ABOLITION A SEDITION.
BY A NORTHERN MAN.
PHILADELPHIA:
GEO. W. DONOHUE,
NO. 22, SOUTH FOURTH STREET.
MDCCCXXXIX.
Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the
year 1839, by GEO. W. DONOHUE, in the Clerk’s
Office of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
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| Transcriber’s Notes: |
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| 1. Obvious printer and typographical errors |
| silently corrected. |
| 2. Archaic and inconsistent spelling and |
| punctuation retained. |
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CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
The character of the Abolition organization
CHAPTER II.
The American Anti-slavery Society a seditious organization
CHAPTER III.
The seditious character of the Annual Report of the American
Anti-slavery Society, of 1838
CHAPTER IV.
The seditious character of the American Anti-slavery Society
farther considered
CHAPTER V.
Violent reforms, and their connexion with Abolitionism
CHAPTER VI.
The Abolition organization borrowed from the religious world
CHAPTER VII.
The anarchical principles of Abolitionism
CHAPTER VIII.
The incendiary doctrines of Abolitionism
CHAPTER IX.
Political responsibility in regard to slavery
CHAPTER X.
The romance of Abolitionism
CHAPTER XI.
Every man mind his own business
CHAPTER XII.
Perfectionism
CHAPTER XIII.
Liberty and Equality
CHAPTER XIV.
Social and political effects of Abolitionism
CHAPTER XV.
The bad effects of Abolitionism on the free colored population,
and on the condition and prospects of the slaves
CHAPTER XVI.
A hypothetical view of Abolitionism
CHAPTER XVII.
Abolitionism considered as proposing no compensation for slave
property
CHAPTER XVIII.
The condition of American slaves as compared with other portions
of the African race
CHAPTER XIX.
The example of the Quakers, or Society of Friends
CHAPTER XX.
The South have done with argument
CHAPTER XXI.
Reasons why the Abolition movement, under its present
organization, will overthrow the Government
CHAPTER XXII.
The Abolition organization destructive of republican liberty
PREFACE.
We trust it will be obvious to all, that it was impossible to treat
Abolitionism according to its merits, or to exhibit its true
character, without regarding it as a RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT. There are two
prominent features of the moral and religious history of our country,
with which we have been compelled to come in contact. We, therefore,
take this opportunity so far to explain, as to bar the accident of
being misapprehended. First, then, we have averred the philosophical
connexion of antecedent and consequence between _Abolitionism_ and
_violent reforms_. It is proper, therefore, that we should state how
much we are willing to be understood as meaning by this couplet of
terms, having such a relation to the subject of this work. We say,
then, that by _violent reforms_, we mean those religious and moral
agitations of our country, which have proved alike unfriendly to
religious and social order, which are generally disapproved by sober
Christians, and we believe by the great majority of Christians, of
all, or nearly all, denominations. It is possible, that on a single
point we have hit hard a cherished opinion of many persons, for whom
we have the greatest respect; but as it relates merely to a _mode_ of
action, we must claim to be indulged in our own opinion in that
matter, as we allow the same privilege to others.
In the next place, we have found it necessary, in the _exhibit_ we
have made of the political machinery of the Abolition movement, to
enquire into its origin; and it will be manifest to all, that it was
brought from the religious world. The fact, that the model of the
American Anti-slavery Society was borrowed from the Religious and
Benevolent Society system, could not implicate those institutions, in
the estimation of the public, unless they should see fit to follow the
same example, and so far as they might do it, by going over from the
religious and moral, into the political sphere; which, we trust, they
will be wise enough not to do. It was necessary to describe the
machinery of those Societies in order to give the true picture of the
one under particular consideration; but we have taken care at the same
time to state, that the American Anti-slavery Society has betrayed
and violated the principles of the Religious and Benevolent Society
system, by first assuming its model, and then passing over into the
field of political action. That all these machineries are well adapted
to political ends, whenever they may be perverted and applied in that
direction, it is unnecessary to say; and the only way to escape the
charge, is to avoid the fault. The Abolition Society has gone openly
into that field, on which account we have considered it fair and
exactly true to represent it as a _political organization_, and as
being necessarily such from the work it has taken in hand.
