REASONS WHY THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT, UNDER ITS PRESENT ORGANIZATION,
MUST SUCCEED IN OVERTHROWING THE GOVERNMENT.
We do not believe, after what has taken place, that the Abolitionists
will be able to carry _emancipation_. Their imprudent and rash modes
of action seem to have barred the door effectually against that event
for the present. We think it reasonable to say, that without the
concurrence of the slave States, such an event is impossible. But such
is the character, effectiveness, and irresistible sweep of their
organization, that it cannot fail to break down something; and that
something, we fear, will be the Federal Union. We now propose to give
our reasons for this apprehension. Those reasons are embodied in the
unconstitutional and illegal character of the Association.
The political structure of our Government cannot be too much admired
for the balance of power which is every where to be found in its
Constitutional modes of action. The theory seems to be a perfect one.
But the moment there is a departure from the rules, or a violation of
the principles of Constitutional law, the machinery is embarrassed,
and danger threatens. In the same manner as the action of the
Government demands a strict adherence to these rules, so also does the
action of the people. We have seen in the second chapter what rules
the Federal Constitution and those of the States prescribe to
individual and popular action for political purposes, independent of
and in addition to the privilege of the elective franchise: freedom of
speech and of the press, and the right of petition, address, and
remonstrance to the Government. It was there stated, that the license
given to these proscribed forms constituted equally a law of
prohibition to all _other_ forms, as it would be absurd to suppose,
that a written law of this kind is not a law of limitation; in other
words, that it is no law at all. It was also shown, as is manifest at
first sight, that this license is all sufficient, as the people always
have their remedy in the elective franchise, if the Government do not
regard their wishes, as expressed in these modes. No occasions can be
expected to occur, that would require to transcend these salutary
rules; and we believe the existence and action of the American
Anti-Slavery Society, as an independent political body, is the first
instance, in the history of our country, by which they have been
transcended.
It is true, indeed, that a popular charge has been brought against the
Masonic Institution, as having been perverted into political action,
and as being dangerous to the liberties of the country on that
account. How far this charge is just, it is impossible for us to know,
as we have never been a member of that Society. It is sufficient to
observe, that the very suspicion of such action has operated, as is
well known, almost entirely to suppress that Institution, and wind up
its history in the country. Had the truth of this charge been obvious,
and as susceptible of proof, as in the case of the American
Anti-Slavery Society, we need not say what would have been its fate.
The legislation of the country would have settled the matter soon. We
believe it to be a self-evident proposition, that the genius of a
Constitutional Government, or of any government whatever, does not
admit of a rival independent political organization on the same
territory; that it cannot tolerate _any permanent_ political
organization _at all_ independent of itself; much less one of
unlimited powers. It would not be very acceptable, even if it were to
come in as an auxiliary, but would rather be regarded as an insult.
There is no point of view in which we can conceive it would be
welcome.
It would be ridiculous and impotent to say, that the action of the
American Anti-Slavery Society cannot be liable to objection, since it
is open, and not secret, like the Masonic Institution, admitting that
the latter is fairly accused by popular suspicion. Such a plea would
justify the acts of fraud, theft, felony, and crime of any
description, if they be done openly. It is only the more astonishing,
that it should be endured. But the reason of that we have already
stated: It is a new thing under the Sun; the public have been taken by
surprise; and have not even yet recovered from the shock. It was taken
for granted, that religion could not find its way into the State over
such Constitutional barriers erected to intercept the trespass; and
yet it is there--the religion of a _Sect_--of a great, powerful,
fanatical, religioso-political sect--which, having leaped the wall,
has carried with it a great and powerful political machinery from
another region, and is well at work, as if it were perfectly at home.
It may be said, that the political world has never yet had such a
fellow worker before, and looks at it askance as a strange companion,
not knowing what to make of it. Doubtless, after a little reflection,
a more definite opinion will be formed of its unwelcome character and
awkward position.
But, it is proper to exhibit more distinctly the beautiful and
symmetrical action of the Constitutional law of this land, when
scrupulously observed in regard to such matters, and how a departure
from it leads to difficulty. It will be seen, that freedom of speech
and of the press, and the right of petition, address, and remonstrance
to Government, as guaranteed, are important safety valves, through
which to give scope to individual opinion, and vent to popular
fermentations. The regular action of these powers in the
Constitutional modes, and through the Constitutional channels, are
always balanced by each other. That same freedom of speech and of the
press which is guaranteed to one individual or party, is guaranteed to
another; and the inordinate excesses of each are sure to be
counteracted by the ordinary sway of these Constitutional principles;
at least, so far as the imperfect state of society will allow. It
seems to be the highest attainment of a practical political sagacity.
In the same manner, the action of associated popular movements, when
they aim to affect and influence the Government, is always balanced by
the counteraction of one party as opposed to the other, so long as
both keep within the prescribed forms of the Constitution and laws,
and connect themselves regularly with the Government in the recognized
modes of petition, address, or remonstrance. In this way it is
impossible that one party should gain a sudden, undue, and
overwhelming advantage, to which they are not fairly entitled by the
merits of their cause, and by a fair hearing before the public.
