry of the Indians,

and of the ceremonies they employ in the worship of their gods.

Every one observes some particular superstitious ceremonies in worshipping

their idols, which they name _cemis_. They believe that there is an

immortal being, invisible like Heaven, who had a mother, but no beginning,

whom they call Atabei, Jermaoguacar, Apito, and Zuimaco; which are all

several names of the Deity. They also pretend to know whence they came at

the first, to give an account of the origin of the sun and moon, of the

production of the sea, and what becomes of themselves after death. They

likewise affirm that the dead appear to them upon the roads when any

person goes alone, but that when many are together they do not appear. All

these things they derive from the tradition of their ancestors, for they

can neither write nor read, and are unable to reckon beyond ten.

1. In a province of the island named Caanan, there is a mountain called

Carita, where there are two caves named Cacibagiagua and Amaiauva, out of

the former of which most of the original inhabitants came. While in those

caverns, they watched by night, and one Marocael having the watch, he came

one day too late to the door and was taken away by the sun, and he was

changed into a stone near the door. Others going to fish were taken away

by the sun and changed into trees called jobi, or mirabolans.

2. One named Guagugiana ordered another person named Giadruvava to gather

for him the herb digo, wherewith they cleanse their bodies when they wash

themselves. Giadruvava was taken away by the sun and changed to a bird

called giahuba bagiaci, which sings in the morning and resembles a

nightingale.

3. Guagugiana, angry at the delay, enticed all the women to accompany him,

leaving their husbands and children.

4. Guagugiana and the women came to Matinino, where he left the women, and

went to another country called Guanin. The children thus deserted by their

mothers, called out ma! ma! and too! too! as if begging food of the earth,

and were transformed into little creatures like dwarfs, called tona; and

thus all the men were left without women.

5. There went other women to Hispaniola, which the natives call Aiti, but

the other islanders call them Bouchi. When Guagugiana went away with the

women, he carried with him the wives of the cacique, named Anacacugia; and

being followed by a kinsman, he threw him into the sea by a stratagem, and

so kept all the caciques wives to himself. And it is said that ever since

there are only women at Matinino.

6. Guagugiana being full of these blotches which we call the French pox,

was put by a woman named Guabonito into a guanara, or bye-place, and there

cured. He was afterwards named Biberoci Guahagiona, and the women gave him

abundance of guanine and cibe to wear upon his arms. The cibe or colecibi

are made of a stone like marble, and are worn round the wrists and neck,

but the guanine are worn in their ears, and they sound like fine metal.

They say that Guabonito, Albeboreal, Guahagiona, and the father of

Albeboreal were the first of these Guaninis. Guahagiona remained with the

father called Hiauna; his son from the father took the name of Hia Guaill

Guanin, which signifies the son of Hiauna, and thence the island whether

Guahagiona went is called Guanin to this day.

7. The men who had been left without women were anxious to procure some,

and one day saw the shape of human beings sliding down the trees, whom

they could not catch. But by employing four men who had rough hands from a

disease like the itch, these four strange beings were caught.

8. Finding those beings wanted the parts of women, they caught certain

birds named turiri cahuvaial, resembling woodpeckers, and by their means

fashioned them to their purpose.

9. There was once a man named Giaia, who had a son named Giaiael, which

signifies the son of Giaia; and who, intending to kill his father was

banished and afterwards killed by his father, and his bones hung up in a

calabash. Afterwards going to examine the bones, he found them all changed

into a vast number of great and small fishes.

10. There were four brothers, the sons of a woman named Itiba Tahuvava,

all born at one birth, for the woman dying in labour they cut her open.

The first they cut out was named Diminan, and was a caracaracol, or

afflicted with a disease like the itch, the others had no names. One day

while Giaia was at his conichi or lands, these brothers came to his house

and took down the calabash to eat the fish; but not hanging it up properly,

there ran out so much water as drowned the whole country, and with it

great quantities of fish: And in this manner they believe the sea had its

original.

11. After a long story of a live tortoise being cut out from the shoulder

of Diminan Caracaracol, quite away from the purpose, F. Roman proceeds to

say that the sun and moon came out of a grotto called Giovovava, in the

country of a cacique named Maucia Tiuvel. This grotto is much venerated,

and is all painted over with the representation of leaves and other things.

It contained two cemis made of stone, about a quarter of a yard long,

having their hands bound, and which looked as if they sweated. These were

called Boinaiel and Maroio, and were much visited and honoured, especially

when they wanted rain.

12. They say the dead go to a place called Coaibai, which is in a part of

the island named Soraia; and that one Machetaurie Guaiava, who was lord or

cacique of Coaibi, the dwelling-place of the dead, was the first who went

there.

13. They say that the dead are shut up during the day, and walk abroad in

the night, when they feed on a certain fruit called guabazza, which is

something else during the day and changes to that fruit at night for the

use of the dead. The dead go about and feast with the living, who

sometimes think they have a woman of Coaibi in their arms who vanishes

suddenly; and they allege that those dead inhabitants of Coaibi may be

known by the want of navels. The souls of the living they name goeiz,

those of the dead opia.

14. There is a set of men among them called Bohutis, who use many juggling

tricks, pretend to talk with the dead and to know all the actions and

secrets of the living, whom they cure when sick. All their superstitions

and fables are contained in old songs which these Bohutis rehearse, and

which direct them in all things as the Moors are by the Coran. When they

sing these songs they play on an instrument named Maiohaven, like a

calabash with a long neck, made of wood, strong, hollow, and thin, which

makes so loud a noise as to be heard at the distance of a league and a

half.

15. Almost every person in Hispaniola has abundance of cemis; some have

their fathers, mothers, and predecessors and kindred, some in stone and

others in wood, some that speak, some that eat, some that cause things to

grow, others that bring rain, and others that give winds. When any one is

sick, the Buhuitihu is brought, who must be dieted exactly in the same

manner with the sick man. That is both snuff up a certain powder named

cobaba by the nose, which intoxicates them and makes them speak

incoherently, which they say is talking with the cemis, who tell them the

cause of the sickness.

16. When the Buhuitihu goes to visit a sick person, he smears his face

with soot or powdered charcoal. He wraps up some small bones and a bit of

flesh, which he conceals in his mouth. The sick man is purged with cohaba.

The doctor sits down in the house, after turning out all children and

others, so that only one or two remain with him and the sick person, who

must all remain silent. After many mumming tricks[2], the Buhuitihu lights

a torch and begins a mystic song. He then turns the sick man twice about,

pinches his thighs and legs, descending by degrees to the feet, and draws

hard as if pulling something away; then going to the door he says, "begone

to the sea or the mountains, or whither thou wilt," and giving a blast as

if he blew something away, turns round clapping his hands together, which

tremble as if with cold, and shuts his mouth. After this he blows on his

hands as if warming them, then draws in his breath as if sucking something,

and sucks the sick mans neck, stomach, shoulders, jaws, breast, belly, and

other parts of his body. This done he coughs and makes wry faces as if he

had swallowed something very bitter, and pulls from his mouth what he had

before concealed there, stone, flesh, bone, or whatever that may have been.

If any thing eatable, he alleges that the sick man had eaten this which

had occasioned his disorder, pretending, it had been put in by the cemi

because he had not been sufficiently devout, and that he must build a

temple to the cemi, or give him some offering. If a stone, he desires it

to be carefully preserved, wrapped up in cotton and deposited in a basket.

On solemn days when they provide much food, whether fish, flesh, or any

other, they put it all first into the house of their cemi, that the idol

may eat.

17. If the patient die and has many friends or was lord of a territory, so

that the family dare contend with the Buhuitihu, and are disposed to be

revenged for the loss of their friend, they proceed as follows; but mean

people dare not oppose these jugglers. They take the juice of an herb

called gueio or zachon, with which they mix the parings of the dead mans

nails and the hair of his forehead reduced to powder, and pour this

mixture down the dead mans throat or nostrils, asking him whether the

Buhuitihu were the cause of his death, and whether he observed order?

repeating this question several times till he speaks as plain as if he

were alive, so that he gives answers to all they ask, informing them that

the Buhuitihu did not observe due order in his treatment, or that he had

occasioned his death. It is said that the Buhuitihu then asks him whether

he is alive, and how he comes to speak so plain, to which he answers that

he is actually dead. After this strange interrogatory, they restore the

body to the grave. There is another mode of conjuration on similar

occasions. The dead body is thrown into a violent fire, and covered up

with earth like a charcoal furnace, and then questioned as before. In this

case the dead body gives ten distinct answers and no more. When the fire

is uncovered the smoke proceeds into the house of the Buhuitihu, who falls

sick in consequence and is covered all over with sores, so that his entire

skin comes off. This is taken as a sure sign that the deceased had not

been orderly treated, and the kindred conspire to be revenged on the

Buhuitihu[3].

18. After this the kindred of the dead man way-lay the Buhuitihu, and

break his legs, arms, and head with repeated blows of heavy clubs till

they leave him for dead. They allege that during the night the poor

battered Buhuitihu is visited by numerous snakes, white, black, green, and

variegated, which lick his face, body, and fractured members till the

bones knit together again, when he gets up and walks to his own house,

pretending that the cemis had restored him. Enraged at the disappointment

of their intended revenge, the kindred again assault him at the first

opportunity, putting out his eyes and emasculating him, without which

previous operation it alleged that a Buhuitihu cannot be lulled by the

bastinado.

19. The cemis of wood are thus made. A person travelling sees some tree

that seems to move or shake its roots, on which in great alarm he asks who

is there? To this the tree answers that such or such a Buhuitihu knows and

will inform. The astonished traveller applies to the conjurer, who repairs

to the spot, where he takes cogiaba or the intoxicating powder formerly

mentioned, then standing up addresses the tree with many titles as if some

great lord, then asks who it is, what he does there, why he sent for him,

and what he would have him do, whether he desires to be out; whether he

will accompany him, where he will be carried, and if a house is to be

built and endowed for his reception? Having received satisfactory answers,

the tree is cut down and formed into a cemi, for which a house is built

and endowed, and cogiaba or religious ceremonies performed there at

certain stated times. The stone cemis are of several sorts, some being

those stones which the Buhuitihus pretend to take from the bodies of the

sick, as before related.

When the natives wish to know if they are to be victorious in war, the

great men of the district consult the favourite cemi, no others being

admitted into the house or temple. The principal chief snuffs cogiaba, and

makes a long address to the idol. Then stands a while with his head turned

round resting his arms on his knees, after which looking up to heaven he

relates the vision he has seen, pretending to have conversed with the cemi,

and delivers his favourable or unfavourable responses, according as it may

have struck his imagination during the fit of intoxication produced by the

cogiaba.

20.--24[4]. The cemis have various names, one was called Baidrama, which

is said to have been a burnt dead body restored to shape by having been

washed in the juice of giuca. Corocose is the name of another, which is

said to have removed itself from a house that was on fire to another

dwelling, and used to cohabit with the women. Opigielguoviran is said to

have had four feet like a dog, and when the Christians came to the island

ran away into a morass and disappeared. Guabancex is said to have been a

female cemi and to raise storms, being accompanied by two inferiors;

Guataniva, who summoned the other cemis to aid in raising the intended

storm, and Coatrischie who gathered the waters of inundations in the

mountains and then let them loose to destroy the country. Faraguvaol is

the name of another that used often to escape from its temple.

25. Cazziva a former cacique instituted a fast or abstinence of six or

seven days, which the natives still practise. They shut themselves up

during that period, without using any food except the juice of certain

herbs, in which they likewise wash themselves, and become so weak that

they see visions and get revelations. Giocauvaghama, a cemi, is said to

have revealed to Cazziva that whoever survived him would soon be subdued

by a clothed people who were to arrive in the island and would rule over

and kill them. This they first thought was to have been done by the

Canibals or Caribs, but they only plundered and fled; and they now

believed that the prophecy referred to the Christians.

When I was at the fort Madalena with Arriaga the governor, it pleased God

to give the light of the faith to a whole family of that province of

Maroris, consisting of sixteen persons all relations, five of whom were

brothers. The first of these who was baptised was Guaticaua, named John in

baptism, who suffered a cruel death and in my opinion died a martyr,

crying out Dio aboridacha, I am Gods servant. Another of these brothers

was named Anthony, and died equally a Christian. I afterwards resided with

a cacique named Guarionex nearly two years, who at first seemed much

disposed to become a Christian, desiring to be taught the Paternoster,

Creed, and other Christian prayers, but he fell off by the persuasions of

some of the other principal people. I thence repaired to another cacique

named Mauiatue who evinced a favourable inclination to become a Christian;

and on our way we left some religious pictures in a house for the use of

the catechumens, for them to kneel and pray before. Two days after we were

gone six Indians came to that house of prayer by order of Guarionex, took

away the pictures by force, threw them down, covered them with earth, and

pissed upon them, saying "Now you will see what fruit they will yield."

26. Don Bartholomew Columbus, then governor for his brother who was gone

to Spain, proceeded against these impious men and burnt them. Some days

afterwards the owner of the field in which the pictures had been buried,

went to dig up his agis, which are roots some like turnips and some like

radishes, and in the very spot found two or three of these roots grown in

the shape of a cross. This was found by the mother of Guarionex, the worst

woman in those parts, who considered the circumstance as a great miracle

shewn by God: God knows to what end!

The island is much in need of people to punish the caciques, who refuse to

allow their dependants to be instructed in the faith. Some are easily

instructed that there is but One God who made heaven and earth, while with

others force and ingenuity must be used; for some begin well and have a

better end, while others begin well and then fall off, with whom there is

need of force and punishment I know a principal cacique named

Mahuviativire who has continued three years in his good purpose, desiring

to be a Christian, and to have but one wife; whereas many have two or

three, and the principal caciques twenty or thirty. May it please God, if

my endeavours turn to his good service, to enable me to persevere; and if

it must fall out otherwise to deprive me of understanding.

_Here ends the work of the poor Anchorite, Roman Pane._

SECTION VIII.

_The Admiral returns to Spain, from his Second Voyage._

Having reduced the island to peace and order, and having completed the

town of Isabella, and built three forts in different places to protect the

Christians, the admiral resolved to return into Spain to acquaint their

Catholic majesties with several matters which he considered to be

important: but especially because he had learnt that many malicious and

envious persons had given false information at court respecting the

affairs of the Indies, to the great prejudice and dishonour of him and his

brothers. For these reasons he embarked on Thursday the tenth of March

1496, with 225 Spaniards and thirty Indians in two caravels, the Santa

Cruz and the Nina, and sailed from Isabella about day-break. Holding his

course eastwards along the coast, he lost sight of the eastern point of

Hispaniola on Tuesday the twenty-second of March, keeping an easterly

direction as far as the wind would permit; but the wind for the most part

continuing from the east, and provisions falling short, by which the men

were much discouraged, he deviated southwards towards the Caribbee islands,

and anchored at Marigalante on Saturday the ninth of April. Although it

was not his custom to set sail from any port of a Sunday, yet as his men

muttered, saying that when in want of food it was not necessary to keep so

strictly to the observation of particular days, he therefore set sail next

day.

He next anchored at the island of Guadaloupe and sent the boats on shore

well armed. These were opposed by a great number of women, who came out of

a wood armed with bows and arrows and decorated with feathers; seeing whom

the people in the boats kept aloof, and sent two women of Hispaniola on

shore by swimming to parley with the natives; who, understanding that the

Christians only desired to have provisions in exchange for such

commodities as they had to barter, desired them to go with their ships to

the north side of the island where their husbands then were, who would

furnish them with what they wanted. The ships did accordingly, and sailing

close to the shore saw abundance of people, who came down to the sea-side

and discharged their arrows in vain against our people, setting up loud

cries, but their weapons all fell short. When our boats well armed and

full of men drew near the shore, the Indians retired into an ambush,

whence they sallied forth to hinder our people from landing; but terrified

by some discharges of cannon from the ships, they fled into the woods,

abandoning their houses and goods, when the Christians took and destroyed

all they found. Being acquainted with the Indian method of making bread,

they fell to work and made enough to supply their want, as they found

abundance of materials[5].

Among other things which they found in the Indian houses on this island,

were parrots, honey, wax, and iron, of which last they had hatchets[6]:

and they likewise found looms like those used in Europe for weaving

tapestry[7], in which the natives weave their tents. Their houses, instead

of the ordinary round forms which had been hitherto met with in the West

Indies, were square; and in one of them the Spaniards found the arm of a

man roasting at a fire upon a spit. While the bread was making, the

admiral dispatched forty men into the country to examine into its nature

and productions, who returned next day with ten women and three boys all

the rest of the natives having fled into the woods. One of these women was

the wife of a cacique, who was exceedingly nimble and had been taken with

very great difficulty by a man of the Canaries: She might even have got

from him, but observing him to be alone she thought to have taken him, and

closed with him for that purpose, and even got him down and had almost

stifled him, had not some others of the Christians come to his aid. The

less of these women are swathed with cotton cloth from the ancle to the

knee, which gives them a very thick appearance; and they gird these

ornaments, which they call _Coiro_, and consider as very genteel, so

tightly that the leg appears very thin when they happen to slip off[8].

The same swaths are used both by men and women in Jamaica upon the smaller

parts of their arms up to the armpits, similar to the old-fashioned

sleeves in Spain.

The women of this island were excessively fat, insomuch that some were

thicker than a man could grasp round; they all wear their hair long and

loose upon their shoulders, nor do they cover any part of their bodies

except as before mentioned. As soon as their children can use their limbs,

they give them bows and arrows that they may learn to shoot. The woman who

made so much resistance said that the island was only inhabited by women,

and that those who made demonstrations of hindering the landing of our men

were all women, except four men who had come there accidentally from

another island; for at certain times of the year the men come from the

other islands to sport and cohabit with the women of this. The same

customs were followed by the women in another island, called Matrimonio or

the Island of Matrimony, and this woman gave an account of these islanders

similar to what we read concerning the Amazons; and the admiral believed

it because of the strength and courage of these women[9]. It is also said

that these women seemed to have clearer understandings than those of the

other islands; for in the other islands they only reckon the day by the

sun and the nights by the moon, whereas these women reckoned by other

stars, saying that it is time to do such and such things when the great

bear or certain other stars, as it may be, are due north.

When they had made provision of bread for twenty days besides what they

had on board, the admiral resolved to continue his voyage into Spain. But,

considering that the island of Guadaloupe was an inlet to others, he

thought fit to send all the women on shore, having first made them some

gifts in compensation of the loss they had sustained; except the chief

lady, who chose to go into Spain with her daughter along with the other

Indians from Hispaniola. One of these was Cannabo, the chief cacique of

that island in the late disturbances, who was himself a Carib and not a

native of that island. Having furnished all the vessels with bread, wood,

and water, the admiral set sail on Wednesday the twentieth of April from

Guadaloupe, with the wind very scant, keeping near the latitude of

twenty-two degrees north: as at this time they had not found out the

method of running away north to meet the S.W. winds.

Having made but little way and the ships being full of people, they began

by the twentieth of May to be much afflicted with scarcity of provisions,

insomuch that they were reduced to an allowance of six ounces of bread and

less than a pint of water for each person daily, and had no other article

of provision besides. Though there were eight or nine pilots in the two

ships, yet none of them knew whereabout they were, but the admiral was

confident that they were then only a little west of the Azores, whereof he

gives the following account in his journal.

"This morning the Dutch compasses varied as they used to do a whole point,

while those of Genoa, which used to agree with them, varied but a very

little, though afterwards sailing farther east they varied more, which is

a sign that we were 100 leagues west of the Azores or somewhat more; for

when we were just 100 leagues there were only a few scattered weeds to be

seen, the Dutch needles varying a point while those of Genoa pointed due

north; and when we got somewhat farther E.N.E. they altered again." This

idea was verified on the twenty-second of May, when by exact reckoning the

admiral found that he was 100 leagues to the west of the Azores. He was

much astonished at this singular difference between the two kinds of

compasses, which he was disposed to attribute to their having been made by

different kinds of loadstones; for until they had arrived at that

longitude they all varied a point from the true north, and some of them

continued to do so even there, while those constructed at Genoa, now

pointed due north, and the same remarkable discrepancy continued upon the

twenty-fourth of May.

They thus continued their course, all the pilots going on with blind

confidence, till on Wednseday the 8th of June they came in sight of

Odemira, between Lisbon and Cape St Vincent; but the admiral, confident

that they were near that cape, slackened sail the night before, though

laughed at by many, some affirming that they were in the English channel,

while those who erred least believed themselves on the coast of Galicia.

The scarcity was now become so great that many objected to shortening sail,

alleging that it were better to run the risk of perishing at once by

running on shore than to starve miserably on the sea; and many, like the

canibals, were for eating the Indians who where on board, or at least were

for throwing them overboard, on purpose to make some small saving of the

provisions which remained; and this would certainly have been done if the

admiral had not exerted his whole authority to save them, as human

creatures who ought not to be worse used than the rest. At length it

pleased God to reward him with the sight of land in the morning, according

to his promise the preceding evening; for which he was ever afterwards

considered by the seamen as most expert and almost prophetical in maritime

affairs.

Having landed in Spain the admiral went to Burgos, where he was very

favourably received by their Catholic majesties, who were then at that

place celebrating the marriage of their son Prince John with Margaret of

Austria, daughter of the Emperor Maximilian. That princess was conducted

into Spain with great splendour, and received by most of the nobility and

by the greatest concourse of persons of quality that ever had been seen

together in Spain. But though I was present on the occasion as page to

prince John, I shall not enter into the particulars of this solemnity,

since it does not belong to the history I have undertaken to write, and

because the royal historiographers will have doubtless taken care to

record this event.