Having, therefore, explained on these two points, we submit the work,
without farther comment, to speak for itself.
_January 1, 1839._
CHAPTER I.
THE CHARACTER OF THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION.
There seems to have been a uniform impression among the great majority
of the citizens of the United States, that the Abolition movement in
this country is wrong, as it stands related to our political fabric;
but the exact character and extent of this wrong have not been so well
defined in the public mind, as to enable the people to see how a
remedy can be applied to arrest and control the mischief that appears
to be growing out of this agitation. Every reflecting person in the
land sees and feels, that it threatens to break asunder the American
Union; and few doubt, that such will be the result, if it is permitted
to go on. We take for granted, that the almost unanimous voice of the
whole country would concur in the opinion, that a violent dissolution
of the American Republic would be the greatest calamity that could
happen in this Western world. Can it be, then, that there is no
Constitutional power to suppress an organization, the rise and course
of which tend so directly and so inevitably to the disruption and
demolition of the Federal Government? Certainly, it would be a great
and notable defect in the political structure of the United States,
if there were to be found in it no principle of conservation against
such a danger, and if the people of this country were compelled to see
an enemy start up among themselves, and march directly to the
overthrow of the Government, without any power to resist. Doubtless,
in a last resort, the Union is too dear to the American people
generally to allow it to be sacrificed without an attempt to maintain
it, even if there should prove to be no provision in the Constitution
and laws. The necessity and importance of the case would create a law
for the occasion. The people would feel, that they have a better right
to defend the Union, than an enemy has to destroy it. But if the law
of necessity be waited for, the scale of chances as to the final issue
may have become doubtful--too doubtful and too portentous to be
prudently staked on such a hazard; and the American Union might be
lost forever.
If, however, it can be shown, that the Abolition movement is at war
with the genius and letter of the National Constitution and of the
Constitutions of the States respectively, and with that social compact
which created the Union, and under which it has hitherto been
maintained, then clearly there will be presented a Constitutional
basis on which this movement can be opposed, and by which, if it shall
become necessary, it can be suppressed. We propose an attempt to
establish the position, that such _is_ the character of this movement,
and consequently, that there is a remedial power against its action in
the Constitution and laws of the land.
Before we proceed to an array of the law which applies to the case, it
may be useful to inquire into the nature and character of the
organization, under which the Abolition movement is carried on. As
this machinery is so well known to the public, it will only be
necessary to refer to such general facts as the Abolitionists
themselves will not deny, however they may differ from us in the
character and name ascribed to them as a whole.
We observe, then, that the American Anti-Slavery Society, under the
authority and by the action of which, this movement is conducted, is a
_grand and permanent political organization, self-elected,
self-governed, independent, and irresponsible, having no connexion
with the Government of the country, but yet usurping the appropriate
business of that Government_.
It is an _organization_. This, certainly, will require no proof, as
nobody will deny it. It is formed after the model of the Religious and
Benevolent Society system, which has been in action for about thirty
years past, and which, in the later parts of this period, has grown
into considerable importance in the United States and in Great
Britain. The social influence of this system has been much greater in
this country than in the father land. But so long and so far as it was
confined to religious and benevolent objects, the political
authorities and feeling of the community seem to have taken little or
no alarm. It was obvious, from experience and observation, that these
organizations were armed with a wide spread, and many of them with an
all pervading influence; and that they were admirably calculated to
acquire power, and to bring to bear an efficient and energetic action
on their specific objects. In their history and progress, as their
exigencies have seemed to require, they have severally erected a sort
of State machinery, with a Constitution as a general basis of polity;
with the customary law-making, executive and judicial powers; with
principal and under secretaries; with a fiscal department; and with
numerous subsidiary agencies, according to the nature and extent of
their operations. Some of these institutions are engaged in
enterprises as wide as the globe, have numerous foreign establishments
of no mean consideration, and foreign colonies have been erected and
are governed by them. Nothing but a state machinery, with a
corresponding polity, was adequate to the execution of such designs.