But the moment that one party, or any new party, is permitted to set
up an independent, permanent, and unconstitutional political
machinery, having no connexion with the Government, but acting under a
polity of its own, as much and as truly as an independent empire, and
thus instituting a mode of action unknown to the Constitution and
laws, this salutary equipoise of influence is lost, in the same manner
as by throwing an ounce weight into one of two scales equally
balanced, the other is made to kick the beam. Such is the character,
and such the overbearing power of the American Anti-slavery Society in
the political condition of our country. There is, there can be, no
balance of influence, apart from the interference of authority, except
by setting up another unconstitutional organization, to put aside the
Constitutional Government, to carry on the war between themselves, and
settle the questions in dispute, as best they might; in other words,
to establish the reign of anarchy.
So long as the American Anti-slavery Society is permitted to exist,
and to carry on its operations under its present form, it is not the
reason of their cause that prevails, but the power of their machinery
in its action on the public mind. All opposing influences, so long as
the Government is inactive, are like the scattering, random, and
over-shoulder shot of a routed and retreating host that is flying in
the field before the well-formed, steady, and disciplined march of a
triumphant army--triumphant, because there is no corresponding agency
to oppose them, not because they have the right. Such, precisely, is
the effect of all the newspaper squibs that are fired off on the
Abolitionists, and such the effect of the unorganized remonstrances of
the public. The Abolitionists are in the field with a disciplined
army, officered, paid, with a full staff, and an adequate
Commissariat. In other words, they are a regularly organized and
permanent political body, acting under a complete State machinery in
all that their exigences require, adding to it at pleasure, with ever
active and industrious agents, with money at command and the power of
the press, and as independent of the Government of this country as the
throne of the Sultan at Constantinople--and yet doing the business
of the country!
There are most obvious reasons, why such a power, once recognized as
suitable and proper, will carry all before it, till it shall have
dissolved the Government of this country. The Abolitionists have all
the native and long cherished feeling of the North on their side, as
being opposed to slavery in principle; they have all the advantage of
the sympathies of our nature, when we consider the _manner_ in which
they represent the case; they have the common and prevailing popular
ignorance of the nature of our political fabric to aid them--for it is
not to be supposed, that the people generally will have clear and
uniform views on a question upon which Statesmen differ; and to the
effect of all these natural and social auxiliaries, they superadd the
power of their immense, combined, and variously ramified machinery,
which steals every where upon the public, catching every man, woman,
and child, whose benevolent sympathies are naturally open to their
appeals, and when once they are indoctrinated after the manner and in
the school of the Abolitionists, and become possessed of their spirit,
there is little chance for the sway of those principles on which our
political society is based. It is not the fair argument of the cause,
but the power of this political combination, that bears such sway.
There is no chance for a candid hearing before the public, and for the
due influence of all the considerations which appertain to this
momentous and complicated question, because the constitutional
balance of power, designed for such exigences, has been prostrated by
an usurpation, and every thing is made to give way to isolated and
abstract opinions, and to the dictations of political quackery.
Fanaticism rules, and not reason; and the natural and inevitable
consequence will be, that the gradual accumulation of this moral
power, thus acquired, will swell to a magnitude, and urge on a
momentum, before the pressure of which the Union will be compelled to
yield and break down. The people of the South will be annoyed and
vexed, till they can be annoyed and vexed no longer. Then will be the
beginning of the end.
Are we understood? Is it not clear, that it is this political
usurpation of an unlawful power, that puts the country in peril? Let
this irregularity, this transcending of law, be reduced again to the
Constitutional basis, and all this excitement, alarm, and danger, will
die away, because the healthful Constitutional balance of influence
would be restored. Opinion would then encounter opinion on common
ground, with no undue advantage of one party over another.
“But, then,” say the Abolitionists, “we must give up our cause.” It
will have an equal chance with any other. “But,” they add, “we have
nine points of the law against the Constitution: actual possession of
the field, and do not choose to give it up.” We are quite aware, that
usurpation will always hold on to its unlawfully acquired power, as
long as it can; and it is not to be expected, that the Abolitionists
will readily concede, that they have been guilty of such a fault. It
is a novel experiment in the history of our country; and as to its
form, novel in the history of political society. Religion has often
usurped political power, and the Constitutional frame of our
Government has taken great pains to guard against it; but, we will
venture to say, that no human foresight ever anticipated a trespass of
this kind: that, by an independent organization of its own devising,
religion should come armed into the field, to eject the previous
occupants by force--not to divide power and the spoils, but to take
sole possession, and set up a new order of things to its own will.
We shall be as stout an advocate for the political rights of
religionists of all persuasions, as any body; at the same time we are
not prepared to concede to them the right of an independent political
organization, in violation of the law, to disturb the peace, endanger
the Government, and overthrow the institutions of the country. That
the Abolitionists have been guilty of this trespass, we are sorry,
because the country is the sufferer; that they should be compelled to
tread back, and resign their ill gotten power, we shall be glad,
because we believe, that law, propriety, and the good of the country,
require it. We believe, too, that the good of the slaves, and the
welfare of the free colored people, require it.