On his arrival at Burgos, the admiral presented their majesties, with many

curious specimens of the productions of the Indies, as birds, beasts,

trees, plants, instruments, and other things used by the Indians in their

employments and amusements; also girdles, and masks, having ears and eyes

made of gold plates; likewise with much gold dust, small and gross as

produced by nature, some of the grains as big as vetches, some like beans,

and others as large as pigeons eggs. These latter, then so much admired,

were not afterwards so much valued, as in progress of time lumps of gold

have been found which weighed above thirty pounds; but they were then held

in high estimation in prospect of great future hopes, and were received in

good part by their majesties. When the admiral had given them an account

of all that seemed to him necessary for improving and peopling the Indies,

he was very desirous to return thither with all speed, lest some disaster

might happen during his absence, considering that he had left the colony

in great want of necessaries; and though he strongly solicited and pressed

the necessity of speedy succours, such was the tediousness and delay of

business in that court, that ten or twelve months elapsed before he could

procure the equipment of two ships, which were sent out in February 1498,

under the command of Pedro Fernandez Coronel.

The admiral remained at court to solicit the appointment of such a fleet

as he considered to be necessary for his return to the Indies. But he was

forced to remain above a year at Burgos and Medina del Campo, where in the

year 1497 their majesties granted him many favours, and gave the necessary

orders for expediting his affairs, and for the settlement and government

of the Indies. These I here mention to shew that their Catholic majesties

were, still ready to acknowledge and reward his services and merit; though

they afterwards altered greatly in this respect, through the false

information and scandalous insinuations of malicious and envious persons,

so as to permit gross wrongs to be done him, as will afterwards appear.

Having at length procured the necessary orders, he proceeded to Seville,

and there the fitting out of his fleet was retarded very unprofitably

through the negligence and ill management of the public officers,

especially Juan de Fonseca, the archdeacon of Seville, who was afterwards

bishop of Burgos, and always was a bitter enemy to the admiral and his

affairs, and became the chief leader among those who afterwards brought

him into disgrace with their Catholic majesties. While engaged at Seville

in superintending the equipment, that my brother and I might not suffer by

the delays, we having both served as pages to Prince John, who was now

dead, he sent us back to court in November 1497 to serve as pages to her

majesty Queen Isabella of glorious memory.

SECTION IX.

_Account of the Admirals third Voyage, during which he discovered the

Continent of Paria; with the occurrences to his arrival in Hispaniola._

The admiral forwarded the equipment of this expedition with all possible

care, and set sail from the bay of San Lucar de Barameda on the thirtieth

of May 1498, having six ships loaded with provisions and other necessaries

for the relief of the colonists in Hispaniola, and for the farther

settlement and peopling of that island. On the seventh of June he arrived

at the island of Puerto Santo, where he heard mass, and took in wood and

water and other necessaries, yet he sailed that same night for Madeira,

where he arrived on Sunday the ninth of June, and was courteously received

and entertained at Funchal by the governor of the island. He remained in

this place until Saturday the fifteenth of June, providing all manner of

refreshments, and arrived at Gomera on Wednesday the nineteenth of the

same month. At this place there was a French ship which, had captured

three Spanish vessels; on seeing the admirals squadron, the Frenchman

stood out to sea with two of his prizes: and the admiral supposing them to

be three merchant vessels which mistook his squadron for French, took no

care to pursue till too late, and when informed of what they were, he sent

three of his ships in pursuit but they got clear off. They might have

carried away the third prize likewise, if they had not abandoned her in

the consternation they were in on first noticing our fleet; so that there

being only four Frenchmen on board and six Spaniards belonging to her

original crew, the Spaniards on seeing assistance at hand, clapt the

Frenchmen under the hatches and returned into port, where the vessel was

restored to her former master. The admiral would have executed these

French prisoners as pirates, but that Don Alvaro de Lugo the governor

interceded for them, that they might be given in exchange for six of the

inhabitants who had been carried away.

The admiral sailed from Gomera for Ferro on Thursday the twenty-first of

June, whence he resolved to send three of his ships direct to Hispaniola,

and going with the rest to the islands of Cabo Verde to sail directly over

from thence to discover the continent. He therefore appointed a captain to

each of the ships which he sent to Hispaniola. One of those was Pedro de

Arana, cousin to that Arana who died in Hispaniola, the second was Alonzo

Sanchez de Caravajal, and the third his own kinsman John Anthony Columbus.

To these captains he gave particular instructions for the conduct of their

voyage, directing that each of them should have the command a week in his

turn. Having dispatched these three ships for Hispaniola, he set out with

the other three for the Cape Verde islands; but the climate he was then

entering upon being unhealthy at that season, he had a terrible fit of the

gout in one leg, and four days afterwards he fell into a violent fever;

but, notwithstanding this sickness he was still himself, and diligently

observed the course made by the ship, the alterations of the weather, and

all other circumstances as in his first voyage.

On the twenty-fifth June he discovered the island de Sal, one of the Cape

Verdes, and passing it he came to another very improperly named _Bona

vista_, which signifies good prospect, yet the place is dull and wretched.

Here he cast anchor in a channel near a small island in which there are

six or seven houses appointed for persons who are afflicted with the

leprosy, who come there to be cured. And as sailors rejoice when they

discover land, so do these wretches much more when they discover any ship;

wherefore they immediately ran down to the shore to speak with the people

whom the admiral sent on shore to take in water and salt. There are

likewise abundance of goats in that island. Understanding that our people

were Spaniards, the Portuguese who had charge of this island for the owner

went on board to wait upon the admiral, and made offer of every assistance

in his power, for which the admiral thanked him and ordered him to be well

treated, and to have some provisions given him, for by reason of the

barrenness of the island the inhabitants live very miserably. Being

desirous to know what methods were used for curing the leprosy, this man

told the admiral that the excellent temperature of the air was one

principal cause, and the next the diet of the infected; for there came to

this island vast numbers of turtles, on which the sick chiefly feed, and

anoint themselves with the blood of these animals, and are by these means

speedily cured; but that such as are born with the distemper are longer of

being cured. The reason assigned for the great numbers of turtle was, that

the shores of the island being all sandy, these creatures resort thither

from the west coast of Africa in the months of June, July, and August, to

deposit their eggs. They are mostly as large as an ordinary target, and

come every night on shore to sleep and to lay their eggs in the sand. The

people go along the shore at night with lanterns and other lights, seeking

the tracks which the turtle leaves in the sand, which they follow till

they find the animal, which being tired with the exertion, sleeps so

soundly as not to waken on their approach. Having found a turtle it is

turned on its back, and without doing any more harm they go on to seek

more, which are treated in the same manner. Having got as many as they

think fit, they come back in the morning to choose those they like best,

as they cannot possibly recover their feet when once turned over. They

then carry off such as they think fit, turning up the smaller ones upon

their belly and allowing them to go away. The island being very dry and

barren, without either trees or springs, the wretched sick inhabitants

have no other sustenance, and are entirely without employment, and they

are necessitated to drink of the thick and brackish water of certain wells,

there being none else to be found.

Besides the sick, the only inhabitants of the island consisted of the man

who had the charge and four more, and their only employment was to kill

and salt goats to be sent to Portugal. There were such multitudes of goats

on the island, all derived from eight left there originally, that some

years they killed to the value of three or four thousand ducats. The

proprietor was Roderick Alfonzo, secretary of the customs to the king of

Portugal, by whom the original stock of goats had been carried to this

place. These goat-hunters are often four or five months without bread or

any thing to eat but goats flesh and fish; for which reason this man made

great account of the provisions which the admiral had given him. This man

and his companions, with some of the admirals men, went out to hunt goats

for the use of the ships, but finding that it would require much time to

kill all he had need of, and being anxious to proceed on his voyage, the

admiral would not protract his stay in this place.

On Saturday the 30th of June, he sailed for Santiago, the principal of the

Cape Verde islands, where he arrived the next evening, and cast anchor near

a church, sending on shore to purchase some bulls and cows, which he

wished to carry alive to Hispaniola. But finding it difficult to procure

them so soon as he wished, and considering how prejudicial delays might

prove to the safety and success of his voyage, he would not remain. He was

the more induced to get away with all expedition on account of the

unhealthiness of the country, lest his men might fall sick; as during all

the time he lay among these islands he never saw the sky or any star, in

consequence of a perpetual thick hot fog; insomuch that three fourths of

the inhabitants were sick, and all of them had a most unhealthy colour.

On Thursday the 5th of July, the admiral left the island of St Jago,

sailing S.W. with the intention of holding that course till he was under

the equinoctial, and then to steer due west, that he might discover some

other land before proceeding to Hispaniola. But the currents among these

islands set so strongly to the north and north-west, that he was unable to

keep his intended course, and was still in sight of Fogo, one of the Cape

Verde islands, on the 7th of July. This island is very high land on the

south side, and looks at a distance like a great church with a steeple at

the east end, which is an exceedingly high rock, whence there usually

breaks out much fire before the east winds blow, in the same manner as is

seen at Teneriffe, Vesuvius, and Etna. From this last country of the

Christians he held on his course S.W. till he came into only 5° of north

latitude, where he was becalmed, having till then been continually

attended by the before-mentioned fog. The calms lasted eight days, with

such violent heat as almost to burn the ships, and it was impossible

during all that time for any of the people to remain below deck, and had

not the sun been clouded with occasional rains, the admiral thought they

would have been burnt up alive together with their ships. On the first day

of the calm, being fair, nothing could withstand the heat, had not GOD

relieved them with the rain and fog. Having therefore got a little way to

the northwards into seven degrees of latitude, he resolved not to hold any

farther to the south, but to sail due west in that parallel, at least till

he saw how the weather settled, because he had lost many casks in

consequence of the hoops starting with the great heat, and the corn and

all other provisions were scorched up.

About the middle of July, the admiral observed the latitude with great

care, and found a wonderful difference between the appearances there and

in the parallel of the Azores. For at the Azores, when the constellation

of the great bear was to the right or east, then the north star is lowest,

and from that time began to rise; so that when the great bear was over

head, the north star had risen two degrees and a half, and being passed,

that began again to descend the five degrees it had ascended. This he

observed very carefully, several times when the weather was very fit for

his purpose. But at the place where he now was in the torrid zone these

appearances were quite contrary; for when the great bear was at its

greatest elevation, he found the north star six degrees high; and when in

six hours the bear came to the west the north star was then eleven degrees

high; when the bear was quite depresssed and could not be seen because of

the obliquity of the pole, the north star was six degrees high, so that

the difference was ten degrees, and the north star described a circle

having a diameter of ten degrees; whereas, in other places, it made but

five, and in a different position as to the great bear, for at the Azores

the polar star was lowest when the bear was in the west, and here the

north star was lowest when the bear was at its greatest elevation. The

admiral, not being complete master of this subject, thought this of very

difficult comprehension; and observes that probably when at the

equinoctial, the full orbit of the star is seen; whereas, the nearer one

approaches the pole it seems the less, because the Heavens are more

oblique. As for the variation, I believe the star has the quality of all

the four quarters, like the needle, which if touched to the east

side points to the east, and so of the west, north, and south; wherefore,

he that makes a compass covers the loadstone with a cloth, all but its

north part, or that which has the power to make the needle point to the

north.

On Tuesday the 31st of July, 1498, having sailed many days west, insomuch

that the admiral believed the Caribbee islands were to the north, he

resolved to discontinue that western course, and to make for Hispaniola,

because he was greatly in want of water, and almost all his provisions had

perished, and because he was afraid lest some mutiny or disorder might

have broken out in the colony during his long absence, which in fact had

been the case as we shall shew hereafter. Therefore, altering his course

from the west, he stood to the north[10], thinking to fall in with the

Caribbee islands to refresh his men, and to take in wood and water, of

which he was in great want. While thus sailing one day about noon, Alonzo

Perez Nirando, a sailor of the town of Gullva, discovered land from the

round top at about fifteen leagues distance, three mountains making their

appearance at once, and soon afterwards the land was observed to stretch

out towards the N.E. as far as the eye could reach, so that it appeared to

have no end. The salve regina and other prayers usual with seamen in times

of joy or distress were immediately rehearsed, and the admiral called the

land now discovered Trinidada or the island of the Trinity; both because

he had before intended to give that name to the first land he might

discover, and because it had pleased God to give him a sight of _three_

mountains all at one time. He now altered his course to the west that he

might get to a cape which appeared southwards, and making for the south

side of the island, came to an anchor five leagues beyond a point which he

named Punta de la Galera, or Galley Point, on account of a rock which lay

near that point, looking at a distance like a galley under sail.

Having now only one cask of water remaining for the whole crew, and the

other ships in company being in the same condition, and no water being

found in this place, he continued his course still westwards, and cast

anchor on the Wednesday following at another point which he named Punta de

la Plaga, or Sand Point, because of a fine strand or beach where the

people landed and procured water at a fine brook[11]. In this place they

found no habitations and saw no people, though along the coast, which they

had left behind them, they had seen many houses and towns. They found here,

however, the tokens of fishermen who had fled, leaving behind them some of

their fishing tackle; and they noticed the prints of the feet of beasts,

which they judged might have been goats, and they saw the bones of one,

the head of which had no horns, and which, therefore, they thought might

have been a monkey, or cat-o-mountain, as they afterwards found it to have

been, having found many of these cats in Paria[12]. This same day, being

the 1st of August, while sailing between Cape Galera and la Plaga, they

discovered the continent about twenty-five leagues distant, but thinking

it another island, it was named Isla Santo, or the Holy Island[13]. The

coast of Trinidada between those two points was thirty leagues in length

from E. to W. without any harbour, but all the country appeared pleasantly

covered with trees down to the water side, and had abundance of towns.

They ran this space of thirty leagues in a very short time, because the

current set so violently to the westwards that it looked like a rapid

river both day and night; for although the tide flowed and ebbed along the

shore above forty paces, as it does at San Lucar de Barameda in Spain, yet

the current never ceases to run in the same direction.

Perceiving that no account could be got of the people of the country at

this cape, that it was excessively laborious to take in a full supply of

water here, and that there was no convenience for careening the ships, or

procuring provisions, the admiral went next day to another point of land

which seemed to be the most westerly in the island, which he named Cabo

del Arenal, and came here to anchor, thinking that the easterly winds

which reign there might not be so troublesome to the boats in going

backwards and forwards from the shore. On the way to this point a canoe

followed the admirals ship, having twenty-five men on board, and stopped

at the distance of a cannon-shot, calling out and speaking very loud.

Nothing could be understood, though it was supposed they inquired who our

men were and whence they came, as had been usual with the other Indians.

As they could not be induced to come on board, either by words or gestures,

or by exhibiting looking glasses, little brass basons, and other baubles

which used to have great influence on the other natives of the Indies, the

admiral ordered some young fellows to dance on the poop to the music of a

pipe and tabor. On seeing this, the Indians snatched up their targets, and

began shooting their arrows at the dancers; who, by the admirals command,

left off dancing and began to shoot with their cross-bows in return, that

the Indians might not go unpunished, or learn to despise the Christians;

whereupon, the Indians were glad to draw off, and made for another caravel

which they immediately went along-side of without any apprehension. The

pilot of that ship went over into the canoe, and gave the Indians some

baubles with which they were much pleased, and said if they were on shore

they would have brought him bread from their houses. The account given of

these people was that they were well shaped and whiter than the other

islanders, wearing their hair long like women, bound up with small strings,

and that they covered their nudities with small clouts. But the people in

the caravel did not detain any of them for fear of giving displeasure to

the admiral.

As soon as the ships had anchored at Punta del Arenal, the admiral sent

the boats on shore for water, and to endeavour to procure some information

respecting the Indians, but they could do neither, that country being very

low and uninhabited, and having no springs or rivulets. He therefore

ordered them next day to dig trenches or pits on the island in hope of

procuring water by that means; and by good fortune, they found these ready

made to their hands and full of excellent water, it being supposed that

they had been dug by the fishermen. Having taken what water they wanted,

the admiral resolved to proceed to another mouth or channel which appeared

towards the north-west, which he afterwards called _Boca del Drago_, or

the Dragons Mouth, to distinguish it from the one where he then was, to

which he had given the name of _Boca del Sierpe_, or the Serpents Mouth.

These two mouths or channels, like the Dardanelles, are made by the two

most westerly points of the island of Trinidada, and two other points of

the continent, and lie almost north and south of each other. In the midst

of the Serpents Mouth, where the admiral now anchored, there was a rock

which he called El Gallo, or the cock. Through this channel the water ran

continually and furiously to the northwards, as if it had been the mouth

of some great river, which was the occasion of naming it _Boca del Sierpe_,

because of the terror it put our people into; for, as they lay very

securely at anchor, there came a stronger current of the water than usual,

making a hideous noise and running furiously to the northwards; and being

opposed by another current running out from the Gulf of Paria, they met

with a hideous roaring noise, and caused the sea to swell up like a high

mountain, or ridge of hills along the channel. Soon afterwards, this

mountainous wave came towards the ships, to the great terror of all the

men, fearing they should be overset. But it pleased GOD that it passed

underneath, or rather lifted up the ships without doing any harm; yet it

drew the anchor of one of them and carried it away, but by means of their

sails they escaped the danger, not without mortal fear of being lost. That

furious current being past, and considering the danger of remaining there,

the admiral stood for the Dragons Month, which is between the north-west

point of Trinidada and the east point of Paria; but he went not through it

at that time, but sailed along the south coast of Paria westwards,

thinking it to have been an island, and expecting to find a way out

northwards into the Caribbean sea towards Hispaniola; and though there

were many ports along that coast of Paria, he would put into none, all

that inland sea being a harbour locked in by the continent.

Being at an anchor on Sunday the 5th of August, and it being his custom

never to weigh on a Sunday, he sent the boats on shore, where they found

abundance of fruit, of the same kinds which they had seen on the other

islands; there were great numbers of trees, and marks of people who had

fled for fear of the Christians. Being unwilling to lose time, he sailed

fifteen leagues farther along that coast without going into any harbour,

lest he should not have sufficient wind to bring him out again. While at

anchor, there came out a canoe to the caravel called _El Borreo_ having

three men; and the pilot, knowing how much the admiral wished to receive

some information from these people, pretended to talk with the Indians and

let himself down into the canoe, by which means some Spaniards in the boat

took these men and sent them to the admiral, who made much of them and

sent them on shore with many gifts, at a place where there were a great

number of Indians. These, hearing the good account which the three Indians

gave them of their treatment, came off in their canoes to barter for such

things as they had, which were much the same as had been already seen in

the islands before discovered, only that they had no targets or poisoned

arrows, which are only used by the Canibals or Caribs. Their drink was a

sort of liquor as white as milk, and another somewhat blackish, tasting

like green wine, made from unripe grapes, but they could not learn what

fruit it was made from[14].

They wore cotton cloths, well wove and of several colours, about the size

of a handkerchief, some larger and some less, and what they most valued of

our articles was brass, and especially bells. These people seemed more

civilized and tractable than the natives of Hispaniola. The men covered

their nudities with one of these cloths fastened round their middle, and

had another wrapped round their heads, but the women went altogether naked

as in Trinidada.

They saw nothing of value here except some small plates of gold which the

natives were hanging from their necks; for which reason, and because the

admiral could not stay to dive into the secrets of the country, he ordered

six of these Indians to be taken, and continued his voyage to the

westwards, still believing that land of Paria which he had called the Holy

Island to be no continent. Soon afterwards, an island appeared towards the

south, and another towards the west, both high land, cultivated and well

peopled, and the inhabitants had more plates of gold about their necks

than the others, and abundance of guaninis, which are made of very low

gold. They said that this gold was procured from other islands farther to

the westwards, of which the inhabitants eat men. The women had strings of

beads about their arms, and among these were some very fine large and

small strung pearls, some of which were procured as a sample to send to

their Catholic majesties. Being asked where they got these things, they

made signs to show that in the oyster shells which were taken westwards

from that land of Paria, and beyond it towards the north these pearls were

found. Upon this good discovery, the admiral remained some time to learn

more about it, and sent the boats on shore, where all the people of the

country who had flocked together appeared very tractable and friendly,

and importuned the Christians to accompany them to a house not far off,

where they gave them to eat, and likewise a great deal of their wine. From

that house, which was believed to be the kings palace, they were carried

to another belonging to his son, where the same kindness was shewn. These

people were all in general whiter than any they had yet seen in the Indies,

with better aspects and shapes, having their hair cut short by their ears

after the Spanish fashion. From them they learnt that the country was

named Paria, and that they would gladly be in amity with the Christians.

Thus they departed from them and returned to the ships.

Holding on his course westwards, the admiral found the depth of the water

gradually to lessen, till passing through five and four fathoms, they at

length had only two and a half at the ebb. The tide differed considerably

in this place from what it had been found at Trinidada; for whereas there

it ebbed and flowed three fathoms, here, at forty-five leagues to the

westward it only rose and fell one fathom. At Trinidada both during ebb

and flow, the current always ran west, whereas here the flood made to the

west, and the ebb returned to the east. At Trinidada the sea water was

brackish, while here it was sweet, almost like river water. Perceiving

this difference, and how little water they had, the admiral durst not

proceed any farther with his own ship, which being of 100 tons burthen,

required three fathoms water; he therefore came to anchor on the coast in

a very safe port, land-locked on all sides and shaped like a horse shoe.

From this place he sent on the little caravel called _El Borreo_, or the

Post, to discover if there were any passage westwards among these supposed

islands. She returned next day, the 11th of August, having gone but a

short distance, and reported, that at the western point of that sea there

was a mouth or opening two leagues over from north to south, and within it

a round bay, having four little bays, one towards each quarter of the

Heavens, into each of which a river flowed, which occasioned the water of

that sea to be so sweet, which was yet much sweeter farther in; and they

added, that all this land which they had considered as separate islands

was one and the same continent. They had everywhere in that interior bay

four or five fathoms water, which so abounded in those weeds they had seen

on the ocean as even to hinder their passage.