And while they were confined to religious and benevolent operations,
they had not excited the jealousy of the political world; at least, so
far as we know, not to any considerable extent.
And it may be remarked--as we shall have occasion hereafter to notice
more particularly--that the Abolition movement, under its present
organization, originated in religious sentiment, and commenced as a
benevolent enterprise. It was natural, therefore, in view of the
success which had attended these other institutions, and of the great
power and efficiency they had acquired over the public mind, to adopt
the same model--the same sort of State machinery in the several
departments of its organization. And thus, in the American
Anti-Slavery Society, we have an independent and powerful
Commonwealth, organized, like every other State, on the basis of a
Constitution declarative of its great and fundamental principles,
with a head, with a cabinet, with its various State departments and
secretaries, with a productive and regular system of fiscal
operations, with a polity of its own, with a vast republic of
subsidiary combinations, multiplying rapidly, and each constantly
increasing in numbers and influence, acquiring talent, wealth, and
power on a large scale, creating and sending forth upon the public a
world of literature of its own chosen character, in the various
forms of books, periodicals, journals, tracts, and pictorial
representations; and able, on the principle of such an organization,
while unresisted by any opposing power, to extend and wield an
influence, which, sooner or later, will dissolve the Union, and send
the Government of this proud Republic, in broken fragments, to the
winds of heaven.
And it is a _political_ organization. It is true, indeed, that when
Abolition first broke out in New York, in 1834, the most prominent
leaders there disclaimed all participation in political matters, as
will appear from the following note, unless it is to be regarded as a
_ruse de guerre_ for the occasion: “It has been our object to address
the hearts and consciences of our fellow citizens, and to defend our
principles by facts and arguments; to encourage the people of color to
great circumspection of conduct and forbearance; _and to abstain from
mingling the objects of our society with either of the political
parties_.”
Signed, “Arthur Tappan, John Rankin, E. Wright, jr., Joshua Leavitt,
W. Goodell, Lewis Tappan, Samuel E. Cornish.
New York, July 16th, 1834.”
The following _Circular_, from the Anti-slavery office in New York,
issued for electioneering purposes, in the New York political campaign
of 1838, would seem to show, that great advances have been made in
regard to the political character of this society, since 1834:--
“Dear Sir,
“Enclosed you have a list of the publications of this society,
to which you will please direct any of our _Whig_ friends, who
may desire a knowledge of the _truth_. I am gratified that our
Abolition friends are to be found on the _Whig side_, rather
than the _Loco Focos_; for the cause of the country and of
humanity ought to go together. _If we can_ RIVET _ourselves
firmly on one of these parties, we can gain our object. Be
careful._
I am yours, &c. per Arthur Tappan.
B. LE ROY.”
New York, Nov. 1, 1838.
This _Circular_ was addressed to P. W. Wesley, jr., and marked No.
126. How many _more_ were sent out, of course we do not know--it might
be _hundreds_, or it might be _thousands_.
It is no more than fair, however, to observe, that Mr. Arthur Tappan
has disclaimed having authorized Mr. Le Roy the use of his name in
this instance; which, indeed, is of very little consequence, and in no
way affects the object we have in view by these references. Whether
the gentlemen, who signed the note of July 16, 1834, were really so
blind as not to see the _necessary_ connexion of their cause with
politics, we cannot pretend to say. If they _did_ see it, their
disclaimer, to say the least, was unbecoming. As men of common
discernment, they _ought_ to have known as well then as now, that they
could do nothing in this business, in the way they propose, without
affecting the politics of the country; and that the movement _in
toto_, from beginning to end, is political in its character and
bearings. Certainly, since that time, the Abolitionists have better
learned the position which they occupy. What shall we say? That their
early disclaimer was a cloak to conceal their designs? We would rather
suppose, that they did not know what they were about. Would, that we
could say, they are equally ignorant now, that thereby they might be
proved more innocent. Evidently, the disguise, if disguise it was, is
thrown aside. By their own public avowals and acts, official and
other, they are now fairly and openly in the political field. The
following resolution was passed at the Annual meeting of the American
Anti-Slavery Society, at New York, May, 1838: “_Resolved_, that we
deprecate the organization of any Abolition political party; but that
we recommend to Abolitionists throughout the country, to interrogate
candidates for office, with reference to their opinions on subjects
connected with the abolition of slavery; and to vote, irrespective of
party, for those only who will advocate the principles of universal
liberty.”