Being now certain that he could get no passage to the westwards, the

admiral stood back that same day to the east, designing to pass the Boca

del Drago, or that strait which he had seen between Trinidada and the land

called Paria by the Indians. In this strait there are four small islands

to the east, next that point of Trindada which he named Cabo de Boca, or

Cape Mouth, because it was blunt; and the western cape upon the continent

he called Cabo de Lapa. The reason why he gave this strait the name of the

Dragons Mouth, was because it was very dangerous, on account of the

prodigious quantity of fresh water which continually struggles to get out

that way into the open sea, and that the strait is divided into three

boisterous channels by intervening islands. While sailing through this

strait the wind failed, and he was in great danger of being drifted by the

raging current against some sand or rock; he gave it this name likewise as

corresponding with that he had before given to the other entrance into the

gulf of Paria, the Boca del Sierpe or Serpents Mouth, where he was in no

less danger. But it pleased God, that what they most dreaded should prove

their greatest safety, for the strength of the current carried them clear

through. On Monday the 17th of August, he began to sail westwards along

the northern coast of Paria, in order to stand over afterwards for

Hispaniola, and gave thanks to God who had delivered from so many troubles

and dangers, still shewing him new countries full of peaceable people, and

abounding in wealth, more especially that which he now certainly concluded

to be the continent, because of the great extent of the gulf of Pearls and

the size of the rivers that run into it, making it all deep water, and all

the Indians of the Caribbean islands had told him there was a vast land to

the southward. Likewise, according to the authority of Esdras, the 8th

chapter of the 4th book, if the world were divided into seven equal parts,

one only is water and the rest land.

Sailing along to the westwards on the coast of Paria, the admiral fell

gradually off from it towards the N.W. being so drifted by the current

owing to the calmness of the weather, so that on Wednesday the 15th of

August, he left the _Cabo de las Conchas_, or Cape of Shells to the south,

and the island of _Margarita_ to the west, which name, signifying the isle

of Pearls, he gave to it as by divine inspiration, as close to it is the

isle of _Cabagua_ where an infinite quantity of pearls have since been

found; and he afterwards named some mountains in Hispaniola and Jamaica

the _Gold Mountains_, where the greatest quantity and largest pieces of

that metal that were ever carried into Spain were afterwards found. But to

return to his voyage, he held on his way by six islands which he called

_de las Guardas_, or the Guards, and three others more to the north called

_los Testigos_, or the Witnesses. Though they still discovered much land

in Paria to the westwards, yet the admiral says in his journal that he

could not from this time give such an account of it as he wished, because

through much watching his eyes were inflamed, and he was therefore forced

to take most of his observations from the sailors and pilots. This same

night, the sixteenth of August, the compasses, which hitherto had not

varied, did now at least a point and a half, and some of them two points,

and in this there could be no mistake, as several persons had attentively

observed the circumstance. The admiral admired much at this, and was much

grieved that he had not an opportunity of following the coast of the

continent any farther; he therefore held on his course to the N.W. till

on Monday the twentieth of August, he came to an anchor between Isla Beata

or the Blessed Island and Hispaniola, whence he sent a letter overland to

his brother the Adelantado, acquainting him with his safe arrival and his

success in having discovered the continent. The admiral was much surprised

at finding himself so far to the westwards, for although he was aware of

the power of the currents, he did not expect they would have produced so

great an effect. Therefore, that his provisions might not fail, he stood

to the eastwards for San Domingo, into which harbour he sailed on the

thirtieth of August. Here the lieutenant his brother had appointed to

build a city, on the east side of the river where it now stands, and which,

in memory of his father, named Domingo or Dominick, is now named _Santo

Domingo_.

SECTION X.

_An account of the Rebellion in Hispaniola, previous to the arrival of the

Admiral._

On his arrival at St Domingo, the admiral was almost blind with

overwatching and fatigue, and hoped there to rest himself and to find

peace among the people of the colony; but he found quite the contrary, for

all the people of the island were in disorder and rebellion. Great numbers

of those whom he had left were dead, and of those who remained above 160

individuals were ill of the French pox; besides that many were in

rebellion, with Francis Roldan at their head, whom he had left as alcalde

mayor, or chief justice of the island. And to add to the evil, the three

ships that he had dispatched from the Canary islands with supplies had not

yet arrived. Of all these matters it is requisite that we should treat in

an orderly manner, beginning from the time when the admiral had set out

from this island for Spain in March 1496, thirty months before his present

return.

For some considerable time after his departure, matters went on pretty

quietly in hopes of his speedy return and receiving supplies and relief.

But after the first year, finding their hopes abortive, the Spanish

provisions having utterly failed, and sickness and sufferings increasing,

the people began to be much dissatisfied with their situation, and to

despair of any change for the better. When any discontented persons begin

to utter complaints, they are always sure to find some bold spirit to urge

them on, desirous to become the head of a party: Such on this occasion was

the conduct of Francis Roldan, a native of Torre de Ximena, whom the

admiral had left in great power both among the Christians and Indians, by

making him chief judge of the colony, so that he had almost as much power

and authority as himself. For this reason it is supposed that there was

not that good understanding between him and the admirals lieutenant as

ought to have been for the public good, as appeared actually to have been

the case in the sequel. And, as the admiral neither returned himself nor

sent any supplies, this Roldan began to entertain schemes of usurping the

supreme authority in the island, and designed for this purpose to murder

the admirals brothers as those who were best able to oppose his rebellion,

and actually waited an opportunity of putting this nefarious intention

into execution. It happened that the lieutenant went to a province in the

west called Xaragua, eighty leagues from Isabella, leaving Roldan in the

execution of his employment, but subordinate to Don James the admirals

second brother. Roldan was so much offended at this procedure, that while

the lieutenant was taking order how the caciques should pay their quotas

of the tribute to their Catholic majesties after the rate which had been

settled by the admiral, Roldan began underhand to draw over some of the

malcontents to his party. But that it might not prove fatal to rise too

suddenly and without some colourable pretence, Roldan took hold of the

following circumstance to favour his covert practices. The lieutenant had

caused a caravel to be built at Isabella, to have ready to send to Spain

in case of any urgent necessity, and for want of tackle and other

necessary equipments it still lay upon the bench unlaunched. Roldan

insinuated that the delay in launching this vessel was occasioned by other

reasons, and that it was necessary for the common benefit that it should

be fitted out, that some persons might be sent into Spain to represent

their sufferings and to implore relief. Thus under pretence of the public

good, Roldan pressed that the caravel might be launched, and as Don James

Columbus refused his consent on account of the want of tackle, Roldan

began more boldly to treat with some of the malcontents about launching

the caravel in spite of his refusal; telling those whom he thought would

fall into his measures, that the reason why the lieutenant and his brother

were averse to this measure was, that they were desirous to secure the

dominion of the island to themselves and to keep them in subjection, and

that there might not be any vessel to carry news of their revolt to their

Catholic majesties. And since they were sensible of the cruelty and ill

nature of the lieutenant, and the restless and laborious life he led them,

in continually building towns and forts without necessity, and as there

were now no hopes of the admiral returning with supplies, it was fit they

should seize upon that caravel to procure their own liberty and relief,

and not suffer themselves, under pretence of pay which they never received,

to be kept under the authority of a foreigner, when it was in their power

to live in ease and plenty. That by assuming the authority into their own

hands, they would have it in their power to divide the island equally

amongst them, and would be served by the Indians to their own content;

whereas the lieutenant now hold them under such rigorous authority that

they could not take to wife any Indian woman they pleased, and were forced

to keep the three vows of monachism, chastity, poverty, and abstinence,

and were not wanting in fasts and penances, imprisonments, and other

punishments, which were liberally bestowed for the smallest offences.

Wherefore, since he Roldan held the rod of justice and royal authority,

and could screen them against evil consequences on this account, he

advised them to act as he directed, in doing which they could not be found

guilty. With such pretences and arguments, proceeding from the hatred he

bore to the lieutenant, he drew over so many to his party, that one day,

after the return of the lieutenant from Xaragua to Isabella, some of the

conspirators resolved to stab him, and considered this as so easy a matter

that they had provided a halter to hang him up with after his death. The

circumstance which more immediately incensed them at this particular

period, was the imprisonment of one Barahoria, a friend to the

conspirators; and if God had not put it into the heart of the lieutenant

not to proceed to the execution of justice at this time against that

person, the conspirators had then certainly murdered him.

When Francis Roldan perceived that he had missed the opportunity of

murdering the lieutenant, and that his conspiracy was discovered, he

resolved to possess himself of the town and fort of the Conception,

thinking that from thence he might be easily able to subdue the island. It

happened conveniently for the execution of this design, that he was then

near that town, having been sent with forty men to reduce that province to

obedience, the Indians having revolted and formed a similar design of

making themselves masters of the Conception and massacring the Christians.

So that Roldan, under pretence of preventing this evil, gathered his men

at the residence of one of the caciques named Marche, intending to put his

enterprise into execution on the first opportunity. But Ballester, who

commanded in that fort, having some jealousy of Roldans intentions, kept

himself well upon his guard, and sent intelligence to the lieutenant of

the danger he was in; and the lieutenant with all speed drew together what

force he was able to muster and threw himself into the fort for its

protection.

Roldan finding his conspiracy discovered before it was ripe for execution,

came to the Conception under a safe conduct, more to make his observations

how he might best injure the lieutenant, than through any desire of coming

to an accommodation; and with more boldness and impudence than became him,

required the lieutenant to order the caravel to be launched, or else to

give him leave to do it, which he and his friends were able and willing to

do. Incensed at this presumption, the lieutenant answered that neither he

nor his friends were seamen, and know not what was proper to be done in

that case; and though they had known how to launch the caravel, yet they

could not sail in her for want of rigging and other necessaries, and

therefore it would only expose the men and the caravel to certain

destruction to pretend to send her to Spain. Upon this, conscious that

they had no knowledge of sea affairs, and that the lieutenant being a

seaman understood these matters, the conspirators differed in opinion on

this subject. After this quarrelsome discussion, Roldan went away in anger,

refusing to surrender his rod of justice to the lieutenant, or to stand

trial for his disobedient and mutinous conduct; saying that he would do

both when ordered by their Catholic majesties to whom the island belonged,

but that he could not expect to receive an impartial or fair trial from

the lieutenant, who bore him hatred and ill will, and would find means to

put him to a shameful death if he submitted, whether right or wrong. But

in the mean time, not to exceed the bounds of reasonable obedience, he was

willing to go and reside in any place that the lieutenant might point out.

Whereupon the lieutenant commanded him to go to the residence of the

cacique James Columbus[15]; but he refused this under pretence that there

were not sufficient provisions there for his men, and that he would find a

convenient place for himself.

Roldan went from thence to Isabella, where he gathered a company of

sixty-five adherents; and finding himself unable to launch the caravel, he

and his followers plundered the magazines, taking away what arms,

merchandize, and provisions they thought proper, Don James Columbus who

was there not being able to oppose them, and would even have been in

imminent peril of his life if he had not withdrawn into the fort with some

friends and servants. In the process or examinations which were afterwards

drawn up on this subject, some of the evidences deposed that Roldan

offered to submit to Don James, providing he would take his part against

his own brother: Which he refusing, and Roldan being unable to do him any

farther harm, and also fearing the succours which were coming from the

lieutenant, he and the mutineers left the town, and falling upon the

cattle that grazed in the neighbourhood, they killed such as they wanted

for food, and took away the beasts of burden to serve them on their

journey, as they resolved to go and settle in the province of Xaragua

whence the lieutenant had very lately returned. The reason for preferring

that province was because of its being the pleasantest and most plentiful

part of the island, and its inhabitants were more civilized and wiser than

any of the others, besides that the women there were handsomer and of more

pleasing manners than in any other district.

Before putting this design into execution, Roldan resolved to make a trial

of his strength, before the lieutenant could have time to increase his

power, and punish the rebels according to their demerits. For which reason

he resolved to attempt to take the town of the Conception by surprize on

the way to Xaragua, and to kill the lieutenant, and if this plan did not

succeed to besiege him there. But the lieutenant got timely notice of the

design of the mutineers, and stood upon his guard, encouraging his men

with good words and the promise of two slaves each and many gifts, if they

persisted in performing their duty. Yet he was led to believe that most of

those who were with him liked the life of insubordination and license

which was led by Roldan and his followers so well, that many of them gave

ear to his messages; and therefore Roldan conceived hopes that many of the

lieutenants people would go over to his side, which encouraged him to

undertake the enterprize upon the Conception, which did not however

succeed according to his wishes and hopes. The lieutenant was a man of

great resolution, and having the best soldiers on his side, resolved to do

that by force of arms which he could not affect by arguments and fair

means. He gathered therefore his men together and marched out of the town

to attack the rebels on the road.

Perceiving that his expectations were disappointed, and that not one man

deserted to him from the lieutenants party, Roldan was afraid to meet him

in the field, and resolved to retire in time to Xaragua as he had first

designed. Yet he talked contemptuously of the lieutenant, and stirred up

the Indians wherever he went to rebel against him, pretending that he had

deserted him because he was a person of a morose and revengeful

disposition both against the Christians and the Indians, and abominably

covetous, as was seen by the great burthens and tributes he imposed on

them; which if they submitted to he would augment every year, though

contrary to the will of their Catholic majesties, who required nothing of

their subjects but obedience, and wished to maintain them in justice,

peace, and liberty. And he declared that he and his friends and followers

would assist them to assert their rights against the lieutenant, and

declared himself the protector and deliverer of the Indians. After this

Roldan forbade the payment of the tribute which had been imposed by the

admiral, by which means it could not be gathered from those who were at

any distance from the residence of the lieutenant, and he was afraid to

collect it from those in his neighbourhood, lest he might provoke them to

join with the rebels. Notwithstanding of this concession, no sooner had

the lieutenant withdrawn from the Conception than Guarionex, the principal

cacique of that province, resolved to besiege that place with the

assistance of Roldan, and to destroy the Christians who defended it.

The better to effectuate this scheme, he called together all the caciques

of his party, and privately agreed with them that every one should kill

such of the Christians as resided in his district. For the territories in

Hispaniola were too small for any of them to maintain a great number of

people, and therefore the Christians were under the necessity of dividing

themselves into small parties of eight or ten in each liberty or district.

This gave the Indians hopes that, by surprizing them all at one and the

same time, they might have it in their power to extirpate the whole and

suffer none to escape. But having no other way of counting time or

ordering any thing else which requires counting, except by means of their

fingers, they resolved that every one should be ready to destroy the

Christians at the next full moon. Guarionex having thus concerted with his

caciques, one of the chiefest among them being desirous to acquire

reputation, and looking upon the enterprise as a very easy matter, fell on

before the time appointed, not being astronomer sufficient to know the

exact time of full moon. After a severe conflict, he was forced to fly for

assistance and protection to Guarionex, who put him to death as he

deserved, for having thus laid open the conspiracy and put the Christians

on their guard.

The rebels were not a little mortified at this miscarriage of the Indian

plot, for it was reported that it had been concerted with their privacy

and consent, and they had therefore waited to see whether Guarionex might

bring affairs to such a pass, that by joining with him they might be able

to destroy the lieutenant. But perceiving that it failed of success, they

considered themselves insecure in the province where they then were, and

therefore went away to Xaragua, still proclaiming themselves the

protectors of the Indians, whereas they were thieves in their actions and

inclinations, having no regard to God or the opinion of the world, but

following their own inordinate appetites. Every one stole or took away

what he could, and their leader Roldan more than any of the rest,

commanding every cacique to entertain him that could; and though he

forbade the Indians from paying any tribute to the lieutenant, he exacted

much more from them under pretence of acting as their defender, insomuch

that from one cacique only, named Monicaotex, he received every three

months a calabash full of pure gold, containing three marks or a pound and

a half, and to make sure of him he detained his son and nephew as hostages.

He who reads this must not wonder that we reduce the marks of gold to the

measure of a calabash, which is here done to shew that the Indians dealt

in all these cases by measure, as they never had any weights.

The Christians being thus divided, and no supplies coming from Spain, the

lieutenant and his brother were unable to keep the people in quiet who

still remained with them; for most of them were mean persons, and desirous

of leading that life of ease and licentiousness which Roldan offered for

their acceptance, by which they became so insolent that it was impossible

to keep them in order, or to punish the guilty lest they might be utterly

forsaken; neither dared they in these circumstances to attempt reducing

the rebels to order, and were necessitated, to bear patiently with their

audacious contempt of government. But it being the will of God to afford

them some comfort, it pleased him to order that the two ships should

arrive which had been dispatched about a year after the departure of the

admiral from the Indies. He, considering the nature of the country and the

dispositions of the people whom he had left in the colony, and the great

danger which might arise from his long absence, had pressed for and

obtained, not without great solicitation and difficulty that two of the

ships, out of the eight[16] which he had been ordered to fit out, might be

sent on before with supplies. The arrival of these, the supplies which

they brought of men and provisions, and the assurance that the admiral had

safely arrived in Spain, encouraged those who were with the lieutenant to

serve him more faithfully and made those who adhered to Roldan

apprehensive of being punished.

The rebels being desirous to hear news from home, and to furnish

themselves with many things of which they were in want, resolved to repair

to the harbour of St Domingo where the ships had put in, not without hopes

of being able to draw over some of the men to their party. But as the

lieutenant received notice of their design and was nearer that harbour, he

moved thither with all the force he could muster to hinder their design,

and leaving guards in the passes, he went to the port to visit the ships

and to regulate the affairs of that place. And being anxious that the

admiral might find the island in a peaceable condition and all troubles at

an end upon his return, he again made new overtures to Roldan, who was

then six leagues off with his men. For this purpose he sent Peter

Fernandez Coronel, the commander of the two newly arrived ships, whom he

chose for this employment because he was a man of worth and in authority,

and because he could certify to Roldan and the mutineers of the arival of

the admiral in Spain, the good reception he had found there, and the

willingness their majesties had expressed to support his authority in the

Indies. But the chief men among the rebels would not permit him to speak

in public, being fearful of the impression he might make upon their

deluded followers; they therefore received him on the road in a warlike

posture, and he could only speak some words in private to those who were

appointed to hear him. Thus unable to do any thing, Coronel returned to

the town, and the rebels to their quarters at Xaragua, not without

apprehensions lest Roldan and some of the ringleaders might write to their

friends at Isabella to intercede for them with the admiral on his arrival

to be restored to favour, as all their complaints were against the

lieutenant and not against the admiral himself.

The three ships which the admiral had dispatched from the Canary islands

with succours to Hispaniola, proceeded on their voyage with fair winds

till they came to those Caribbee islands which sailors first meet with on

their way to the port of St Domingo. The pilots were not then so well

acquainted with that voyage as they have since become, and knew not how to

hit that port, but were carried away by the currents so far to the

westwards that they arrived in the province of Xaragua, then occupied by

the rebels. These, understanding that the ships were out of their way and

knew nothing of the revolt, sent some of their number peaceably on board,

who pretended that they were there by the lieutenants orders, on purpose

to preserve that part of the country under obedience and to be the better

supplied with provisions. But a secret which is diffused among many is

easily divulged, so that Alonzo Sanchez de Caravajal, who was the most

skilful among the captains of these three ships, was soon aware of the

rebellion and discord, and began immediately to make overtures of peace to

Roldan, in hopes of persuading him to submit to the lieutenant. But the

familiar conversation which the rebels had previously been allowed on

board the ships had already produced such effects that his persuasions

were disregarded; Roldan having obtained private assurances from many of

those who had come fresh from Spain that they would adhere to him, and by

this accession of strength he hoped to advance himself to higher power.

Finding that the negociation was not likely to draw to a speedy

conclusion, Caravajal and the other captains thought it convenient and

proper that the people who had been brought from Spain under wages to work

in the mines and other public employments, should go by land to St Domingo;

because the winds and currents being adverse, the voyage there might

possibly occupy two or three months, during which these people would

consume a great deal of provisions, if they remained on board, and might

fall sick, and much time would be lost which they might otherwise have

devoted to the several employments for which they were sent out. Having

agreed upon this plan, it fell to the lot of John Anthony Columbus to

march with the men by land, who were forty in number; Arana was appointed

to conduct the ships from Xaragua to St. Domingo; and Caravajal remained

to endeavour to bring the rebels to an accommodation. John Anthony

Columbus set out with his people the second day after landing; but those

labourers and vagabonds who had been sent out to work deserted to the

rebels, and left him with only six or seven men who continued in their

duty. Upon this John Anthony went boldly to Roldan, to whom he represented,

that since he pretended to promote the service of their Catholic majesties,

it was not reasonable to suffer those men who had been sent out to people

and cultivate the country and who received wages for following their

callings, to remain and lose their time without performing their

engagements; that by turning them away he would make his words and actions

more conformable, and that his staying in this place evinced that he had

no inclination to forward the public service, but only to foment discord

and division with the lieutenant. But as the desertion of the labourers

was favourable to the views of Roldan and his followers, and they

considered that a crime committed by many is soonest connived at, he

pretended that he could not use violence towards these people, and that

his was a religious order which refused no man. Knowing that it was not

the part of a discreet person to expose himself to danger by pressing this

matter any farther, John Anthony determined to go on board again with

those few who still remained faithful; and that they might not be so

served by those who remained, he and Arana sailed immediately with their

two ships for St Domingo, with the wind as contrary as they feared; for

they spent many days at sea and spoiled all their provisions, and

Caravajals ship was much damaged upon certain sands, where she lost her

rudder and sprung a leak, so that they had much difficulty to bring her

into port.

[1] This prolix, diffuse, uninteresting, and confused disquisition, on the

superstitious beliefs and ceremonies of the original natives of Haiti

or Hispaniola, is so inexplicably and inexpressibly unintelligible and

absurd, partly because the original translator was unable to render

the miserable sense or nonsense of the author into English, but

chiefly owing to the innate stupidity and gross ignorance of the poor

anchorite, that the present editor was much inclined to have expunged

the whole as unsatisfactory and uninteresting: But it seemed incumbent

to give the whole of this most important voyage to the public. The

Editor however, has used the freedom to compress the scrambling detail

of the original of this section into a smaller compass; to omit the

uselessly prolix titles of its subdivisions; and, where possible, to

make the intended meaning somewhat intelligible; always carefully

retaining every material circumstance. It was formerly divided into

chapters like a regular treatise, and these are here marked by

corresponding figures. The author repeatedly acknowledges that his

account is very imperfect, which he attributes to the confused and

contradictory reports of the natives, and allows that he may even have

set down the information he collected in wrong order, and may have

omitted many circumstances for want of paper at the time of collecting

materials.--E.

[2] Some of these are so unintelligibly related, owing to ignorance in the

translator, that it were unnecessary to insert them in this place.--E.

[3] The poor anchorite relates all these absurdities gravely, as actually

proceeding from sorcery.--E.

[4] In this paragraph, marked 20--24. the substance of _five_ prolix

chapters by _F. Roman_ is compressed.--E.

[5] Though not expressed in the text, these were probably the manico root,

of which the cassada bread is made.--E

[6] It is singular that the author should not have endeavoured to account

for the origin of these iron hatchets; probably procured in the

plundering excursions of these Carib natives of Guadaloupe from

Hispaniola.--E.

[7] This surely means no more than that their rude looms were upright or

perpendicular.--E.

[8] The probable use of these swaths may have been to defend the legs in

forcing their way through the thorny brakes of the forests.--E.

[9] The author seems to have forgotten that he had only a little before

mentioned this very woman as the wife of a caceque. The absurd notion

of these women being Amazons probably proceeded from the Spaniards not

understanding the language of these islanders, who appear to have been

Caribs. The truth seems to have been that during the long absences of

their husbands in piratical and plundering excursions to the other

islands, these Carib women were driven to the necessity of providing

for their own defence.--E.

[10] There must be some inaccuracy in this place. Columbus had evidently

supposed himself farther west when he altered his course than he

really was, for the Caribbee islands were not upon the north, and

never could be in the latitude of 7°; as he fell in with Trinidada he

must only have altered his course to the N.W. or the north of west.

Had he continued in a west course in 7° N. he would have fallen in

with the continent of Guiana, about the mouth of the Esquivo, or

Isiquibo river: His original course in the parallel of 5° N. would

have led him to Cayenne.--E.

[11] There is a want of sufficient precision in the dates of the text. It

would appear that Columbus altered his course from W. to the

northwards on Tuesday 31st July, 1498, and discovered Trinidada the

same day; and that the ships anchored at Funta de la Plaga on

Wednesday the 1st of August, or the immediately following day.--E.

[12] The country here named Paria is now called on our maps Cumana, or the

Spanish Main; but the gulf or large basin between the island of

Trinidada and the main still retains the name of the Gulf of Paria.--E.

[13] This must have been the low lying Delta of Cumana, lying between the

principal mouth of the Oronoka and the western branch.--E.

[14] The white liquor was probably the milk of the coco nut, and perhaps

the blackish vinous liquor might be the same fermented.--E.

[15] This is an obvious error which cannot be corrected, Don James

Columbus being no cacique. It is possible that one of the native

caciques may have embraced Christianity, receiving those names in

baptism, but of this the text gives no intelligence.--E.

[16] In the original translation, the number of the appointed fleet is

said to have been eighteen; but this must be a typographical error, as

with the six ships he had with himself, and these two previously

dispatched, there were just eight in all.--E.

SECTION XI.

_Continuation of the Troubles after the return, of the Admiral to

Hispaniola, to their Adjustment._

When the captains arrived at St Domingo with their ships they found the

admiral there, who had returned from his discovery of the continent. Being

fully informed of the conduct and situation of the rebels, and having

perused the process or examination which the lieutenant had drawn up

against them, by which their crimes were fully substantiated, he thought

proper to draw out a new process for the information of their majesties,

resolving at the same time to use all possible moderation in the affair,

and to use his utmost endeavours to reduce them to submission by fair

means, and without the employment of an armed force. For this reason, and

that neither they nor any others might have reason to complain of him, or

to say that he kept them in Hispaniola by force, he issued a proclamation

on the twelfth of September, granting leave to all who were inclined to

return into Spain, and promising them a free passage and provisions for

the voyage.

On the other hand the admiral received information that Roldan was coming

towards St Domingo with some of his men; wherefore he ordered Ballester

who commanded at the Conception to look well to the security of his town

and fort, and in case of Roldan coming that way, he desired him to say

that the admiral was much concerned for his sufferings, and was willing to

overlook all that had passed and to grant a general pardon to all the

malcontents; and invited Roldan to come immediately to him without,

apprehension, that by his advice all things might be duly ordered for the

good of the service, and that he would send him a safe conduct in such

form as he might require. Ballester made answer on the fourteenth

_February_[1] 1498, that he had received certain information that Riquelme

had come the day before to the town of Bonao, and that Roldan and Adrian,

the ringleaders of the mutineers, were to be there in seven or eight days,

when he might _apprehend_ them, as he did[2]. Ballaster conferred with

them pursuant to the instructions he had received, but found them

obstinate and unmannerly. Roldan said that they had not come to treat of

an accommodation, as they neither desired nor cared for peace, as he held

the admiral and his authority in his power, either to support or suppress

it at his pleasure: That they must not talk to him of any accommodation

until they had sent him all the Indian prisoners who were taken at the

siege of the Conception. He added other things, by which it plainly

appeared that he would enter into no agreement that was not much to his

advantage: And he demanded that Caravajal should be sent to treat with him,

declaring his resolution to treat with no other person, he being a man of

discretion who would listen to reason, as he had found by experience when

the three ships were at Xaragua. This answer made the admiral suspect the

fidelity of Caravajal, and not without much cause for the following

reasons.

Before Caravajal was at Xaragua, the rebels had often wrote and sent

messages to their friends who were with the lieutenant, asserting that

they would submit to the admiral on his arrival, and requesting them to

intercede with and appease him. Since they promised this as soon as they

heard that two ships had come to the assistance of the lieutenant, they

had much more cause to perform it when the admiral was actually returned,

had they not been dissuaded during their long conference with Caravajal.

Had he done his duty, he ought to have kept Roldan and the other chiefs of

the rebellion as prisoners in his caravel, as they were two days on board

without any security or safe conduct asked or given. And knowing that they

were in rebellion he ought not to have permitted them to purchase from the

ships 56 swords and 60 cross-bows. As there were strong suspicions that

the men who were to land with John Anthony meant to join the rebels, he

ought not to have allowed them to land, or should have been more earnest

in his endeavours to recover them. Caravajal circulated a report that he

had come to the Indies as coadjutor to the admiral, so that nothing might

be done without him, lest the admiral might commit some offence. Roldan

had written to the admiral that he was drawing near to St Domingo by the

advice of Caravajal, to be nearer him to treat for an accommodation on his

arrival; and now that the admiral was arrived, his actions not suiting

with his letter, it was to be presumed that Caravajal had invited him

thither to the end that, if the admiral had been long of coming, or had

not come at all, he as the admirals associate and Roldan as chief judge

might have usurped the government of the island to the exclusion of the

lieutenant. When the other captains came with the caravels to St Domingo,

Caravajal came there by land under protection of a guard of rebels, the

chief of whom, Gamir, had been two days and two nights on board his ship.

Caravajal wrote to the rebels when they came to Bonao, and sent them

presents and provisions. And besides that the rebels would not treat

through any other person, they had unanimously declared that they would

have taken him for their captain, if there had been any occasion for such

a measure.

Notwithstanding of all this, considering that Caravajal was a gentleman of

prudence and discretion, who would not be guilty of doing any thing

contrary to his duty; that what had been reported of him might not be true,

and that every one of these arguments against him might admit of being

answered or explained, and the admiral being exceedingly desirous to put

an end to the distractions of the colony, he consulted with all the

principal people about him respecting Roldans letter, and what was best to

be done on this occasion. By their advice he sent Caravajal and Ballester

to treat. Roldan answered that since they had not brought with them the

Indians he had demanded, he would enter into no conference for an

accommodation. Caravajal so discreetly replied and used such convincing

arguments, that he influenced Roldan and three or four of the other

leaders to agree to wait upon the admiral and endeavour to come to an

agreement: But this being disliked by the rest, when Roldan and three

others were getting on horseback to go along with Caravajal to the admiral,

the rabble surrounded them, declaring they would not allow them to go, and

that if any agreement was to be made it should be drawn up in writing,

that all might know what was proposed to be done.

Some days afterwards Roldan, by consent of his men, wrote on the twentieth

of October to the admiral, laying the whole blame of the separation on the

lieutenant; and saying, as the admiral had not sent them any assurance or

security to come and give an account of themselves, they had resolved to

send him their demands in writing, which claimed a reward for what they

had hitherto done as will appear hereafter. Though their demands were

abundantly extravagant, yet Ballester wrote the next day to the admiral,

highly extolling Caravajals discourse; and saying that since it had failed

to dissuade those people from their wicked designs, nothing less would

prevail than granting them all they demanded, he found them so resolute.

He added that he looked upon it as next to certain that most of the people

who were with the admiral would go over to the rebels, and though he might

rely on the fidelity of the men of honour and his own servants, yet these

would not be able to withstand so great a number. The admiral already knew

this by experience, having made a muster of all who were fit to bear arms

at the time when Roldan was near St Domingo that he might be ready to

oppose the rebels if necessary; and so many of the people feigned

themselves sick or lame that only seventy appeared on the muster, of whom

there were not more than forty in whom he could confide.

Hearing of this muster and considering it a threat to proceed to

extremities against them, on the seventeenth of October 1498, Roldan and

the other chiefs of the mutineers sent a letter to the admiral subscribed

by them all, saying, That they had withdrawn themselves from the

lieutenant to save their lives, he having a design to destroy them. That

they being his lordships servants, whose coming they had anxiously waited

for, as of one who would look upon what they had done as in compliance

with their duty and as good service; that they had hindered their

adherents from doing any harm to any that belonged to his lordship, as

they might easily have done. That since he was now come and was so far

from thinking as they did, that he insisted upon taking revenge and

punishing them; therefore, that they might be at liberty to carry on their

proceedings and to do with honour what they had undertaken, they now took

leave of him and of his service. Before this letter was delivered to the

admiral, he had transmitted proposals for an accommodation with Roldan.

In his conference with Roldan, Caravajal represented the confidence which

the admiral had always reposed in him, and the good account which he had

given to their Catholic majesties of the conduct of the chief justice; and

said that the admiral had refrained from writing, lest his letter might

have been seen by some of the common people, and have occasioned prejudice

to the negociation; and therefore, he had sent a person in whom Roldan

knew that the admiral placed much confidence, so that he might regard what

was said by him and Ballester, as equally valid and binding as if under

the hand and seal of the admiral, and therefore, he might consider what

was proper to be done, and he should find him ready to comply with

whatever was reasonable.

On the 18th of October, the admiral ordered five of his ships to depart

for Spain, and sent a detailed account by them to their majesties of all

the affairs of the colony; saying, that he had detained the ships till

then under the belief that Roldan and his confederates would have gone

home in them, as they had at first given out; and that the other three

ships which he kept, were fitting out to go under the command of his

brother, to prosecute the discovery of the continent of Paria, and to form

an establishment for carrying on the fishery of pearls, a sample of which

he now sent to their majesties by Arogial.

Having received the admirals letter, Roldan seemed inclining to do all

that was required of him, but his men would not allow him to go to treat

without a safe conduct, he therefore wrote, desiring one to be sent to him

conformably to certain heads which he transmitted; and this communication

was signed by himself and the chief men of his party. The safe conduct was

accordingly sent without delay by the admiral on the 26th of October; and

Roldan soon came, but more with the design of drawing some of the people

about the admiral over to his party, than with the intention of concluding

an agreement, as appeared by the insolent nature of his proposals. He

returned therefore without any thing being concluded, saying, that he

would give his people an account of the state of matters, and should then

write the result of their deliberations; and that there might be some one

along with him having power to treat and sign to whatever might be agreed

upon, the admiral sent Salamanca, his steward, to accompany Roldan to

Bonao. After much talk among themselves, Roldan transmitted certain

articles of agreement for the admiral to sign, telling him that they

contained all that he could persuade his people to concede; and that if

his lordship thought fit to grant these terms, he should send his assent

to the Conception, for they could no longer remain at Bonao for want of

provisions, and they should wait for his answer till the ensuing Monday.

Having read their answer, and the dishonourable articles which they

proposed, and considering them as tending to bring himself, his brothers,

and even justice into contempt, the admiral would not grant them: But that

they might have no cause to complain that he was too stiff and uncomplying,

he caused a general pardon to be proclaimed and posted on the gates for

thirty days, of which the following was the purport:

"Whereas, during the absence of the admiral in Spain, certain differences

had occurred between the lieutenant with the chief justice Roldan and

others who had fled with him: Yet, notwithstanding any thing that had

happened, they might all in general, and every one in particular, safely

return to the service of their Catholic majesties, as if no differences

had ever been: And that whoever might be inclined to return into Spain

should have his passage and an order to receive his pay as was usual with

others; provided they presented themselves before the admiral within

thirty days after the date of this proclamation, to claim and receive the

benefit of this pardon; but that all who did not appear within the time

limited, should be proceeded against according to the due course of law."

The admiral sent this pardon signed by himself to Roldan by Caravajal, and

gave him in writing the reasons why he neither could nor ought to grant

the articles which had been proposed by them, and exhorting them to

consider what they were about, if they had any respect to the service of

their majesties. Caravajal went to the rebels at the Conception, who

received the admirals proffered pardon in derision, and haughtily said,

that he would soon have occasion to ask a pardon from them. All this took

place during the space of three weeks; in the course of which time, under

the pretence of wishing to apprehend a person whom Roldan desired to

execute in his character of chief justice, they besieged Ballester in the

fort of the Conception, and cut off his supply of water, thinking to force

him to surrender; but upon the arrival of Caravajal they raised the siege;

and after many alterations of the proposed articles on both sides, the

following were mutually concluded upon:

_Agreement_ between the Admiral and Roldan_[3].

1. The lord admiral shall give two good ships in good order, according to

the judgment of able seamen, to be delivered at the port of Xaragua, where

Roldan and his company shall embark and sail for Spain.

2. The admiral shall give an order for payment of the salaries due to them

all till that day, with letters of recommendation to their Catholic

majesties to cause them to be paid.

3. The admiral shall give them slaves for their services and sufferings,

and certify the gift; and some of them having women big with child, these

shall be counted instead of such slaves as they were to have, if carried

with them; and their children were to be free, and they might take them to

Europe.

4. The admiral to supply all requisite provisions; but not being able to

provide bread, they are to be allowed to make it for themselves in the

country. And, lest the Carib bread might spoil, they are to have thirty

hundred weight of biscuit, or thirty sacks of corn in lieu thereof.

5. The admiral shall give a safe conduct for such persons as may come to

him to receive the orders for their pay.

6. The goods of some of those with Roldan having been seized, the admiral

shall order restitution.

7. Demands an order for payment of the value of 350 swine belonging to

Roldan, which had been seized.

8. Gives authority to Roldan to sell his goods, or to do with them as he

likes best.

9. Desiring speedy judgment in a cause respecting a horse.

10. The just demands of Salamanca to be paid.

11. Concerning some slaves, not conclusive or explained.

12. The admiral to grant a safe conduct, and to promise in the name of

their majesties, and upon his own faith and the word of a gentleman, that

neither he nor any other person shall injure them or obstruct their voyage.

"I Francis Roldan, judge, promise and engage my faith and word, for myself

and all those with me, that the articles here set down shall be faithfully

observed and fulfilled on our part, the lord admiral performing his part

thereof, and of the following articles.

1. That from this date, till the answer be brought, for which ten days are

allowed; no person, shall be admitted among us from those who are with the

admiral.

2. That within fifty days after receiving the answer, we will embark and

sail for Spain.

3. That none of the slaves freely granted to us shall be taken away by

force.

4. We shall give account to a person deputed by the admiral, of all we

carry on board, and shall deliver to him all we may have belonging to

their majesties.

In testimony whereof; I, Francis Roldan, engage for myself and company to

observe and perform the same, and have subscribed this writing at the

Conception this 16th of November 1498.

Having examined this agreement, made by Alonzo Sanchez de Caravajal and

James de Salamanca with Francis Roldan and his company, this day, being

Wednesday the 21st of November 1498; I agree to its being fully observed,

upon condition that said Francis Roldan and his followers shall not

receive into their company any other Christians of the island of any state

or condition whatsoever."

Matters being thus adjusted, Caravajal and Salamanca repaired to St

Domingo to the admiral, and at their request he subscribed his

ratification of the articles as above, and granted a new safe conduct, or

leave to all who might not incline to go to Spain with Roldan to remain,

promising them pay or the liberty of planters as they liked best, and for

others to come freely to the seat of government to arrange their affairs.

These were delivered to Roldan and his company by the Castellan Ballester

at the Conception on the 24th of November, and they went away towards

Xaragua to prepare for their departure. Though the admiral was sensible of

their villany, and much concerned that the good services which his brother

might have performed in continuing the discovery of the continent of Paria,

and the settlement of a pearl fishery, was obstructed by giving those

ships to the rebels, yet he would not give them occasion to blame him for

the continuance of disturbances by refusing them a passage. He began,

therefore, immediately to fit out the ships according to the agreement,

though the equipment was somewhat retarded by the want of stores and other

necessaries. To remedy this defect, he ordered Caravajal to go overland to

provide and dispose all things for their departure, while the ships went

about to Xaragua, resolving to go soon himself to Isabella to settle

affairs in that place, leaving his brother James in the command at St

Domingo.

In the end of January 1499, after his departure, the two caravels being

furnished with all necessaries, set out to take up the rebels; but a great

storm arose by the way, and they were forced to put into another port till

the end of March, and because the caravel Nina was in the worst condition

and wanted most repairs, the admiral sent orders to Peter de Arana and

Francis de Garai to repair to Xaragua with the Santa Cruz in her stead, on

board of which Caravajal went by sea instead of going by land as before

intended. He was eleven days by the way, and found the other caravel in

waiting.

In the meanwhile, the caravels not coming, and most of the rebels having

no mind to embark, they took the delay as a pretence for remaining in the

island, throwing all the blame upon the admiral, as if he had not

dispatched them as soon as it was in his power. Being informed of this, he

wrote to Roldan and Adrian, endeavouring to persuade them in a friendly

manner to perform the agreement and not to relapse into rebellion. Besides

this, Caravajal, who was then at Xaragua, entered a formal protest on the

20th of April, before a notary named Francis de Garai, afterwards governor

of Panuco and Jamaica, requiring them, since the admiral had furnished

them with ships, to embark pursuant to their agreement. And because they

would not, and because the ships bottoms suffered much from the ravages of

the worms, and the men began to be in want of provisions, he ordered them

back to St Domingo on the 25th of April.

The rebels were no way concerned at this, but rather rejoiced and grew

haughty on seeing that such account was made of them, and were so far from

acknowledging the civility and attention of the admiral, that they laid it

to his charge in writing, that through his fault they were forced to stay;

that he had a mind to be revenged upon them, and had therefore delayed to

send the caravels, which were in such bad condition that it were

impossible they should go in them to Spain; and though they had been never

so good, their provisions were all expended in waiting for them, and they

could not provide more for a long while to come: For all which reasons

they were resolved to remain on the island, and to expect redress of their

grievances from the justice of their Catholic majesties. Caravajal

returned by land with this answer to St Domingo, to whom at the time of

his departure Roldan said he would willingly wait upon the admiral to

endeavour to form such an agreement as might be satisfactory to all

parties, provided he were furnished with a safe conduct. Caravajal sent

word of this to the admiral from St Domingo on the 15th of May, who

answered on the 21st, commending him for the pains he had taken, and

transmitting the required safe conduct. He sent at the same time a short

but forcible letter to Roldan, urging him to peace and submission, and to

co-operate in advancing the service of their majesties. This he afterwards

repeated more at large on the 29th of June from St Domingo; and on the

third of August, six or seven of the chief men about the admiral sent

another safe conduct to Roldan that he might come to treat with the

admiral. But the distance being great, and the admiral wishing to visit

the country, he went with two caravels to the port of Azua west from St

Domingo, to be nearer the province where the rebels were, many of whom

repaired to that port. The admiral went there about the end of August and

conferred with their chiefs, exhorting them to desist from their evil

course, and promising them all possible favour and kindness upon their

returning to obedience. This they engaged to do, provided the admiral

would grant the four following conditions:

1. That fifteen of their number should be sent into Spain by the first

ships that went there.

2. That to those who remained he should assign land and houses in

satisfaction of their pay.

3. That proclamation should be made that the whole disturbances had been

occasioned by the false suggestions of evil disposed men.

4. That the admiral should renew the appointment of Roldan as chief judge

for life.

All this being concluded and agreed to, Roldan went on shore from the

admirals caravel and sent the articles to his companions: These were so

much to their mind that they immediately accepted them, saying that if the

admiral failed in any part it would be lawful for them to compel

performance by force or any other means. The admiral was very eager to

conclude this difficult and vexations matter, which had lasted above two

years; and as he considered that his adversaries continued more obstinate

than ever, and that many of those who were with him were much inclined to

join with the mutineers, that they might go off to different parts of the

island as Roldan had done, he was induced to sign these articles, as he

had done those which were before agreed to. On the Tuesday following,

being the fifth of November, Roldan began to exercise his office, and it

being a part of his prerogative, he constituted Peter Riquelme judge of

Bonao, with power to imprison offenders in criminal cases, but that he

should transmit criminals upon life and death to be tried by himself at

the fort of the Conception.