Three of the Corresponding Secretaries of this Society, James G.
Birney, E. Wright, jr., and Henry B. Stanton, issued a circular from
the office at New York, in July 1838, to Agents in the country,
quoting the above resolution, and remarking, that “resolutions
embodying the same idea have been passed by the New England
Anti-Slavery Convention, and we believe, by nearly all, if not all,
the State Anti-Slavery Societies;” and that “they think the time has
come, when the friends of the slave, throughout the free States,
should act fully up to the letter and the spirit of these resolutions.
We hope, therefore, you will, without delay, confer with Abolitionists
in your region on the subject, by correspondence, by holding meetings,
and in such other ways as may be deemed expedient, and take prompt and
efficient measures, _to secure the election of such candidates for the
National and State Legislatures_, as the friends of the slave can
cheerfully support. By order of the Executive Committee.”
The following is an extract from a letter written by Mr. Stanton, one
of the Secretaries who signed the above Circular, showing how well he
himself had been engaged in these duties: “From Lockport I returned to
Utica. By request I delivered an address in the Bleeker street Church,
the evening of the 10th inst. _on the political duties of the 40,000
Abolition voters in this State_, (New York) _with reference to the
fall elections_.”
The following are extracts from the public, well considered,
authoritative and solemn document of the Annual Report of the American
Anti-Slavery Society for 1838:--“It is often said, that religion has
nothing to do with our republican politics; and hence it is inferred,
that a cause which is based upon and inseparable from religion,
should not presume to meddle with political affairs. But to make
the proposition true, we must read instead of _religion,
sectarianism_.... The religious principles of Abolitionism have
nothing to do with _sects_.... They are but the thoughts and opinions
of all who truly love God.... Abolitionism _must_ have much to do with
politics.... Abolitionists have resolved, _from the first_, to act
upon slavery _politically_.... During the year this principle has
produced the happiest results. The candidates of the opposing parties
have been questioned, and their answers published; and in cases too
numerous to mention, the election has resulted in favour of those who
most decidedly pledged themselves to Anti-Slavery measures.”
The _religious_ character of Abolitionism, as here confessed, will be
considered in a subsequent place. We do not dissent from the
suggestion conveyed, that religion has its political _rights_, under
the Constitution, as much as any other interest, feeling, or
principle; but we do not see the force of the distinction drawn
between _religion_ and _sectarianism_ for this particular purpose;
although the distinction is in fact obvious. Are not Abolitionists a
_sect_, and as strongly marked as any that can be named? They fall,
therefore, under the ban of their own rule. But, although religion has
its political _rights_, not excepting even _sectarianism_--and we have
yet to learn that there is any religion in the country, which is not
sectarian, both in its principles and modes of operation, not only in
relation to other religious bodies, but to Christianity itself, the
catholic standard--it must yet be very careful not to usurp political
_powers_ in this country--not to have _too much_ “to do with our
republican politics.” “Abolitionism _must_ have much to do with
politics.” The word “must,” is italicised in the Report, and _may_,
therefore, be taken as intended to be emphatically significant. We
agree with them perfectly. But, that “Abolitionists have resolved,
_from the first_, to act upon slavery _politically_,” is a matter
which they must settle among themselves, inasmuch as when they _first
set out_, they disclaimed it, as would appear from the note of July
16th, 1834, above introduced.