[1] This must be an error for September.--E.

[2] They certainly were not apprehended or made prisoners; the word used

is probably a mistake of the original translator, as a conference was

the only consequence.--E.

[3] The minute technical forms of this agreement, as altogether

uninteresting, are here abridged.--E.

SECTION XII.

_Transactions in Hispaniola subsequent to the settlement of the

disturbances, until the sending of Columbus in irons to

Spain_.

Having adjusted matters with Roldan, the admiral appointed a captain with

some men to march about the island to restore it to peace and order, and

to reduce the Indians to pay the fixed tribute; and with orders to be

always in readiness to suppress the first appearance of mutiny among the

Christians, or any rebellion of the Indians. And having taken measures for

this purpose, he intended to go over into Spain taking his brother along

with him, considering that if he were left behind it would be difficult to

forget old quarrels. As he was preparing for this voyage, Alonso de Ojeda

who had been out upon discovery with four ships returned to the island.

Forasmuch as this sort of men sail about to make their fortunes, Ojeda on

the fifth of September put into the port which the Christians call Brazil

and the Indians Yaquimo, designing to take what he could from the Indians

and to load with wood and slaves. While thus employed he did all the harm

he could, and to shew that he was a limb of the bishop we have

mentioned[1], he endeavoured to stir up another mutiny; giving out that

Isabella was ready to die, and that as soon as she was dead there would be

nobody to support the admiral, and that he as a faithful servant of the

bishop might do what he pleased against the admiral, because of the enmity

which was between them. Upon these grounds he began to write to some who

were not very sound after the late troubles and to hold correspondence

with them. But Roldan being informed of his designs and proceedings, went

against him by the admirals orders with a party of twenty-one men to

prevent him from doing the harm he intended. Roldan came within a league

and a half of him on the twenty-ninth of September, and learnt that he was

at the house of a cacique named Haniquaba with fifteen men, employed in

making bread and biscuit for his crew. Roldan accordingly travelled the

whole of that night that he might surprize him; but Ojeda getting

intelligence of the intention of Roldan, and being too weak for resistance,

resolved to put a bold face on a bad cause and went to meet him, saying

that want of provisions had brought him hither to supply himself in the

dominions of his sovereigns without meaning to do any harm.

Ojeda gave an account of his voyage to Roldan, saying that he had been

discovering 600 leagues westwards along the coast of Paria, where he found

people who fought the Christians hand to hand, and had wounded twenty of

his men, for which reason he could make no advantage of the wealth of the

country. That he had seen deer and rabbits, the skins and paws of tigers,

and guaninis[2], all of which he shewed to Roldan in his caravels. He

farther said that he should soon repair to St Domingo to give the admiral

a full account of his voyage.

The admiral was much troubled at this time, as Peter de Arana had

signified to him that Riquelme, judge of Bonao for Roldan, the substitute

being no honester than his master, under pretence of building a house for

his herds, had made choice of a strong rock to build a kind of castle or

strength, that from thence with a few men he might do all the harm he

thought fit. Arana had forbidden this and put a stop to his proceedings;

whereupon Riquelme had instituted a legal process attested by witnesses,

which he sent to the admiral, complaining that Arana had used violence

against him and praying relief. Although the admiral well knew that

Riquelme was of an unquiet and mutinous disposition, bethought fit to

conceal his jealousy on the present occasion, and rather to connive at

this matter which might be guarded against, thinking it quite enough to

provide against the open intrusion of Ojeda.

Having parted from Roldan, Ojeda went with his ships from the port of

Yaquimo or Brazil, in February 1500, to Xaragua, where a great many of

those who had been in rebellion with Roldan still lived. He there gave out

that their Catholic majesties had appointed him and Caravajal as

councillors to the admiral, that he might not do any thing they thought

prejudicial to the service; and that he had it in command to pay every one

in ready money for their services in the island, and as the admiral was

not just enough to do that, he was ready to go along with them to St

Domingo to compel him to pay them immediately, and to turn him out of the

island dead or alive. He farther urged, that they ought not to rely on the

agreement which had been entered into, or the promises which the admiral

had made, who would keep these no longer than necessity obliged him. Upon

these promises and suggestions, many resolved to join with him in a new

rebellion, and with their assistance, he made an attack one night upon

others who opposed him, and there were some killed and wounded on both

sides. Being satisfied that Roldan, who had returned to his duty and the

admirals service, would not join them, they resolved to surprize and make

him prisoner; but having notice of their designs, he went well attended to

Xaragua to put a stop to the designs of Ojeda, or to punish him if he

found it expedient or practicable. For fear of him Ojeda retired to his

ships, and Roldan and he treated about a conference, each being afraid to

put himself into the power of the other. Perceiving that Ojeda was

unwilling to trust himself on shore, Roldan offered to treat with him on

board, and desired that the boat might be sent for that purpose, which

came accordingly well manned, and Roldan went into it with six or seven of

his followers on whom he could depend. Seizing their opportunity, Roldan

and his people fell unexpectedly on the boats crew with their swords, and

having killed some and wounded others, they made themselves masters of the

boat, and returned with it to the land. Ojeda had now only a small skiff

left, in which he ventured on shore to treat peaceably with Roldan. After

apologizing for his offences, he offered to restore some men whom he had

made prisoners, providing his boat and people were restored; and

represented that the detention of the boat would be the ruin of his ships,

as they had now no other fit for service. Roldan readily granted this

request, that there might be no reason to complain or to allege that the

expedition of Ojeda had suffered prejudice or danger through his means;

but he made him engage and give security for the performance of his

promise, that he should depart from the island by an appointed time; which

Roldan took care to ensure by keeping a strong guard on shore.

As it is a hard matter to root out cockle so that it may not sprout again,

so it is no less difficult for people who have once been habituated to

evil to forbear relapsing into their crimes. Only a few days after the

departure of Ojeda, one D. Ferdinand de Guevara, who was in disgrace with

the admiral as a seditious person, and who had taken part with Ojeda from

hatred to Roldan, because he would not permit him to take to wife the

daughter of Canua the principal queen of Xaragua, began to gather many

conspirators to secure Roldan, that he might succeed him as leader of the

mutineers. In particular, he drew over to his party one Adrian de Moxica,

a chief man in the late rebellion; and about the middle of May 1499, a

plot was laid for securing or murdering Roldan. But having intelligence of

their design, Roldan stood upon his guard, and managed matters so

dexterously, that he seized D. Ferdinand and Adrian and the other

ringleaders of the party. Roldan immediately sent notice of what he had

done to the admiral, and desired to have his instructions in what manner

he should proceed with the prisoners. The admiral made answer: That since

they had endeavoured without any cause or provocation to excite

insurrection and rebellion, and that if their crimes were overlooked every

thing would go to ruin, he should punish them according to their demerits

and as the law directed. The judge accordingly proceeded legally against

them, hanged Adrian as the chief author of the conspiracy, and banished

others. He kept D. Ferdinand in prison till the 13th of June, when he

delivered him with other prisoners to the charge of Gonsalo Blanco, to

carry them to La Vega or the Plain, where the admiral then was. This

example restored the country to quiet, and the Indians again submitted

themselves to the authority of the Christians.

Such rich gold mines were now discovered, that every man in the island

left the royal pay and went away to the mines on their own account,

applying themselves to dig for gold at their own expence, paying a third

part of all they found to the royal coffers. This prospered so well, that

a man often gathered five marks, eight ounces each, in one day, and a

single lump of gold has been taken up worth above 196 ducats[3]. The

Indians were perfectly submissive, being afraid to offend the admiral, and

many of them became Christians, merely to oblige him and conciliate his

favour. When any of their chiefs had to appear in his presence, they used

their utmost endeavours to be decently clothed. In consequence of all

these favourable circumstances, the admiral resolved to make a progress

over the island, and set out for that purpose, accompanied by his brother

the lieutenant, on the 20th of February 1499[4], and came to Isabella on

the 19th of March. From thence they set out for the Conception on the 5th

of April, and reached that place on the Tuesday following. The lieutenant

went thence for Xaragua upon Friday the 7th of June; and on the Christmas

day following, in that year 1499, he makes the following memorandum, which

I found among his papers.

"Being forsaken by all the world, the Indians and rebel Christians fell

upon me, and I was reduced to such distress, that, leaving all behind me

to avoid death, I put to sea in a little caravel. But our Lord presently

relieved me saying: "Thou man of little faith fear not I am with you." And

so he dispersed my enemies, shewing how he could fulfil his promises.

Unhappy sinner that I am, who placed all my hopes on this world[5]."

From the Conception, the admiral meant to set out on the third of February

1500 for St Domingo, to prepare for returning into Spain to give their

Catholic majesties an account of the affairs of the colony. While these

disorders were going forwards of which mention has been made, many of the

rebels, by letters which they sent from Hispaniola, and by some of their

adherents who returned into Spain, continually conveyed false information

to their majesties and the council against the admiral and his brothers;

alleging that they were cruel and tyrannical and unfit for the government

of the colony, both because they were strangers and aliens, and because

they had not formerly been in a condition to learn by experience how to

govern and command over gentlemen. They affirmed, if their highnesses did

not apply some remedy, those countries would be utterly ruined and

destroyed; or that the admiral would revolt and join in league with some

prince who would support him, for he pretended that the whole belonged to

himself, as having been discovered by his industry and labour: That the

better to compass his designs, the admiral concealed the wealth of the

country, and would not permit that the Indians should serve the Christians,

or that they should be converted to the holy faith; because by

conciliating them he hoped to draw them to his side, that he might fortify

himself against the authority of their highnesses. They proceeded in these

and such like slanders, continually importuning their majesties and

perpetually speaking ill of the admiral, and complaining that there were

several years pay due to the men, which gave occasion to all that were

about the court to rail against the admiral. At one time about fifty of

those shameless wretches brought a load of grapes and sat down in the

court of the castle and palace of the Alhambra at Granada, crying out that

their majesties and the admiral caused them to live in misery by

withholding their pay, and using many other scandalous expressions; and if

the king went out they all flocked round him, calling _pay! pay!_

My brother and I were then at Granada as pages to the queen; and when we

chanced to pass by these people they would cry out in a hideous manner,

making the sign of the cross, "There go the sons of the admiral of the

Morescoes; he that has found out false and deceitful countries to be the

ruin and burial place of the Spanish gentry." Adding many more such

insolencies, which made us very cautious of appearing before them. By

continual complaints and constantly importuning the favourites at court,

it was at length determined to send a judge to Hispaniola to inquire into

all these affairs; who was authorized, if he found the admiral guilty of

what had been laid to his charge, to send him home to Spain and to remain

himself as governor of the colony. The person chosen for this purpose was

Francis de Bovadilla, a poor knight of the order of Calatrava, who besides

his full and ample commission was supplied with blank directed letters

subscribed by their majesties, which he was empowered to direct to such

persons as he might think fit in Hispaniola, commanding them to be aiding

and assisting to him in the discharge of his commission.

Thus furnished with ample powers, Bovadilla arrived at St Domingo in the

latter end of August 1500, at which time the admiral happened to be at the

Conception settling the affairs of that province, in which his brother had

been assaulted by the rebels, and where the Indians were more numerous and

of quicker capacity and more enlarged understandings than in any other

part of the island.

Finding no person at his arrival who could in any way keep him in awe,

Bovadilla immediately took possession of the admirals palace, and

appropriated every thing he found there to his own use as if it had fallen

to him by inheritance. He gathered together all whom he could find who had

been in rebellion, and many others who hated the admiral and his brothers,

and immediately declared himself governor of the colony; and to secure the

affections of the people, he proclaimed a general freedom for twenty years.

He then summoned the admiral to appear before him without delay, as

necessary for their majesties service; and to justify this measure he sent

on the seventh of September the royal letter, of which the following is

the substance, by F. John de la Sera, to the admiral.

"_To D. Christopher Columbus, our Admiral of the Ocean_."

"We have ordered the commander Francis de Bovadilla, the bearer, to

aquaint you with certain things from us; wherefore we command you to give

him entire credit, and to obey him."

"Given at Madrid, the twenty-first of May 1500.

"_I the King. I the Queen_."

"By command of their majesties. _Mich. Perez de Almazan_."

On seeing the letter of their Catholic majesties, the admiral came

immediately to St Domingo to Bovadilla, at the beginning of October 1500.

And Bovadilla being eager to assume the government, without any delay or

legal information, immediately sent the admiral and his brother James as

prisoners in irons on board ship under a strong guard, forbidding all

persons under severe penalties to hold any intercourse with them by word

or letter. After this, _by Abington law_[6], he drew up examinations

against them, admitting their enemies the rebels as witnesses in the

process, and publickly favouring all who came forwards to speak evil of

them. These gave in such villanous and incoherent depositions, that he

must have been blind indeed who did not plainly perceive their falsehood

and malice. For this reason, their Catholic majesties would not admit of

the truth of the charges, and afterwards cleared the admiral, sore

repenting that they had sent such a man as Bovadilla in that employment.

He ruined the island and squandered the royal revenues, that all men might

be his friends; saying that their majesties required no more than the

honour of the dominion, and that all the profits should belong to their

subjects. Yet he neglected not his own share, but combining with all the

richest and most powerful men of the colony, he gave them Indians to serve

them on condition of having a share in all the acquisitions which were

made by their means. He sold by auction all the possessions and rights

which the admiral had acquired for the crown; saying that their majesties

were not farmers or labourers, and only kept these for the benefit of

their subjects; and while selling all things under these pretences, he

took care on the other hand that every thing should be purchased by his

own confederates at a third of the value. Besides all this, he made no

other use of his judicial power than to enrich himself and to gain over

the affections of the people; being still afraid that the lieutenant, who

had not yet come from Xaragua, might put a stop to his proceedings, and

might endeavour to set the admiral at liberty by force of arms. But in

this the brothers conducted themselves with the utmost prudence and

propriety; for the admiral sent to the lieutenant, desiring him to come

peaceably to Bovadilla, that the island might not be thrown into confusion

and civil war; as, when they arrived in Spain, they should the more easily

obtain satisfaction for the wrongs that had been done them, and secure the

punishment of Bovadilla for his senseless and injurious conduct.

Yet did not all this divert Bovadilla from putting the admiral and his

brother in irons; and he allowed the baser people to rail against them in

public, blowing horns in triumph about the harbour where they were shipped,

besides placarding them in many scandalous libels pasted up at the corners

of the streets. When informed that one James Ortir, who was governor of

the hospital, had written a malicious libel against the admiral, which he

read publickly in the market-place, so far from punishing his audacity, he

seemed to be much gratified by it, which encouraged others to do the same

thing. And perhaps from fear lest the admiral should swim on shore, he

gave strict injunctions to Andrew Martin, the commander of the ship to

guard the admiral with the utmost care, and to deliver him in irons to the

bishop D. John de Fonseca, by whose advice and direction it was believed

he had thus proceeded. Yet when at sea, the master being sensible of the

unworthy proceedings of Bovadilla, would have taken off the irons from the

admiral; but this he would not permit, saying, that since their majesties

had commanded him to perform whatsoever Bovadilla might order in their

names, and that he had been put in irons in virtue of their authority and

commission, he would not be freed from them unless by the express command

of their highnesses. He also declared his determination to keep these

fetters as a memorial of the reward he had received for his many services.

I afterwards saw these irons constantly in his chamber, and he gave orders

that they should be buried along with his body.

Being arrived at Cadiz, the admiral wrote to their majesties on the 20th

of November 1500, acquainting them of his arrival; and they, understanding

the condition in which he was, gave immediate orders that he should be

released, and sent him very gracious letters expressive of their sorrow

for his sufferings and the unworthy behaviour of Bovadilla

towards him. They likewise ordered him up to court, engaging that care

should be taken about his affairs, and that he should be speedily

dispatched with full restitution of his honour. Yet I cannot remove blame

from their Catholic majesties for employing that base and ignorant person;

for had he known the duty of his office, the admiral would have been glad

of his coming, for he had desired in his letters to Spain that some

impartial person might be sent out to take a true information of the

perversity of the colonists, and to take cognizance of their crimes; he

being unwilling to use that severity which another would have done,

because the original of these tumults, and rebellions had been raised

against the lieutenant his brother. But although it might be urged that

their majesties ought not to have sent out Bovadilla with so much power

and so many letters, without limiting his commission; yet it is not to be

wondered at, as the complaints which had been sent against the admiral

were numerous and heavy, though false and malicious.

As soon as their majesties learnt the arrival of the admiral at Cadiz and

of his being in irons, they sent orders on the 12th of December to set him

at liberty, and wrote for him to repair to Granada, where he was most

favourably received with the most gracious discourse. They assured him

that his imprisonment had not been by their desire or command; that they

were much offended at it, and would take care that full satisfaction

should be given to him, and those who were in fault severely punished.

Having thus graciously received him, they gave orders that his business

should be immediately gone into; and the result was, that a governor

should be sent to Hispaniola, who was to restore all that had been taken

from the admiral and his brother, and to reinstate them in their rights.

And that the admiral should be allowed all the profits and emoluments

belonging to him, according to the articles of agreement which had been

originally granted; and that the rebels should be proceeded against and

punished according to their offences. Nicholas de Obando, commandary of

laws, was the person appointed to this high office. He was a wise and

judicious man; but, as afterwards appeared, extremely partial, crafty in

concealing his passions, giving credit to his own surmises and the false

insinuations of malicious people. He therefore acted cruelly and

revengefully in the conduct of his government, as particularly appears by

the death of the 80 caciques of the island who have been before

mentioned[7].

As their majesties were pleased to appoint Obando to the government of

Hispaniola, so they thought it proper to send the admiral upon some voyage

of farther discovery which might redound to his and their advantage, and

might keep him employed till Obando could pacify and reduce the island to

order and subjection; as they did not _then_ incline to keep him long out

of his rights without just cause, the informations transmitted by

Bovadilla now plainly appearing to be full of malice and falsehood, and

containing nothing which could justify the forfeiture of his rights. But

the execution of this design being attended with delay, it being now the

month of October 1500, and evil disposed men still endeavouring to

insinuate that new informations might be expected on the subject, the

admiral applied personally to their majesties, entreating them to defend

him against his enemies, and afterwards repeated the same by letter. When

the admiral was ready to proceed upon his voyage, they promised him their

protection and favour, by letter to the following effect:

"Be assured that your imprisonment was very displeasing to us, of which

you and all men must have been sensible, seeing that we applied the proper

remedies as soon as we heard of the circumstance. You likewise know with

how much honour and respect we have always commanded you to be treated,

which we now direct shall be contined towards you, and that you receive

all worthy and noble usage. We promise that the privileges and

prerogatives by us granted you shall be preserved in the most ample manner,

which you and your children shall enjoy without contradiction or

disparagement, as is reasonably due. And, if requisite to ratify them of

new, we will order it to be done, and will take care that your son be put

into possession of the whole; for we desire to honour and favour you even

in greater matters. And be assured that we shall take due care of your

sons and brothers after your departure; for the employment shall be given

to your son as has been said. We pray you therefore not to delay your

departure."

"Given at Valentia de la Torre, 14th March 1502."

The occasion of this letter was, that the admiral had resolved to trouble

himself no farther with the affairs of the Indies, but to transfer his

employment upon my brother; for he said justly, that if the services he

had already performed were not sufficient to have those villanous people

punished who had rebelled against his lawful authority, all that he could

do for the future would never obtain justice. He had already performed the

grand object of his undertaking before he set out to discover the Indies;

which was to shew that there were islands and a continent to the westwards,

that the way was easy and navigable, the advantages great and manifest,

and the people gentle and unwarlike. As he had verified all this

personally, there only now remained for their highnesses to pursue what

was begun, by sending people to discover the secrets of these countries;

for now the way was opened up and made plain, and any one might follow out

the course, as some had done already who improperly arrogated the title of

discoverers; not considering that they had not discovered any new country,

but that all which they had done or could do in future was merely to

pursue and extend the first discovery, the admiral having already shewn

them the route to the islands and to the province of Paria, which was the

first discovered land of the new continent. Yet, having always a great

desire to serve their majesties, more especially the queen, he consented

to return to his ships and to undertake the proposed voyage to be now

related, for he was convinced that great wealth would be discovered, as he

formerly had written to their majesties in 1499. All of which has since

been verified by the discovery of Mexico and Peru, though at that time, as

generally happens to the conjectures of most men, nobody would give credit

to his assertions.

Having been well dispatched by their majesties, the admiral set out from

Granada for Seville in the year 1501; and so earnestly solicited the

fitting out of his squadron, that in a short time he rigged and

provisioned four vessels, the largest of 70 tons and the smallest 50, with

a complement of 140 men and boys, of whom I was one.

[1] Certainly alluding to D. Juan de Fonseca, archdeacon of Castile, and

bishop of Burgos, formerly mentioned as obstructing the equipment of

the admirals ship, and afterwards as the principal mover of the

injurious treatment experienced by the admiral.--E.

[2] This article is nowhere explained, but was said on a former occasion

to be made of very low or impure gold.--E.

[3] This reported produce is prodigious, and must have only been temporary

or accidental. Forty ounces of gold a-day, allowing but L.4 the ounce,

as perhaps inferior to standard, amount to L.160. The piece of gold,

mentioned in the text was worth about L.88. These mines, once so rich,

have been long abandoned. The original natives of Hispaniola died out,

and negroes have been found unequal to the hardships of mining.

Hispaniola long remained a mere depot of adventurers, whence the great

conquests of Mexico and Peru were supplied with men and arms.--E.

[4] The original, or rather the old translation, is most miserably

defective and confused in its dates about this period, bandying 1499

and 1500 backwards and forwards most ridiculously. This error it has

been anxiously endeavoured to correct in the present version.--E.

[5] This is a most imperfect account of an insurrection which appears to

have broke out against the lieutenant, who seems to have been very

unfit for his situation.--E.

[6] This obviously means trial after condemnation, a procedure which has

been long proverbial in Scotland under the name of Jedwarth justice.

Some similar expression relative to Spain must have been used in the

original, which the translator chose to express by an English

proverbial saying of the same import.--E.

[7] Upon a former occasion, the author had stated that there were four

principal caciques in Hispaniola, each of whom commanded over seventy

or eighty inferior chiefs, so that there may have been 300 caciques

originally. The particulars of the death or massacre of the eighty

caciques here mentioned are nowhere mentioned by our author; who,

confining himself to the actions of his illustrious father, says very

little more about the affairs of Hispaniola.--E.

SECTION XIII.

_Account of the Fourth Voyage of Columbus to the West Indies_.

We set sail from Cadiz on Monday the 9th of May 1502, and departed from St

Catharines on the 11th of the same month for Arzilla, intending to relieve

the Portuguese in that garrison who were reported to be in great distress;

but when we came there the Moors had raised the siege. The admiral sent on

shore his brother D. Bartholomew and me, along with the other captains of

our ships to visit the governor, who had been wounded by the Moors in an

assault. He returned thanks to the admiral for the visit and his offers of

assistance, sending several gentlemen on board for this purpose, among

whom were some relations of Donna Philippa Moniz, the admirals former

Portuguese wife. We sailed from Arzilla on the same day, and arriving at

Gran Canaria on the 20th of May, casting anchor among the little islands,

and on the 24th went over to Maspalomas in the same island to take in wood

and water for our voyage, and set out next night for the Indies. It

pleased God to give us a fair wind, insomuch that on Wednesday the 15th of

June, without handing our sails the whole way, we arrived at the island of

Matinino. There, according to the custom of those who sail from Spain for

the Indies, the admiral took in a fresh supply of wood and water, and

ordered the men to wash their linens, staying till the 18th, when we stood

to the westwards and came to Dominica ten leagues distant from Matinino[1].

So continuing our course among the Caribbee islands we came to Santa Cruz,

and on the 24th of June we ran along the south side of the island of St

John[2]; and thence proceeded for St Domingo, where the admiral proposed

to have exchanged one of his ships for another. The vessel he wished to

part with was a bad sailer, and besides could not carry sail without

running its lee gunwale almost under water, and was a great hindrance to

the voyage. His original design was to have gone directly to the coast of

Paria, and to keep along the shore to the westwards till he should

discover the straits, which he concluded must be somewhere about Veragua

or Nombre de Dios. But on account of the fault of that ship he was forced

to repair to St Domingo in hope of exchanging her for a better.

That the commandary Lores[3], who had been sent out by their majesties to

call Bovadilla to account for his mal-administration, might not be

surprised at our unexpected arrival, the admiral sent on the 29th of June,

being then near the port, Peter de Terreros, captain of one of the ships,

with a message to him signifying the necessity there was for exchanging

one of the ships. For which reason, and because he apprehended the

approach of a great storm, he requested permission to secure his squadron

in the harbour; and he advised him not to allow the fleet then preparing

to sail for Spain to quit the port for eight days to come, as it would

otherwise be in great danger. But the governor would not permit the

admiral to come into the harbour; neither did he delay the sailing of the

fleet which was bound for Spain. That fleet consisted of 18 sail, and was

to carry Bovadilla who had imprisoned the admiral and his brothers, and

Francis Roldan with all those who had been in rebellion and done so much

harm; all of whom it pleased God so to infatuate that they would not

listen to the admirals good advice. I am satisfied that the hand of God

was in this; for had they arrived in Spain they would never have been

punished as their crimes deserved, as they enjoyed the protection of the

bishop Fonseca. This impunity was prevented by their setting out from St

Domingo for Spain, as no sooner were they come to the east point of

Hispaniola than there arose a terrible storm; the admiral of the fleet

went to the bottom, and in her perished Bovadilla with most of the rebels,

and so great was the havock among the rest, that only three or four

vessels escaped of the whole eighteen.

This event happened on Thursday the 30th of June; when the admiral, who

had foreseen the storm and had been refused admittance into the port, drew

up as close to the land as he could to shelter himself from its effects.

The people on board his vessels were exceedingly dissatisfied at being

denied that shelter which would have been given to strangers, much more to

them who were of the same nation, and they feared they might be so served

if any misfortune should afterwards befal them in the prosecution of their

voyage. The admiral was greatly concerned on the same account, and was yet

more vexed to experience such base ingratitude in a country which he had

given to the honour and benefit of Spain, where he was thus refused

shelter for his life. Yet by his prudence and judgment he secured his

ships for that day. But next night the tempest increasing, and the night

being extremely dark, three of the ships broke from their anchors and

drifted from him. All were in imminent danger, and the people on board of

each concluded that all the others were certainly lost. Those in the Santo

suffered greatly by endeavouring to save their boat, which had been ashore

with their captain Terreros, and now dragged astern where it overset, and

they were obliged to cast it loose to save themselves. The caravel Bermuda

was in infinite danger; for running out to sea it was almost covered and

overwhelmed by the waves, by which it appeared what good reason the

admiral had to endeavour to exchange that vessel, which all men concluded

was saved, under God, by the wisdom and resolution of the admirals brother,

than whom there was not at that time a more expert sailor. After all had

suffered extremely, except the admiral who rode out the gale, it pleased

God that they all met again on Sunday the 3d of July in the port of Azna

on the south side of Hispaniola, where every one gave an account of his

misfortunes. It appeared that Bartholomew Columbus had weathered this

great storm by standing out to sea like an able sailor; while the admiral

had avoided all danger by hugging close to the land like a wise astronomer,

who knew whence the peril was to come.

His enemies might well blame him, by saying that he had raised this storm

by magic art to be revenged on Bovadilla and the rest of his enemies who

perished with him, since none of his own four ships were lost; whereas of

the eighteen which had set out at the same time with Bovadilla, the

_Ajuga_, or Needle, only held on its course for Spain, where it arrived in

safety though the worst of the whole fleet, the other three that escaped

having returned to St Domingo in a shattered and distressed condition. In

the Ajuga there were 4000 pesos of gold belonging to the admiral, each

peso being worth eight shillings.

The admiral gave his men a breathing time in the port of Azua, to recover

from the fatigues which they had encountered in the storm; and as it is

one of the usual diversions of seamen to fish when they have nothing else

to do, I shall make mention of two sorts of fish in particular which I

remember to have seen taken at that place, one of which was pleasant, and

the other wonderful. The first was a fish called _Saavina_, as big as half

an ordinary bull, which lay asleep on the surface of the water, and was

struck by a harpoon from the boat of the ship Biscaina; being held fast by

a rope so that it could not break loose, it drew the boat after it with

the swiftness of an arrow in various directions, so that those who were in

the ship, seeing the boat scud about at a strange rate without knowing the

cause, could not imagine how it could do so without the help of oars. At

length it sunk, and being drawn to the ships side was hoisted on deck by

the tackle. The other fish is called Manati by the Indians, and there is

nothing of the kind seen in Europe. It is about as large as an ordinary

calf, nothing differing from it in the colour and taste of the flesh,

except that it is perhaps better and fatter. Those who affirm that there

are all sorts of creatures to be found in the sea, will have it that these

fishes are real calves, since they have nothing within them resembling a

fish, and feed only on the grass which they find along the banks[4].

Having refreshed his men and repaired his ships, the admiral went from

Azua to the port of Brazil called Yaquimo by the Indians, to shun another

storm of which he observed the approach. From thence he sailed again on

the 14th of July, and was so becalmed that instead of holding on his

course he was carried away by the current to certain small sandy islands

near Jamaica; not finding any springs in these islands, the people had to

dig pits or wells in the sand whence they procured water; on account of

which circumstance the admiral named them _Islas de los Poros_, or the

Well Islands. Then sailing southwards[5] for the continent, we came to

certain islands, where we went on shore on the biggest only called Guanaia;

whence those who make sea charts took occasion to call all those the

islands of Guanaia, which are almost twelve leagues from that part of the

continent now called the province of Honduras, but which the admiral then

named Cape Casinas. These fabricators of charts often commit vast mistakes

from ignorance; thus these same islands and that part of the continent

nearest them are twice inserted in their charts, as if they were different

countries; and though cape _Garcias a Dios_, and that they call Cape[6]

----. The occasion of this mistake was, that after the admiral had

discovered these countries, one John Diaz de Solis, from whom the Rio de

Plata was named Rio de Solis because he was there killed by the Indians,

and one Vincent Yanez Pinzon, who commanded a ship in the first voyage

when the admiral discovered the Indies, set out together on a voyage of

discovery in the year 1508, designing to sail along that coast which the

admiral discovered in his voyage from Veragua westwards; and following

almost the same track which he had done, they put into the port of Cariari

and passed by Cape Garcias a Dios as far as Cape Casinas, which they

called Cape Honduras, and they named the before mentioned islands the

Guanaias, giving the name of the biggest to them all. Thence they

proceeded farther on without acknowledging that the admiral had been in

those parts, that the discovery might be attributed to them, and that it

might be believed they had found out extensive countries; although Peter

de Ledesma, one of their pilots who had been with the admiral in his

voyage to Veragua, told them that he knew the country, having been there

with the admiral, and from whom I afterwards learnt these circumstances.

But, independent of this authority, the nature of the charts plainly

demonstrates that they have laid the same thing down twice, as the island

is of the same shape and at the same distance; they having brought a true

draught of the country, only saying that it lay beyond that which the

admiral had before discovered. Hence the same country is twice delineated

on the same chart, as time will make apparent when it shall please God

that this coast shall be better known; for they will then find but one

country of that sort. But to return to our voyage; the admiral ordered his

brother Bartholomew to land with two boats on the island of Guanaia, where

he found people like those of the other islands, except that their

foreheads were not so high. They also saw abundance of pine trees, and

found pieces of lapis calaminaris, such as is used for mixing with copper

in the process for making brass; and which some of the seamen mistaking

for gold concealed for a long time.

While the admirals brother was on shore, using his endeavours to learn the

nature of the country, it so happened that a canoe eight feet wide and as

long as a galley, made all of one piece, and shaped like those which were

common among the islands, put in there. It was loaded with commodities

brought from the westwards, and bound towards New Spain[7]. In the middle

of this canoe there was an awning made of palm-tree leaves, not unlike

those of the Venetian gondolas, which kept all underneath so close, that

neither rain nor sea water could penetrate to wet the goods. Under this

awning were the women and children, and all the commodities; and though

there were twenty-five men in the canoe, they had not the courage to

defend themselves against the people in our boats who pursued them. The

canoe being thus taken without any opposition, was brought along side of

the admiral, who blessed GOD for having given him samples of the

commodities of that country, without exposing his men to any danger. He

therefore ordered such things to be taken as he judged most sightly and

valuable; such as quilts, cotton shirts without sleeves, curiously wrought

and dyed of several colours; some small cloths for covering the nudities,

large sheets, in which the women in the canoe wrapped themselves, as the

Moorish women in Granada used to do, long wooden swords, having a channel

on each side where the edge should be, in which many pieces of sharp-edged

flints were fixed by means of thread and a tenacious bituminous matter;

these swords could cut naked men as well as if they had been made of steel;

hatchets for cutting wood made of good copper, and resembling the stone

hatchets usual among the other islanders, also bells and plates of the

same metal, and crucibles for melting it. For provisions, they had such

roots and grains as they eat in Hispaniola, and a sort of liquor made of

maize like English beer. They likewise had abundance of cacao nuts, which

serve as money in New Spain, and on which they seemed to place great value;

for when these were brought on board along with their other goods, I

observed that when any of them fell, they all anxiously stooped to gather

them up as if they had been of great importance.

These poor creatures seemed to be in a manner out of their wits, on being

brought on board as prisoners among a people so strange and fierce as our

men seemed to them; but so prevalent is avarice in man, that we ought not

to wonder that it should so prevail over the apprehensions of these

Indians, as to make them so anxious about their cacao-nut money, even in

their present situation[8]. The modesty of their demeanour was admirable;

for in getting them from the canoe into the ship, it happened that some of

their clouts were removed, when they would clap their hands before them to

supply the deficiency; and the women wrapped themselves up like the Moors

of Granada, to avoid observation. The admiral restored their canoe, and

gave them some things in exchange for those of which they had been

deprived. And he only detained one old man named Giumbe, who seemed the

chief, and the most intelligent person among them, that from him something

might be learnt concerning the country, and that he might draw others of

the natives to converse and traffic with the Christians. This he did very

readily and faithfully all the while he sailed with us, where his language

was understood; and as a reward for his service, when we came to where a

different language was spoken, which was before we reached Cape Garcias a

Dios, the admiral gave him some things, and sent him home quite satisfied.

Though the admiral had heard so much from those in the canoe concerning

the great wealth, politeness, and ingenuity of the people westwards,

towards what is now called New Spain; yet, considering that as these

countries lay to leewards, he could sail thither whenever he might think

fit from Cuba, he would not go that way at this time, but persisted in his

design of endeavouring to discover a strait or passage across the

continent, by which he might clear a way into what we now call the South

Sea, in order to arrive at those countries which produce spice. He

therefore determined to sail eastwards towards Veragua and Nombre de Dios,

where he imagined that strait would be found, _as in effect it was_; yet

was he deceived in this matter, as instead of an isthmus, he expected to

discover a narrow gulf or inlet, communicating between the two seas. This

mistake might proceed from the similarity of the two names; for when the

natives said that the strait which he so anxiously desired to find was

towards Veragua and Nombre de Dios, it might be understood either of land

or water, and he understood it in the most usual sense, and that which he

most earnestly desired[9]. And though that strait is actually land, yet it

is the means of acquiring the dominion of both seas, and by which such

enormous riches have been discovered and conveyed to Spain; for it was

GODS will that this vast concern should be so found out, as from this

canoe the admiral received the first information respecting New Spain.

There being nothing worthy of notice in the islands of Guanaia, he sailed

thence to a point which he called _Casinas_, in order to find out the

strait before mentioned. It received this name on account of its abounding

in the trees which produce a species of fruit known by the name _casinas_

to the natives of Hispaniola; which fruit is rough like a spongy bone, and

good to eat, especially when boiled. As there was nothing worthy of notice

in that part of the country, the admiral would not lose time in examining

a large bay which is in that place, but held on his course eastwards,

along that coast which reaches to Cape Garcias a Dios, which is all very

low and open. The people nearest to Cape Casinas, or Honduras, wear those

painted shirts or jackets before mentioned, and clouts before their

nudities; and likewise use certain coats of mail made of cotton, strong

enough to defend them against their native weapons, and even to ward off

the stroke of some of ours.

The people farther to the eastwards about Cape Garcias a Dios are almost

black, of a fierce aspect, go stark naked, are very savage, and according

to Giumbe eat mans flesh and raw fish. They have their ears bored with

holes, large enough to admit a hens egg, owing to which circumstance the

admiral called this coast _De las Orejas_, or the Land of Ears[10]. On

Sunday the 14th of August, Bartholomew Columbus went ashore in the morning,

with the captains and many of the men to hear mass; and on the Wednesday

following, when the boats went ashore to take formal possession of the

country, above 100 of the natives ran down to the shore loaded with

provisions; and as soon as the lieutenant landed, came before him, and

suddenly drew back without speaking a word. He ordered them to be

presented with horse-bells, beads, and other trinkets, and endeavoured to

make inquiry concerning the country by means of Giumbe; but he having been

only a short time with us, did not understand our language, and by reason

of his distance from Hispaniola, could not comprehend those of our people

who had learnt the language of that island; neither did he understand

those Indians. But they, being much pleased with what had been given them,

above 200 of them came next day to the shore, loaded with various sorts of

provisions; such as poultry much better than ours, geese, roasted fish,

red and white beans like kidney beans, and other things like the

productions of Hispaniola. This country, though low, was verdant and very

beautiful, producing abundance of pines and oaks, palm trees of seven

different kinds, mirabolans, of the kind called hobi in Hispaniola, and

almost all the kinds of provisions produced in that island were found here.

There were likewise abundance of deer, leopards, and other quadrupeds, and

all sorts of fish that are found either at the islands or in Spain.

The people of this country are much like those of the islands, but their

foreheads are not so high, neither did they appear to have any religion.

There are several languages or dialects among them, and for the most part

they go naked, except the clout before mentioned, though some of them wore

a kind of short jerkin without sleeves, reaching to the navel. Their arms

and bodies have figures wrought upon them with fire, which gave them an

odd appearance; some having lions or deer, and others castles, with towers

or other strange figures painted on their bodies. Instead of caps, the

better sort wore red and white cotton cloths on their heads, and some had

locks of hair hanging from their foreheads. When they mean to be very fine

upon a day of festival, they colour their faces, some black and some red,

and others draw streaks of several colours; some paint their noses, others

black their eyes, and thus adorning, themselves as they think to look

beautiful, they look in truth like devils.

The admiral sailed along the coast de las Orejas, or the Mosquito shore,

eastwards to Cape Garcias a Dios, or Thanks be to GOD, so called on

account of the difficulty of getting there, having laboured seventy days

to get only sixty leagues to the eastwards of Cape Casinas or Honduras.

This was occasioned by opposing currents and contrary winds, so that we

had continually to tack out to sea and stand in again, sometimes gaining,

and sometimes losing ground, according as the wind happened to be scant or

large when we put about. And had not the coast afforded such good

anchoring we had been much longer upon it; but being free from shoals or

rocks, and having always two fathoms of water at half a league from the

shore, and two more at every league farther distant, we had always the

convenience of anchoring every night when there was little wind. When on

the 14th of September we reached the cape, and found the land turned off

to the southwards, so that we could conveniently continue our voyage with

those _levanters_ or east winds that so continually prevailed, we all gave

thanks to GOD for the happy change, for which reason the admiral gave it

the name of Cape Garcias a Dios. A little beyond that cape we passed by

some dangerous sands, that ran out to sea as far as the eye could reach.

It being requisite to take in wood and water, the boats were sent on the

16th of September to a river that seemed deep and to have a good entrance,

but the coming out proved disastrous, for the wind freshening from the sea,

and the waves running high against the current of the river, so distressed

the boats, that one of them was lost with all the men in it; for which the

admiral named it _Rio de la Disgratia_, or the River of Disaster. In this

river, and about it, there grew canes as thick as a mans leg. Still

running southwards, we came on Sunday the 25th of September to anchor near

a small island called Quiriviri, and near a town on the continent named

Cariari, where were the best people, country, and situation we had yet

seen, as well because it was high and full of rivers, and thickly wooded

with forests of palms, mirabolans, and other trees. For this reason, the

admiral named this island Hucite. It is a small league from the town named

Cariari by the Indians, which is situated near a large river, whither a

great number of people resorted from the adjacent parts; some with bows

and arrows, others armed with staves of palm tree, as black as coal and as

hard as horn, pointed with fish bone, and others with clubs, and they came

in a body as if they meant to defend their country. The men had their hair

braided, and wound round their heads, and the women wore their hair short

like our men. But perceiving that we had no hostile intentions, they were

very desirous to barter their articles for ours; theirs were arms, cotton

jerkins, and large pieces of cotton cloth like sheets, and guaninis which

are made of pale gold, and worn about their necks like our relics. With

these things they swam to our boats, for none of our people went on shore

that day or the next. The admiral would not allow any of their things to

be taken, lest we might be considered as covetous, but ordered some of our

articles to be given to them. The less we appeared to value the exchange,

the more eager were they to bring it about, and made many signs to that

effect from the shore. At last, perceiving that none of our people would

go on shore, they took all the things which had been given them, without

reserving the smallest article, and tying them up in a bundle, left them

on that part of the beach where our people first landed, and where our

people found them on the Wednesday following when they went on shore.

Believing that the Christians did not confide in them, the Indians sent an

ancient man of an awful presence, bearing a flag upon a staff, and

accompanied by two girls of about eight and fourteen years of ages and

putting these into the boat as if giving hostages, he made signs for our

people to land. Upon their request, our people went ashore to take in

water, the Indians taking great care to avoid doing any thing which might

have alarmed the Christians; and when they saw our men about to return to

the ships, the Indians made signs to take the girls along with them with

their guaninis about their necks, and at the request of the old man, they

complied and carried them on board. In this conduct these people shewed

themselves of a more friendly disposition than any we had yet met with;

and though the girls evinced uncommon undauntedness in trusting themselves

unconcernedly among strangers, they always behaved themselves with great

modesty and sweetness. The admiral treated them well, clothed and fed them,

and sent them again on shore, where they were received by the old man and

about fifty others, with great signs of satisfaction and content. On the

boats going on shore again the same day, they found the same people with

the girls, who insisted upon restoring all that had been given them by the

admiral.