Our object in these quotations, is not to inform the public generally
in regard to facts of this kind, as they are sufficiently well
known--but merely to throw out a few tangible materials, connected
with volumes of the same class, which might easily be collected, for
the purpose of justifying in our pages the conclusions we deduce from
them. We will trouble our readers with but one more which is from a
_clerical_ Agent of the Society in the western part of New York, dated
Aurora, Oct. 8, 1838. It is a letter to a fellow laborer in Chetauque
County.
“Dear Sir,
“I have just had assigned to me, by the Executive Committee of
the New York State Anti-Slavery Society, as my field of labor
for several months to come, Niagara, Erie, Chetauque, and
Cataraugus Counties. The first object to which I am bending all
my energies, is the holding of County meetings _before the
coming election, with a view especially of preparing and
exciting Abolitionists to carry their principles to the polls,
and wield all their_ POLITICAL, _as well as moral and
religious power_ for the redemption, &c. ... Can you not create
a _tremendous reaction_ at this time, &c.? ... The only way in
which we can move the proslavery and dough-faced politicians,
is by showing them our _political strength_, &c.... Now, will
you call together your Executive Committee, and fix on a time
and place for a Convention? Let me know immediately, and write
letters all over the County,--_have notices given out in the_
CHURCHES, &c. ... and have town Abolition Meetings held before
the County Convention.
“Yours for the crushed slave,
“T. M. BLAKESLEY.”
These extracts may serve to indicate the zeal and activity of the
Secretaries and numerous Agents of this society, _clerical_ and other,
previous to the New York elections, and the modes adopted to secure
their ends. The interrogation of “candidates for the National and
State Legislatures,” and for other civil and political stations, as
resolved upon and recommended by the parent Society, has been
scrupulously carried out. The correspondence between Messrs. Seward
and Bradish on the one side, and the official organs of the Society on
the other, while these two gentlemen stood before the people of the
State of New York as candidates, the first for Governor, and the
second for Lieutenant Governor, has been laid before the public--all
tending to the same point. Not being exactly satisfied with the result
of the election in New York, so far as it demonstrated the influence
of the Anti-Slavery Society, it has been suggested by Gerritt Smith,
Esq., who seems to be a sort of Dictator General in these matters,
that the Abolition societies should undergo a new organization, with a
view to the expurgation of the baser and unsound materials, by
requiring the despotic test of binding the conscience in the use of
the elective franchise. How this will go down, we are unable to say;
though it seems to us to be carrying matters with a high hand.
Doubtless, the business, in one form or another, will go ahead, in
despite of the imprudence of individuals, until the people of this
country can be made to see the real character and tendency of the
movement. Suffice it to say, as is sufficiently evident, that the
American Anti-Slavery Society is now a _grand political organization_,
aiming, by the use of political agencies and powers, at a radical and
great change in the American political fabric. We shall yet have
occasion to show, that this change, urged in this mode and under
present circumstances, unless the movement can be checked and
suppressed, must necessarily and inevitably dissolve the Union, and
consequently overthrow the Government, as it now exists. But our
immediate object is to establish the proposition, as stated in
_Italics_ on page 3, in order to prepare the way for the application
of those principles of American Constitutional law, which will prove
this Society to be a _seditious organization_.
The most essential point of the proposition now under consideration,
is the fact, that the American Anti-Slavery Society is a _political_
organization. That, we think, may be regarded as already established;
but it may still be fortified by the consideration, that it is
_necessarily_ so from the object it has in view, apart from the
position it has assumed before the public by its own avowals and
measures, and by the agencies it has taken in hand. Slavery, as is
well known, and as will hereafter be made apparent by the introduction
of authorities, is a corporate part of the American political fabric,
established by Constitutional law, and interwoven with the frame of
the Federal Government. It is not only a thoroughly pervading element,
and main pillar of political society in the slave-holding States, but
it is made a part of the supreme law of the land in the Federal
Constitution. It is impossible, therefore, from the nature of the
case, to institute any action, private or public, individual or
combined, in any form, or by any agency, to abolish or eradicate
slavery from American society, which will not be of a political
character. Consequently, the Abolition movement, which, as before
remarked, originated in religious sentiment, which was prompted and is
still sustained principally by religious men, and which borrowed the
model of its organization from the action of the religious world, by
instituting an exact copy, the moment it entered the field, was
transformed into a political body from the very nature of the work it
had undertaken, notwithstanding it was, and still is, actuated by
religious sentiment. It is nevertheless political, and it is all the
more dangerous, because religion is in it--not Christianity. We shall
by and by attempt to show the difference between Christianity and that
religion, which lies at the bottom, and is the instigator, of this
movement. We have seen, that, in the first setting out, the leaders
professed to disclaim political alliance; but, allowing they were
sincere in that disclaimer, they soon discovered it was a false step.