Next day, the admirals brother went on shore to endeavour to learn

something of these people, when two of the chiefs came to the boat, and

taking him by the arms made him sit down on the grass between them; and as,

when he was about to ask them questions, he ordered his secretary to write

down the information they might give, the sight of the pen, ink, and paper,

threw them into such consternation that most of them ran away[11]. It was

supposed they did this from dread of being bewitched; for to us they

appeared to be sorcerers and superstitious people, as whenever they came

near the Christians, they used to scatter some powder about them in the

air, and to burn some of the same powder, endeavouring to make the smoke

go towards the Christians; besides their refusing to keep any thing that

belonged to us showed a degree of jealousy like the proverb, which says,

"A knave thinks every man like himself[12]." Having remained here longer

than was convenient, considering the haste we were in, and having repaired

the ships, and provided all we wanted, the admiral sent his brother on

shore with some men on the 2d of October, to view the town, and to

endeavour to learn as much as possible of the manners of the people, and

the nature of the country. The most remarkable thing they saw was a great

wooden building covered with canes, in which were several tombs. In one of

these there lay a dead body dried up and embalmed, in another two bodies

wrapped up in cotton sheets and without any ill scent; and over each there

was a board carved with the figures of beasts, and on one of them the

effigies as was supposed of the person deposited underneath, adorned with

guaninis, beads, and others of their most valued ornaments. These being

the most civilized Indians yet met with, the admiral ordered some to be

taken that he might learn the secrets of the country; seven men were

accordingly seized, and of these two of the chiefest were selected, and

the rest sent away with some gifts and courteous treatment, that the

country might not be left in commotion; and these were told as well as we

could express our meaning, that they were only to serve as guides upon

that coast, and then to be set at liberty. But believing that they were

taken out of covetousness, in order that they might ransom themselves with

their valuable goods, great numbers of the natives came down next day to

the shore, and sent four of their number on board to the admiral to treat

for the ransom of their friends, offering such things as they possessed,

and freely giving three hogs of the country, which, though small, are very

ferocious. Observing, therefore, the uncommon policy of this nation, the

admiral was the more anxious to be acquainted with them; and though he

would not listen to their offers of ransoming their friends, he ordered

some _trifles_ to be given to the messengers that they might not go away

dissatisfied, and that they should be paid for their hogs.

Among other creatures which that country produces, there is a kind of cats

of a greyish colour, as large as a small greyhound, but with a much longer

tail, which is so strong, that whatever they clasp with it is as if bound

fast with a rope. These animals ran about the trees like squirrels, and

when they leap, they not only hold fast with their claws, but with their

tails also, by which they often hang to the boughs, either to rest

themselves or to sport. It happened that one Ballaster brought one of

these cats out of a wood, having knocked him from a tree, and not daring

to meddle with it when down because of its fierceness, he cut off one of

its fore paws and brought it on board in that mutilated condition. Even in

that maimed state, it terrified a good dog we had on board, but put one of

the Indian hogs into much greater fear. The hog used to run at every

person, and would not allow the dog to remain on deck; but the moment it

saw the cat it ran away with signs of the utmost terror. The admiral

therefore gave orders that the hog and the cat should be placed close

together; the cat immediately wound her tail around the snout of the hog,

and with its remaining fore-leg fastened on the pole of the hog, which

grunted the while most fearfully. From this we concluded that these cats

hunt like the wolves or dogs of Spain.

On Wednesday the 5th of October, the admiral sailed from Cariari, and came

to the bay of Caravaro, which is six leagues long and two broad; in this

bay there are many small islands, and two or three channels to go out and

in by. Within these channels the ships sailed as it had been in streets or

lanes between the islands, the branches of the trees rubbing against the

shrouds. As soon as we anchored in this bay, the boats went to one of the

islands where there were twenty canoes on the shore, and a number of

people all entirely naked; most of them had a plate of gold hanging from

the neck, and some an ornament of gold resembling an eagle. These people

were perfectly peaceable, and shewed no tokens of being afraid of the

Christians. Assisted by the two Indians from Cariari, who acted as

interpreters, our people bought one of the gold plates which weighed ten

ducats for three horse-bells, and the Indians said that there was great

plenty of that metal to be had farther up the country at no great distance.

Next day, being the 7th of October, our boats went ashore upon the

continent, where they met ten canoes full of people; and as they refused

to barter away their gold ornaments, two of their chiefs were taken

prisoners, one of whom had a gold plate weighing fourteen ducats, and the

other an eagle of gold which weighed twenty-two. Being examined by the

admiral, with the assistance of our interpreters, they said that there was

great plenty of gold up the country, at places which they named, and which

might be reached in a day or two. Vast quantities of fish were taken in

the bay, and there were abundance of these creatures on shore which were

before seen at Cariari; also great abundance of food, as grain, roots, and

fruit. The men were entirely naked, except a narrow cotton cloth before,

and had their faces and body painted all over with various colours, as red,

white, and black. From this bay of Caravaro, we went to another close by

it called Aburena, which in some measure is like the other.

On the 17th of October we put to sea to continue our voyage; and came to

Guaiga, a river twelve leagues from Aburena. When our boats were going on

shore here by order of the admiral, they saw above 100 Indians on the

strand, who assaulted them furiously, running into the water up to their

middles, brandishing their spears, blowing horns, and beating a drum in a

warlike manner; they likewise threw the water at the Christians, and

chewing certain herbs, they squirted the juice towards them. Our men lay

upon their oars and endeavoured to pacify them, which they at length

accomplished, and they drew near to exchange their gold plates, some for

two, and others for three horse bells, by which means we procured sixteen

gold plates worth 150 ducats. Next day, being Friday the 19th of October,

the boats went again towards the land, intending to barter; but before

going on shore, they called to some Indians who were under certain bowers

or huts, which they had made during the night to defend their country,

fearing the Christians might land to injure them. Though our people called

long and loud, none of the Indians would approach, nor would the

Christians venture to land till they knew what were the intentions of the

Indians; for it afterwards appeared that the Indians waited to fall upon

our people as soon as they might land. But perceiving that they came not

out of the boats, they blew their horns and beat their drum, and ran into

the water as they had done the day before, till they came almost up to the

boats, brandishing their javelins in a hostile manner. Offended at this

proceeding, and that the Indians might not be so bold and despise them,

the Christians at last wounded one of them in the arm with an arrow, and

fired a cannon to intimidate them, on which they all scampered away to the

land. After this four Spaniards landed and called the Indians to come back,

which they now did very quietly, leaving their arms behind them; and they

bartered three gold plates, saying they had no more with them, as they had

not come prepared for trade but for war.

The only object of the admiral in this voyage being to discover the

country, and to procure samples of its productions, he proceeded without

farther delay to Catiba, and cast anchor in the mouth of a great river.

The people of the country were seen to gather, calling one another

together with horns and drums, and they afterwards sent two men in a canoe

towards the ships; who, after some conversation with the Indians who had

been taken at Cariari, came on board the admiral without any signs of

apprehension, and by the advice of the Cariari Indians gave the admiral

two gold plates which they wore about their necks, for which he gave them

some baubles in return. When these went on shore, there came another with

three men, wearing gold plates at their necks, who parted with them as the

others had done. Amity being thus settled, our men went on shore, where

they found numbers of people along with their king, who differed in

nothing from the rest, except that he was covered with one large leaf of a

tree to defend him from the rain which then fell in torrents. To give his

subjects a good example, he bartered away his gold plate, and bade them

exchange theirs with our men, so that they got nineteen in all of pure

gold. This was the first place in the Indies where our people had seen any

sign of building, as they here found a great mass of wall or masonry that

seemed to be composed of stone and lime, and the admiral ordered a piece

of it to be brought away as a memorial or specimen. From thence we sailed

eastwards to Cobravo, the people of which place dwell near the rivers of

that coast; and because none of the natives came down to the strand, and

the wind blew fresh, he held on his course to five towns of great trade,

among which was Veragua, where the Indians said the gold was gathered and

the plates manufactured.

The next day he came to a town called Cubiga, where the Indians of Cariari

said that the trading country ended; this began at Carabora and extended

to Cubiga for 50 leagues along the coast. Without making any stay here,

the admiral proceeded on till he put into Porto Bello, to which he gave

that name because it is large, well peopled, and encompassed by a finely

cultivated country. He entered this place on the 2d of November, passing

between two small islands within which ships may lie close to the shore,

and can turn it out if they have occasion. The country about that harbour

and higher up is by no means rough, but cultivated and full of houses a

stone throw or a bow-shot only from each other, and forms the finest

landscape that can be imagined. We continued there seven days on account

of rain and bad weather, and canoes came constantly to the ships from all

the country round to trade with provisions and bottoms of fine spun cotton,

which they gave in exchange for points and pins and other trifles.

On Wednesday the ninth of November we sailed from Porto Bello eight

leagues to the eastwards, but were driven back four leagues next day by

stress of weather, and put in among some islands near the continent where

the town of Nombre de Dios now stands; and because all these small islands

were full of grain, the admiral called this place _Puerto de Bastimentos_,

or Port of Provisions. While here one of our boats pursued a canoe, and

the Indians imagining our men would do them some harm, and perceiving the

boat within less than a stones throw of them, they leapt into the sea to

swim away, which they all effected; for though the boat rowed hard it

could not overtake any of them, or if it did come up with one he would

dive like a duck and come up again a bow-shot or two distant. This chase

lasted above half a league, and it was very pleasant to see the boat

labour in vain and come back empty handed.

We continued here till the 23d of November, refitting the ships and

mending our casks, and sailed that day to a place called Guiga, there

being another of the same name between Veragua and Cerago. The boats went

ashore at this place, where they found above 300 persons ready to trade in

provisions and some small gold ornaments which they wore at their ears and

noses. On Saturday the 24th of November we put into a small port which was

called _Retrete_, or the Retired Place, because it could not contain above

five or six ships together; the mouth of it was not above 15 or 20 paces

over, and on both sides rocks appeared above water as sharp as diamonds.

The channel between was so deep that no bottom could be found, though if

the ships inclined only a little way to either side the men could leap on

shore. This sharpness of the rocks saved the ships in this narrow passage,

and the danger we were now in was owing to the covetousness of the people

who went in the boats to view it, as they were desirous of trafficking

with the Indians, and believed that the ships might be in safety close to

the shore. In this place we were detained nine days by bad weather. At

first the Indians came very familiarly to trade in such articles as they

had to dispose of; but our seamen used to steal privately on shore and

commit a thousand insolencies like covetous dissolute fellows, insomuch

that they provoked the Indians to break the peace, and several skirmishes

happened between them and our people. The Indians at length took courage

to advance to our ships which lay with their sides close to the shore,

intending to do us some harm; but their designs turned out to their own

detriment, although the admiral always endeavoured to gain them by

patience and civility. But perceiving their insolence to increase, he

caused some cannon to be discharged, thinking to frighten them; this they

answered with loud shouts, thrashing the trees with their clubs and staves,

and showed by threatening signs that they did not fear the noise.

Therefore to abate their pride and to surprise them with respect for the

Christians, the admiral ordered a shot to be fired at a company of them

that stood upon a hillock near the shore; and the ball falling among them

made them sensible that our thunder carried a bolt along with it, and in

future they dared not to show themselves even behind the hills.

The people of this country were the handsomest we had yet seen among the

Indians, being tall and thin, without large bellies, and with agreeable

countenances. The country was all plain, bearing little grass and few

trees. In the harbour there were crocodiles or alligators of a vast size,

which go on shore to sleep, and they scatter a scent as if all the musk in

the world were together: They are fierce and ravenous, so that if they

find a man asleep they drag him to the water and devour him, but they are

fearful and cowardly when attacked. These alligators are found in many

other parts of the continent, and some affirm that they are the same with

the crocodiles of the Nile.

Finding that the violent winds from the E. and N.E. did not cease, and

that no trade could be had with those people, the admiral resolved to go

back that he might make farther inquiry into the reports of the Indians

concerning the mines of Veragua, and therefore returned on Monday the 5th

of November to Porto Bello ten leagues westwards. Continuing his course

next day, he was encountered by a west wind which was quite contrary to

his new design, though favourable for that which he had been attempting

for three months past, but expecting that this wind would not last long

because the weather was unsettled, he bore up against the wind for some

days; but when the weather would seem a little favourable for going to

Veragua, another wind would start up and drive us back again to Porto

Bello, and when almost in hopes of getting into port we were quite beat

off again. Sometimes there were such incessant flashes of thunder and

lightning that the men durst hardly open their eyes, the ships seemed just

sinking, and the sky appeared as if it would come down upon us. At times

the thunder was so continued, that it was conceived some ship was firing

its guns for assistance. At other times there would fall such incessant

and heavy torrents of rain for two or three days together as if an

universal deluge were going to overwhelm the world. This almost unceasing

war of the elements perplexed the men and reduced them almost to despair,

so that they were continually wet and could not get half an hours rest at

a time, always beating up to windward. In such terrible tempests they

dreaded the _fire_ in flashes of lightning, the _air_ for its fury, _the

water_ for its mountainous waves, and the _earth_ for hidden rocks and

sands; where they expected safety in a near haven, often encountering

danger, and therefore preferring to contend against all the other elements

to avoid the land. In the midst of all these terrors there occurred

another no less wonderful and dangerous, which was a water-spout rising

from the sea on Thursday the 13th of December; which, if they had not

dissolved by reciting the gospel of St John, had certainly sunk whatever

it had fallen upon. This phenomenon draws the water up to the clouds like

a pillar and thicker than a butt, twisting it about like a whirlwind.

That same night we lost sight of the ship called the Biscaina, but had the

good fortune to see it again after three or four dreadful dark days. It

had lost its boat and had been in great danger, being so near the land as

to be forced to come to anchor, which it likewise lost by being obliged to

cut the cable. It now appeared that the currents on this coast follow the

prevailing wind, running westwards with the east wind, and eastwards with

the west. The ships being now almost shattered to pieces by the tempest,

and the men quite spent with incessant labour, a calm for a day or two

gave them some relief, and brought such multitudes of sharks about the

ships as were dreadful to behold, especially to such as were superstitious.

Ravens are reported to smell out dead bodies from a great distance, and

some think that sharks have the same perceptive faculty. They have two

rows of sharp teeth in the nature of a saw, with which if they lay hold of

a mans leg or arm they cut it off as with a razor. Multitudes of these

sharks were caught by a hook and chain, but being able to destroy no more,

they continued in vast numbers swimming about. They are so greedy that

they not only bite at carrion, but may be taken by means of a red rag upon

the hook. I have seen a tortoise taken out of the stomach of one of these

sharks that lived for some time afterwards aboard the ship; and out of

another was taken the head of one of its own kind, which we had cut off

and thrown into the water as not fit to be eaten, and the shark had

swallowed it, which to us seemed strange and unnatural that one creature

should swallow the head of another as large as its own; this however is

owing to the vast size of their mouth which reaches almost to the belly,

and the head is shaped like an olive. Though some of the people considered

these creatures as foreboding misfortune, and others thought them bad fish,

yet we were all thankful for them on account of the want we were now in:

We had been eight months at sea, so that all the flesh and fish we had

brought from Spain was consumed, and owing to the heat and moisture of the

atmosphere, the biscuit was become so full of maggots that many of the

people waited till night before they could eat the pottage made of it,

that they might not see the maggots; but others were so used to eat them

that they were not curious to throw them away, lest they might lose their

supper.

Upon Saturday the 17th of December we put into a large bay or port three

leagues to the eastwards of _Pennon_ called _Huiva_ by the Indians, where

we remained three days. We there saw the Indians dwelling upon the tops

of trees, like birds, laying sticks across the boughs upon which they

build a kind of huts. We conceived this might have been for fear of the

_griffins_ which are in that country, or to be out of reach of their

enemies; for all along that coast the little tribes at every league

distant are great enemies to each other and perpetually at war. We sailed

from this port on the 20th with fair weather but not settled, for as soon

as we were got put to sea the tempest rose again and drove us into another

port, whence we departed the third day, the weather being somewhat mended,

but like an enemy that lies in wait for a man, it rushed out again and

drove us to Pennon, but when we hoped to get in there the wind came quite

contrary and drove us again towards Veragua. Being at an anchor in the

river the weather became again very stormy, so that we had reason to be

thankful for having got into that port, where we had been before on the

12th of the same month. We continued here from the 26th of December to the

3d of January 1508; when, having repaired the ship Gallega and taken on

board a good store of Indian wheat, water, and wood, we turned back to

Veragua with bad weather and contrary winds, which changed crossly just as

the admiral altered his course. This continual changing of the wind gave

us so much trouble between Veragua and Porto Bello that the admiral named

this _Costo de Contrasses_, or the Coast of Thwartings.

Upon Thursday, being the feast of the Epiphany, 6th January, we cast

anchor near a river called _Yebra_ by the Indians, but which the admiral

named Belem or Bethlem, because we came to it on the festival of the three

kings. He caused the mouth of that river and of another to the westwards

to be sounded; in the latter, called _Veragua_ by the Indians, the water

was shoal, but in the river Belem there were four fathoms at high water.

The boats went up this river to the town where we had been informed the

gold mines of Veragua were situated. At first the Indians were so far from

conversing that they assembled with their weapons to hinder the Christians

from landing; and the next day on going up the river of Veragua, the

Indians did the same, not only on shore, but stood upon their guard with

their canoes in the water. But an Indian of that coast who understood them

a little went on shore and persuaded them that we were good people, and

desired nothing from them but what we would pay for; by this they were

pacified and trucked twenty plates of gold, likewise some hollow pieces

like the joints of reeds, and some unmelted grains. On purpose to enhance

the value of their gold they said it was gathered a great way off among

uncouth mountains, and that when they gathered it they did not eat, nor

did they carry their women along with them, a story similar to which was

told by the people of Hispaniola when it was first discovered.

On Monday the 9th of January the admirals ship and that called Biscaina

went up the river, and the Indians came presently on board to barter away

such things as they had, especially fish, which at certain times of the

year come up these rivers from the sea in such quantities as would seem

incredible to those who had not seen it. They likewise exchanged some gold

for pins, and what they most valued they gave for beads, or hawks-bells.

Next day the other two ships came in, having to wait for the flood, which

does not rise above half a fathom in these parts. As Veragua was famed for

mines and extraordinary wealth, the admirals brother went up the river the

third day after our arrival to the town of _Quibio_, the king or cacique

of this province; who, hearing of the lieutenants coming, came down the

river in his canoes to meet him. Quibio behaved in a very friendly manner,

and interchanged several articles with the lieutenant, and after a long

discourse they parted in peace. Next day Quibio came on board to visit the

admiral, and having discoursed together about an hour, his men trucked

some gold for bells, and he returned to his own place.

While we lay here as we thought in perfect ease and security, the river of

Belem suddenly swelled on the 24th of January so high, that before we

could get a cable on shore the fury of the water came so impetuously on

the admirals ship that it broke one of her anchors, and drove her with

such force against the Galega as to bring the foremast by the board, and

both ships were carried away foul of each other in the utmost danger of

perishing. Some judged that this sudden and mighty flood had been

occasioned by the heavy rains, which still continued incessantly; but in

that case the river would have swelled gradually and not all of a sudden,

which made us suppose that some extraordinary rain had fallen in the

mountains about 20 leagues up the country, which the admiral called the

mountains of St Christopher. The highest of that range was above the

region of the air in which meteors are bred, as no cloud was ever seen to

rise above, but all floated below its summit; this mountain of St

Christopher looks like a hermitage[13], and lies in the midst of a range

of woody mountains whence we believed that flood came which was so

dangerous to our ships; for had they been carried out to sea they must

have been shattered to pieces, as the wind was then extremely boisterous.

This tempest lasted so long that we had time to refit and caulk the ships;

and the waves broke so furiously on the mouth of the river, that the boats

could not go out to discover along the coast, to learn where the mines lay,

and to seek out for a proper place in which to build a town; for the

admiral had resolved to leave his brother in this place with most of the

men, that they might settle and subdue the country, while he should return

into Spain to send out supplies of men and provisions. With this prospect,

he sent his brother on Monday the 6th of February with 68 men by sea to

the mouth of the Veragua river, a league to the westward of the Belem

river, who went a league and a half up the river to the caciques town,

where he staid a day inquiring the way to the mines. On Wednesday they

travelled four leagues and half, and rested for the night on the side of a

river which they had crossed 44 times in the course of that days march;

next day they travelled a league and a half towards the mines, being

directed in their journey by some Indian guides who were furnished by

Quibio. In about two hours time they came thither, and every man gathered

some gold from about the roots of the trees, which were there very thick

and of prodigious height. This sample was much valued, because none of

those who went upon this expedition had any tools for digging, or had ever

been accustomed to gather gold; and as the design of this expedition was

merely to get information of the situation of the mines, they returned

very much satisfied that same day to Veragua, and the next day to the

ships. It was afterwards learnt that these were not the mines of Veragua

which lay much nearer, but belonged to the town of _Urira_ the people of

which being enemies to those of Veragua, Quibio had ordered the Christians

to be conducted thither to do a displeasure to his foes, and that his own

mines might remain untouched.

On Thursday the 14th of February, the lieutenant went into the country

with 40 men, a boat following with 14 more. The next day they came to the

river _Urira_ seven leagues west from Belem. The cacique came a league out

of this town to meet him with 20 men, and presented him with such things

as they feed on, and some gold plates were exchanged here. This cacique

and his chief men never ceased putting a dry herb into their mouths, which

they chewed and sometimes they took a sort of powder which they carried

along with that herb, which singular custom astonished our people very

much[14]. Having rested here a while, the Christians and Indians went to

the town, where they were met by great numbers of people, had a large

house appointed for their habitation, and were supplied with plenty of

provisions. Soon after came the cacique of _Dururi_, a neighbouring town,

with a great many Indians, who brought some gold plates to exchange. All

these Indians said that there were caciques farther up the country who had

abundance of gold, and great numbers of men armed as ours were. Next day

the lieutenant ordered part of his men to return to the ships, and with 30

whom he retained, beheld on his journey to _Zobraba_, where the fields for

six leagues were all full of maize like corn fields. Thence he went to

_Cateba_ another town, and was well entertained at both places with

abundance of provisions, and some gold plates were bartered. These are

like, the pattern of a chalice, some bigger and some less, and weighed

about twelve ducats more or less, and the Indians wear them hanging from

their necks by a string as we do relics. Being now very far from the ships,

without having found any port along the coast, or any river larger than

that of Belem on which to settle his colony, the lieutenant came back on

the 24th of February, bringing with him a considerable value in gold which

he had acquired by barter during his journey.