Throwing aside all disguise, they have now gone _the whole_ for
political action. At first, they were timid, perhaps--did not know
their strength, which might be a reason for not coming out under their
own flag. But, _crescit eundo_--the cause soon obtained sympathy, and
found way to importance; and behold! it dares to face the Government
of the country in open conflict, and to erect its batteries against
that Constitutional fabric, which has hitherto been so dear to
American citizens.
We have stated, that this political organization is _permanent_. The
meaning under which we propose to sustain the application of this
epithet in this case, refers, by contradistinction, to a mode of
popular political action, which, we conceive, is authorised by the
Constitutional law of the land, and which proves equally, that a
_permanent_ organization of this kind is unauthorised and prohibited.
For the present we simply state, what we suppose will not be
contradicted, that the American Anti-Slavery Society is a _permanent_
body, in distinction from those popular assemblages or conventions,
which are customarily held in this country for political purposes,
under the specific sanction of the Constitution and laws, which exist
only for the time being, which do not presume to arm themselves with a
distinct and separate polity, or to set up an imperium in imperio,
independent and irresponsible.
We have stated also, that it is a _grand_ political organization. This
term is of no farther importance than simply to indicate, what is very
well known, that this Society is great and powerful. It claims to
wield 40,000 of the political votes of the State of New York. Whether
this be over or under the true estimate, we take it from themselves;
and it is probably fair to conclude, that they are equally strong in
most of the other free States. Admitting that they have one-half, or
even one-fourth, of this power, it is enough to justify the
application of this term. It is a _grand_ organization also, in
consideration of its vast and complicated machinery, of the variety
and extent of its operations, and of its means of influence. In 1838,
this Society reports 1350 auxiliaries, of which 12 were State
Societies, now 13, and 340 of these organized in the course of the
previous year; 38 travelling Agents, so constantly engaged, as to have
performed jointly 27 years’ labour in one; 75 local lecturers,
circulating in adjacent towns, as far as convenient; money raised in
the course of the year, $40,000, being $5,000 in excess of the
previous year, notwithstanding the pecuniary embarrassments of the
community; the issues of the press, 187,316 copies of Human Rights,
193,800 of the Emancipator, 42,100 Circulars and Prints, 12,054 bound
volumes, 72,732 Tracts and Pamphlets, 97,600 of the Slaves’ Friend,
and 40,000 of the Anti-Slavery Record. Total: 646,502.
This society, therefore, is a _grand_, and in its moral and political
influence, a stupendous machinery.
And it is _self-erected_, _self-governed_, _independent_, and
_irresponsible_. The truth of these statements, we think, is
self-evident in all that we intend, or desire to be understood, by
them. The first, certainly, is true. For what authority, independent
of its component parts, suggested, or sanctioned it? And the second is
equally true. For, where is the power, out of itself, that dictates,
or controls, its proceedings? The third and fourth are also true. For
what authority will they acknowledge, as competent to call them to
account? They are, indeed, responsible to public opinion; but the
relation we intend to express, is responsibility to some constituted
authority; and in this view our proposition is sustained, so far as
their designs are concerned. We presume they do not recognize the
right of any known authority to call them to account. We think it
fair, therefore, to represent this Society as _self-erected_,
_self-governed_, _independent_, and _irresponsible_. So far as our
individual opinion is concerned, we do indeed believe and hold, that
they are responsible to an authority that is competent to act upon
them, when a sense of public duty may require it, and that it is
sufferance only that screens the action of this Society from
uncomfortable rebuke. But we mean only to assert in our proposition,
what we suppose is true: that they do not _hold_ themselves
responsible; that there is no constituted, or official, connexion
between them and a superior power; and that they consider themselves
entitled to carry on the operations in which they are engaged, under
their present organization, without check, control, or interference of
any authority.
Moreover, _there is no such connexion between them and the Government
of the country_, as is prescribed by constitutional law to popular
assemblages, or associations, for political purposes. There is,
indeed, no connexion at all. The government is not even advised of
the existence of this society by its own official acts; at least we
have never heard of it.
And yet further--which is the last point of our proposition--this
society _has usurped the appropriate business of the Government_. They
have formally and solemnly declared, in various forms, so far as their
authority goes, that slavery is wrong by a higher and more imperative
law than that of the country, and set themselves directly to do it
away, by all the means they can employ, in the application of a
stupendous machinery of their own creation, and under their own
independent control. The elective franchise is only one means, and as
yet by far the least efficient. Without any balance of influence to
oppose and counteract the effect of their proceedings on the public
mind, they have been enabled, by the advantages and power of their
organization, to agitate the whole country, to throw the South into a
state of consternation, and to menace the overthrow of the Government.
No one doubts--and therefore we think we are justified in
saying--that, had it not been for the necessary posture of
self-defence, assumed by the slave-holding States, the Agents of this
Society, without waiting for the action of Government, would have
carried their incendiary measures directly into the South, and raised
a servile insurrection and civil war. It is true, indeed, that this
Society have commenced working hard at the polls, as a means of
accomplishing their end, and so far have recognized the principle,
that Government is to be consulted. But all their other operations,
which comprehend the principal sum of their labors, have been of a
character which would seem to imply, that the removal of slavery was
their business. They have never entered on that course of action for a
change in the political fabric of the country, which Constitutional
law prescribes, by acting on the Government, the only legitimate
organ. They have not even approached the Government, nor recognised
either its existence or authority for such a purpose. We speak of the
action of the Society _as such_, and not of the action of its
individual members in their capacity as citizens. If citizens,
desiring such an object, are required to address the Government,
instead of seeking to undermine the Constitution and laws, by indirect
and independent operations; and if this rule has been wisely enacted
for the public peace and safety, much more is it incumbent on a
powerful combination, in undertaking to change the laws of the
country--if it be lawful for such a combination to be formed--to
advise the Government of their wishes and proceedings. Just in
proportion as they are more influential and more powerful than
individuals, by virtue of association, is it more incumbent on them,
and more important, to consult the regular and constituted
authorities.
But what has been the fact in regard to the operations of the American
Anti-slavery Society? Simply, that they have gone to this work just as
if it were their own proper business--as if there were no government
in the land. They have never addressed the Government; they have never
consulted it; they have never asked leave to be, to act, or to enter
this field; but have erected a republic of their own, with a State
machinery, and set themselves to change the government of the country,
as if it devolved upon them by original and indefeasible right. In a
word, they have taken in hand, by a virtual usurpation, the most
delicate, and the most disturbing political question, which could
possibly be agitated--a question, which, by the Constitutional frame
of our Government, belongs properly and only to the States where
slavery exists, and which, for that reason, the General Government
itself can never meddle with, without the consent of those States.
Clearly, the National Government is the only channel through which the
subject can be lawfully approached from the free States; by the
Federal compact the National Government is the public guardian of
slavery; and consequently, when ever its abolition is attempted under
the jurisdiction of the United States, independent of the action of
the General Government, and without the consent of the slave States,
it is a direct invasion of chartered rights, and a usurpation.
We have now done with the proposition laid down for the argument of
this chapter, and will only repeat it in form for the consideration of
the reader: _That the American Anti-slavery Society is a grand and
permanent political organization, self-erected, self-governed,
independent, and irresponsible, having no connexion with the
Government of the country, but yet usurping the appropriate business
of that government._