Immediately on his return preparations were made for his stay, and eighty

men were appointed to remain with him. These were divided into gangs of

ten men each, and began to build houses on the bank of the Belem river on

the right hand going up, about a cannon-shot from its mouth, and the

infant colony was protected by surrounding it with a trench. The mouth of

this river is marked by a small hill. The houses were all built of timber

and covered with palm leaves, which grew abundantly along the banks of the

river; and besides the ordinary houses for the colony, a large house was

built to serve as a magazine and store-house, into which several pieces of

cannon, powder, provisions, and other necessaries for the use and support

of the planters were put. But the wine, biscuit, oil, vinegar, cheese, and

a considerable supply of grain were left in the ship Gallega as the safest

place; which was to be left with the lieutenant for the service of the

colony, with all its cordage, nets, hooks and other tackle; for, as has

been already said, there is vast abundance of fish in every river of that

coast, several sorts at certain seasons running along the coast in shoals,

on which the people of the country live more than upon flesh, for though

there are some beasts of different sorts, there are by no means enough to

maintain the inhabitants.

The customs of these Indians are for the most part much the same as those

of Hispaniola and the neighbouring islands; but those people of Veragua

and the country about it, when they talk to one another are constantly

turning their backs and always chewing an herb, which we believed to be

the reson that their teeth were rotten and decayed. Their food is mostly

fish, which they take with nets, and with hooks made of tortoiseshell,

which they cut with a thread as if they were sawing, in the same manner as

is done in the islands. They have another way of catching some very small

fishes, which are called _Titi_ in Hispaniola. At certain times these are

driven towards the shore by the rains, and are so persecuted by the larger

fish that they are forced up to the surface in shoal water, where the

Indians take as many of them as they have a mind by means of little matts

or small meshed nets. They wrap these up singly in certain leaves, and

having dried them in an oven they will keep a great while. They also catch

pilchards in the same manner; for at certain times these fly with such

violence from the pursuit of the large fish, that they will leap out of

the water two or three paces on the dry land, so that they have nothing to

do but take them as they do the _Titi_. These pilchards are taken after

another manner: They raise a partition of palm-tree leaves two yards high

in the middle of a canoe, fore and aft as the seamen call it, or from stem

to stern; then plying about the river they make a great noise, beating the

shores with their paddles, and then the pilchards, to fly from the other

fish, leap into the canoe, where hitting against the partition they fall

in, and by this means they often take vast numbers[15]. Several sorts of

fish pass along the coast in vast shoals, whereof immense quantities are

taken; and these will keep a long time after being roasted or dried in the

way already mentioned.

These Indians have also abundance of maize, a species of grain which grows

in an ear or hard head like millet, and from which they make a white and

red wine, as beer is made in England, mixing it with their spice as it

suits their palate, having a pleasant taste like sharp brisk wine. They

also make another sort of wine from certain trees like palms which have

prickly trunks like thorns: This wine is made from the pith of these palms,

which resemble squeezed palmitoes, and from which they extract the juice

and boil it up with water and spice. They make another wine from a fruit

which grows likewise in Guadaloup, resembling a large pine-apple. This is

planted in large fields, and the plant is a sprout growing from the top of

the fruit, like that which grows from a cabbage or lettuce. One plant

lasts in bearing for three or four years. They likewise make wines from

other sorts of fruit; particularly from one that grows upon very high

trees, which is as big as a large lemon, and has several stones like nuts,

from two to nine in each, not round but long like chesnuts. The rind of

this fruit is like a pomegranate, and when first taken from the tree it

resembles it exactly, save only that it wants the prickly circle at the

top. The taste of it is like a peach; and of them some are better than

others, as is usual in other fruits. There are some of these in the

islands, where they are named _Mamei_ by the Indians.

All things being settled for the Christian colony and ten or twelve houses

built and thatched, the admiral wished to have sailed for Spain; but he

was now threatened by even a greater danger from want of water in the

river, than that he had formerly experienced by the inundation. For the

great rains in January being now over, the mouth of the river was so

choked up with sand, that though there were ten feet of water on the bar

when we came in, which was scant enough, there were now only two feet when

we wished to have gone out. We were thus shut up without prospect of

relief, as it was impossible to get over the sand; and even if we had

possessed any engine calculated for this purpose, the sea was so

boisterous that the smallest of the waves which broke upon the shore was

enough to have beat the ships in pieces, more especially as ours were now

all eaten through and through by the worms like a honeycomb. We had

nothing left therefore, but to pray to God for rain, as we had before

prayed for fair weather; as we knew that rain would swell the river and

clear away the sand.

In the meantime it was discovered by means of our interpreter, an Indian

whom we had taken not far off above three months before, and who willingly

went along with us, that Quibio the cacique of Veragua, intended to set

fire to the houses and destroy the Christians, as all the Indians were

averse to the settlement of our people in their country. It was therefore

thought proper, as a punishment to this cacique and a terror and example

to the other Indians, to take him and all his chief men prisoners into

Spain, that his town and tribe might remain subjected to the Christians.

Accordingly, the lieutenant went with a party of seventy-six men towards

Veragua, on the 30th of March, to execute this project. This town or

village is not built close together, but all the houses are built at

considerable distances as in Biscay. When Quibio understood that the

lieutenant was come near, he sent word for him not to come up to his house;

but the lieutenant, that he might not seem any way afraid of these people,

went up notwithstanding this message, accompanied only by five men;

ordering all the rest to halt at the foot of the hill on which the

caciques house was situated, and desiring them to come after him, two and

two together, at some distance from each other; and that when they should

hear a musket fired, they should all run up, and beset the house that none

of them might escape.

When the lieutenant came to the house, Quibio sent another message to

desire that he might not come in, for though wounded by an arrow, he would

come out to receive him, and he acted in this manner to prevent his women

from being seen, these Indians being exceedingly jealous on that score. He

came out accordingly and sat down at the door, requesting that the

lieutenant alone might approach; who did so, ordering the rest to fall on

whenever they saw him seize hold of the cacique by the arm. He asked

Quibio some questions concerning his wound, and the affairs of the country,

by means of the before-mentioned interpreter, who was exceedingly fearful,

as he knew the intentions of the cacique to destroy the Christians, which

he thought might easily be done by the great numbers of people in that

province, as he had as yet no experience of the strength of our people or

the power of their weapons. Pretending to look where the cacique had been

wounded; the lieutenant took hold of his arm, and kept so firm a grasp,

though Quibio was a strong man, that he held him fast till the other five

Christians came up to his assistance, one of whom fired off his musket,

upon which all the rest ran out from their ambush and surrounded the house,

in which there were thirty people old and young; most of whom were taken,

and none wounded, for on seeing their king a prisoner they made no

resistance. Among the prisoners there were some wives and children of the

cacique, and some inferior chiefs, who said they had a great treasure

concealed in the adjoining wood, and offered to give the whole of it for

the ransom of their cacique and themselves. But the lieutenant would not

listen to their proposals, and ordered Quibio, with his wives and children,

and the principal people who had been made prisoners, to be immediately

carried on board, before the country took the alarm, and remained with

most of his men to go after the kindred and subjects of the captured

cacique, many of whom had fled. John Sanchez of Cadiz, one of our pilots,

and a man of good reputation, was appointed to take charge of the

prisoners, and more especially of Quibio, who was bound hand and foot, and

on being charged to take particular care that he might not escape, he said

he would give them leave to pull his beard off if he got away. Sanchez and

his prisoners embarked with an escort in the boats to go down the river of

Veragua to the ships; and when within half a league of its mouth, Quibio

complained that his hands were bound too tight, on which Sanchez

compassionately loosened him from the seat of the boat to which he was

tied, and held the rope in his hand. A little after this, observing that

he was not very narrowly watched, Quibio sprung into the water, and

Sanchez let go the rope that he might not be dragged in after him. Night

was coming on, and the people in the boat were in such confusion that they

could not see or hear where he got on shore, for they heard no more of him

than if a stone had fallen into the water and disappeared. That the rest

of the prisoners might not likewise escape, they held on their way to the

ships much ashamed of their carelessness.

Next day, perceiving that the country was very mountainous and woody, and

that there were no regular towns, the houses being scattered about at

irregular distances, and consequently that it would be very difficult to

pursue the Indians from place to place, the lieutenant returned to the

ships. He presented to the admiral the plunder of Quibios house, worth

about 300 ducats in gold plates, little eagles, small quills which they

string and wear about their arms and legs, and gold twists which they wear

about their heads in the nature of a coronet. After deducting the fifth

part for their Catholic majesties, he divided all the rest among the

people who had been employed in the expedition, giving one of those crowns

or coronets to the lieutenant in token of victory.

All things being provided for the maintenance of the colony, and the rules

and regulations by which it was to be governed being settled, it pleased

GOD to send so much rain that the river swelled and opened the mouth

sufficiently to float the ships over the bar. Wherefore the admiral

resolved to depart for Hispaniola without delay, that he might forward

supplies for this place. Taking advantage of a calm that the sea might not

beat upon the month of the river, we went out with three of the ships, the

boats towing a-head. Yet though they were lightened as much as possible,

every one of the keels rubbed on the sand which was fortunately loose and

moving; and we then took in with all expedition every thing that was

unloaded for making the ships draw less water. While we lay upon the open

coast, about a league from the mouth of the river, it pleased GOD

miraculously to induce the admiral to send his boat on shore for water,

which proved the cause of preventing the loss of our people who had been

left at Belem. For when Quibio saw that the ships had withdrawn, and could

therefore give no aid to the people who were left, he assaulted the

Christian colony at the very time when our boat went ashore. The approach

of the Indians was not perceived, on account of the thickness of the wood,

and when they came within ten paces of the houses they set up a great

shout, and fell upon our people suddenly and violently, throwing their

javelins at all whom they espied, and even at the houses, which being only

covered with palm-tree leaves, were easily stuck through, and several of

our men were wounded within them. In the first surprize, four or five of

our people were wounded before they could put themselves into a posture of

defence; but the lieutenant being a man of great resolution; went out

against the Indians with a spear, with seven or eight followers, and

attacked the Indians so violently, that he soon made them retire to the

adjoining wood. Thence they returned skirmishing with our people,

advancing to throw their javelins and then retiring, as the Spaniards do

in the sport called _juego de cannas_; but after having experienced the

sharp edges of our swords, and being furiously assailed by a dog belonging

to the Christians, they at length fled, having killed one Christian, and

wounded seven, among whom was the lieutenant, who was wounded in the

breast.

From the foregoing danger two Christians took care to preserve themselves;

which I shall relate, to show the comicalness of the one who was an

Italian of Lombardy, and the gravity of the other who was a Spaniard. When

the Lombard was running away to hide himself, James Mendez called him to

turn back; let me alone you devil, said Sebastian, for I am going to

secure my person. The Spaniard was Captain James Tristan, whom the admiral

had sent in the boat, who never went out of it with his men though the

affray was close beside the river; and being blamed for not assisting the

Christians, he excused himself by saying that those on shore might run to

the boat for shelter, and so all might perish, for if the boat were lost

the admiral would be in danger at sea, and he would therefore do no more

than he had been commanded, which was to take in water, and to see if

those on shore needed any assistance. He resolved therefore to take in

water immediately, that he might carry an account to the admiral of what

had happened, and went up the river with that view, to where the salt

water did not mix with the fresh, though some advised him not to go for

fear of being attacked by the Indians in their canoes; but he answered

that he feared no danger since he was sent for that purpose by the admiral.

He accordingly went up the river which is very deep within the land, and

so closely beset on both sides with thick trees, that there is scarcely

any possibility to go on shore, except at some fishermens paths where they

hide their canoes. When the Indians perceived that he had got about a

league above the colony, they rushed from the thickets on both sides of

the river in their canoes, and assaulted him boldly on all sides, making

hideous shouts and blowing their horns. They had great odds against our

people, being in great numbers, and their canoes very swift and manageable,

especially the small ones belonging to the fishermen, which hold three or

four men in each, one of whom paddles and can easily turn it about as he

pleases, while the others threw their javelins at our boat. I call them

javelins because of their bigness, though they have no iron heads, but are

only pointed with fish bones. In our boat there were seven or eight men to

row, and three or four more with the captain to fight; and as the rowers

could not defend themselves from the javelins, they were forced to quit

the oars to handle their targets. But the Indians poured upon them in such

multitudes from all sides, advancing and retiring in good order as they

thought fit, that they wounded most of the Christians, especially Captain

Tristan who was hurt in many places; and though he stood unmoved,

encouraging his men, his bravery availed him nothing, for he was beset on

all sides and could not stir or make use of his musket, and at length he

was pierced by a javelin in the eye and fell down dead. All the rest

shared his fate except one man named John da Noia a native of Cadiz; he by

good fortune fell into the water in the height of the combat, and gaining

the shore by diving made his way through the thickest of the woods to the

colony, where he brought the melancholy news of the destruction of all his

companions.

This intelligence, joined to what had befallen themselves, so terrified

our people, who were likewise afraid that the admiral, being at sea

without a boat, might never reach a place from whence he could send them

assistance, that they determined to abandon the colony, and would

certainly have done so without orders, had not the mouth of the river been

rendered impassable by bad weather and a heavy surf in which no boat could

live, so that they could not even convey advice to the admiral of what had

occurred. The admiral was in no little danger and perplexity, riding in an

open road with no boat, and his complement much diminished. Those on

shore were in great confusion and dismay, seeing those who had been

killed in the boat, floating down the river, followed by the country crows,

and this they looked upon as an evil omen, dreading that the same fate

awaited themselves; and the more so as they perceived the Indians puffed

up by their late success, and gave them not a minutes respite by reason of

the ill chosen situation of the colony. There is no doubt that they would

all have been destroyed if they had not removed to an open strand to the

eastwards, where they constructed a defence of casks and other things,

planting their cannon in convenient situations to defend themselves, the

Indians not daring to come out of the wood because of the mischief that

the bullets did among them.

While things were in this situation, the admiral waited in the utmost

trouble and anxiety, suspecting what might have happened in consequence of

his boat not returning, and he could not send another to inquire till the

sea at the mouth of the river should become calmer. To add to our

perplexity the kindred and children of Quibio, who were prisoners on board

the Bermuda, found means to escape. They were kept under hatches all night,

and the hatchway being so high that they could not reach it, the watch

forgot one night to fasten it down in the usual manner by a chain, the

more especially as some seamen slept on the top of the grating. That night

the prisoners gathered the stone ballast in the hold into a heap under the

grating, and standing on the stones forced open the grating, tumbling our

people off, and several of the principal Indians leaped out and cast

themselves into the sea. Our seamen took the alarm and fastened the chain,

so that many of the Indians could not get out; but those who remained, in

despair for not being able to get off with their companions, hanged

themselves with such ropes as they could find, and they were all found

dead next morning, with their feet and knees dragging on the bottom of the

hold, the place not being high enough. Though this loss was not material

to the ships, yet it was feared it might be hurtful to our people on shore,

as Quibio would willingly have made peace to get his children restored,

and there being now no hostage left it was reasonable to suspect he would

now make war with the greater fury.

Being thus afflicted with many troubles, having nothing to trust to but

our anchors and cables, and in great perplexity to get intelligence from

the shore, it was proposed that, since the Indians to recover their

liberty had ventured to leap into the sea a league from shore, some of our

people to save themselves and so many more, might venture to swim on shore,

if carried by the boat which remained as far as where the waves did not

break. Only one boat now remained belonging to the Bermuda, that of the

Biscaina having been lost in the affray, so that we had only one boat

among three ships. Hearing of this bold proposal among the seamen, the

admiral agreed that it should be attempted, and the boat carried them

within a musket-shot of the land, not being able to go any nearer on

account of the heavy waves that broke on it. Here Peter de Ledesma, a

pilot of Seville, threw himself into the water and got on shore. He there

learnt the condition of our people, who had unanimously determined not to

remain in that forlorn condition, and therefore entreated the admiral not

to sail till he had taken them off, as to leave them there was sacrificing

them; more especially as dissensions had already arisen among them, and

they no longer obeyed the lieutenant or the other officers, all their care

being to get on board with the first fair wind; and as this could not be

done conveniently with the only boat which they had, they proposed to

endeavour to seize upon some canoes to assist in their embarkation. Should

the admiral refuse to receive them, they were resolved to attempt saving

their lives in the ship which had been left with them in the river, and

rather trust to fortune than remain at the mercy of the Indians, by whom

they were sure to be massacred. With this answer Ledesema returned by

swimming through the surf to the boat, and thence went to the admiral, to

whom he gave a full report of the state of affairs on shore.

Being fully informed of the disaster which had befallen the colony, and

the confusion and despair which reigned onshore, the admiral determined to

remain and take off the people, though not without great risk and danger,

as his ships lay in an open road without hopes of escape if the weather

had become boisterous. But it pleased GOD, that in the eight days we

continued here, the weather moderated so much that all the people on shore

got off in safety. This they effected by means of their boat, assisted by

several large canoes bound fast two and two together that they might not

overset; and they used such diligence after the surf disappeared, that in

two days they brought every thing away, leaving nothing but the hull of

the ship, which was become quite unserviceable in consequence of the

ravages of the worms. Rejoiced that we were all again together, we sailed

up that coast to the eastwards; for though all the pilots were of opinion

that we might make St Domingo by standing away to the north, yet the

admiral and his brother only knew that it was quite requisite to run a

considerable way along this coast to the eastwards before they should

attempt to strike across the gulf which intervenes between the continent

and Hispaniola. This was very displeasing to our people, who conceived

that the admiral meant to sail direct for Spain, for which his ships were

utterly unfit, neither had he a stock of provisions for so long a voyage.

He knew best what was fit to be done, and therefore continued the eastern

course till we came to Porto Bello, where we were forced to leave the

Biscaina, as she had become so leaky and worm-eaten that she could be no

longer kept above water. Continuing this course, we passed the port

formerly called the _Retrete_, and a country near which there were many

small islands, which the admiral called _Las Barbas_, but which the

Indians and pilots named the territory of the cacique _Pocorosa_.

From thence we held on ten leagues farther to the east to the last land

which we saw on the continent, called _Marmora_[16]; and on Monday the 1st

of May 1503, we stood to the northwards, having the wind and current from

the east, which made us lay our course as near the wind as possible.

Though all the pilots said we should be to the east of the Caribbee

islands, yet the admiral feared we should not be able to make Hispaniola,

as it afterwards proved. Upon Wednesday the 10th of May we were in sight

of two very small low islands called Tortugas or the Tortoises, on account

of the prodigious multitudes of these animals which so swarmed about these

islands, and in the sea about them that they resembled rocks. On the

Friday following, we came in sight about evening of that great cluster of

islands on the coast of Cuba, called Jardin de la Reinas or the Queens

Garden, about thirty leagues from the Tortugas. We came here to anchor

about ten leagues from the coast of Cuba, full of trouble and perplexity;

our men had now nothing to eat but biscuit, with some little oil and

vinegar, and our ships were so worm-eaten and leaky, as to keep the people

labouring at the pumps day and night. In this forlorn state a great storm

arose, and the Bermuda dragging her anchors ran foul of us, and broke in

our stem and her own stern. It pleased GOD that we got the ships loosened

again, though with much difficulty, owing to the rough sea and high wind.

Although we let go all our anchors none would hold but the sheet anchor,

and when day returned we discovered that its cable held only by one strand,

so that if the night had continued an hour longer it must have given way,

and the sea being all full of rocks, we could not fail to have been dashed

in pieces upon some of those astern. But it pleased GOD to deliver us here

as he had done before from many dangers.

Sailing from hence with great toil, we came to an Indian town on the coast

of Cuba named _Mataia_, where we procured some refreshments; and as the

winds and currents set so strong towards the west that we could not

possibly stand for Hispaniola, we now sailed for Jamaica as our only hope

of preserving our lives. The ships were now so worm-eaten and leaky that

we never ceased working day and night at all the three pumps in both ships;

and when any of the pumps gave way, we were forced to supply the

deficiency while it was mending by bailing out the water in buckets and

kettles. Notwithstanding all this labour, on the night before midsummer

eve, the water gained on as and came up almost to our deck. With infinite

labour we held on till day, when we put into a harbour on the north shore

of Jamaica called _Puerto Bueno_, or the Good Harbour; which, though good

to take shelter in against a storm, had no fresh water or any Indian town

in its neighbourhood. Having made the best shift we could, we removed on

the day after the festival of St John, 26th of June, from that harbour to

one farther eastwards called _Santa Gloria_, or Holy Glory, which is

inclosed by rocks. Being got in here, and no longer able to keep the ships

above water, we ran them on shore as far in as we could, stranding them

close together board and board and shoreing them up on both sides to

prevent them from falling over. In this situation they could not budge,

and as the water came up almost to the decks, sheds were erected on the

decks and the poops and forecastles for the men to sleep in, that we might

secure ourselves against any surprise from the Indians, that island being

not then subdued or inhabited by the Christians.

Having thus fortified ourselves in the ships about a bow-shot from the

land, the Indians, who were a peaceable good-natured people, came in their

canoes to sell provisions and such things as they had for our commodities.

To prevent any disorder among the Christians, that they might not take

more in exchange than was fit, and that the natives might be fairly dealt

with, the admiral appointed two persons to have the charge of buying what

might be brought by the Indians; these men were likewise directed to

divide what was purchased daily among the men, as there was now nothing

left on board for subsistence. Some of our provisions had been spoiled or

lost in the haste and confusion of leaving Belem, and almost all the rest

was spent during the voyage to Jamaica. It was the good providence of God

which directed us to this island, which abounds in provisions, and is

inhabited by a people who are willing enough to trade, and who resorted

from all quarters to barter such commodities as they possessed. For this

reason, and that the Christians might not disperse about the island, the

admiral chose to fortify himself upon the sea, and not to settle a

dwelling on shore; for being naturally mutinous and disobedient, no

punishment would have kept the people from running about the country and