CHAPTER XXIV.

_CONCLUSION._

Sculpture, the Greek Art _par excellence_.--Plastic

Character of the Greek Genius.--Sterner Aspects of

Greek Art.--Subordination of Pain and Discord to

Harmony.--Stoic-Epicurean Acceptance of Life.--Sadness of

Achilles in the _Odyssey_.--Endurance of Odysseus.--Myth of

Prometheus.--Sir H. S. Maine on Progress.--The Essential

Relation of all Spiritual Movement to Greek Culture.--Value

of the Moral Attitude of the Greeks for us.--Three

Points of Greek Ethical Inferiority.--The Conception

of Nature.--The System of Marcus Aurelius.--Contrast

with the _Imitatio Christi_.--The Modern Scientific

Spirit.--Indestructible Elements in the Philosophy of

Nature.

I may, perhaps, be allowed in this last chapter to quit the impersonal

style of the essayist and to refer to some strictures passed upon

earlier chapters of these studies. Critics for whose opinion I feel

respect have observed that, in what I wrote about the genius of Greek

art, I neglected to notice the sterner and more serious qualities of

the Greek spirit, that I exaggerated the importance of sculpture as the

characteristic Hellenic art, and that I did not make my meaning clear

about the value of the study of Greek modes of thought and feeling for

men living in our scientific age. To take up these topics in detail,

and to answer some of these indictments, is my purpose in the present

chapter. They are so varied that I may fairly be excused for adopting

a less methodical and connected development of ideas than ought to be

demanded from a man who is not answering objections, but preferring

opinions.

To take the least important of these questions first: why is sculpture

selected as the most eminent and characteristic art of the Hellenic

race, when so much remains of their poetry and of prose work in the

highest sense artistic? To my mind the answer is simple enough. One

modern nation has produced a drama which can compete with that of

Athens. Another has carried painting to a perfection we have little

reason to believe it ever reached in Greece. A third has satisfied the

deepest and the widest needs of our emotional nature by such music

as no Greek, in all probability, had any opportunity of hearing. In

the last place, Gothic architecture, the common heritage of all the

European nations of the modern world, is at least as noble as the

architecture of the ancients. The Greeks alone have been unique in

sculpture: what survives of Pheidias and Praxiteles, of Polycletus

and Scopas, and of their schools, transcends in beauty and in power,

in freedom of handling and in purity of form, the very highest work

of Donatello, Della Quercia, and Michael Angelo. We have, therefore,

a _prima facie_ right to lay great stress on sculpture as a Greek

art, just as we have the _prima facie_ right to select painting as

an Italian art. The first step taken from this position leads to the

reflection that, within the sphere of art at any rate, the one art

which a nation has developed as its own, to which it has succeeded in

giving unique perfection, and upon which it has impressed the mark of

its peculiar character, will lend the key for the interpretation of its

whole æsthetic temperament. The Italians cannot have been singularly

and pre-eminently successful in painting without displaying some of

the painter's qualities in all their artistic products. The Greeks

cannot have made sculpture unapproachably complete without possessing a

genius wherein the sculptor's bent of mind was specially predominant,

and thus infusing somewhat of the sculpturesque into the sister arts.

Painting for Italy and sculpture for Greece may be fairly taken as

the fully formed and flawless crystals in a matrix of congenial, but

not equally developed, matter. The ideal to which either race aspired

instinctively in all its art was realized to the fullest, by the one

in sculpture, by the other in painting. So we are justified in testing

the whole of their æsthetic products by the laws of painting and of

sculpture respectively. This, broadly stated, without economy of phrase

or cautious reservation, is the reason why a student who has tried,

however imperfectly, to assimilate to himself the spirit displayed in

the surviving monuments of Greek art, is brought back at every turn to

sculpture as the norm and canon of them all.

Whatever knowledge he may gain about the circumstances of Greek life

and the peculiar temper of Greek thought will only strengthen his

conviction. The national games, the religious pageants, the theatrical

shows, and the gymnastic exercises of the Greeks were sculpturesque.

The conditions of their speculative thought in the first dawn of

civilized self-consciousness, when spiritual energy was still conceived

as incarnate only in a form of flesh, and the soul was inseparable

from the body except by an unfamiliar process of analysis, harmonized

with the art which interprets the mind in all its movements by the

features and the limbs. Their careful choice of distinct motives in

poetry, their appeal in all imaginative work to the inner eye that

sees, no less than to the sympathies that thrill, their abstinence

from descriptions of landscape and analyses of emotion, their clear

and massive character-delineation, point to the same conclusion.

Everything tends to confirm the original perception that the simplicity

of form, the purity of design, the self-restraint, and the parsimony

both of expression and material, imposed by sculpture on the artist,

were observed as laws by the Greeks in their mental activity, and more

especially in their arts. It is this which differentiates them from the

romantic nations. When, therefore, we undertake to speak of the genius

of Greek art, we are justified in giving the first place to sculpture

and in assuming that sculpture strikes the key-note of the whole music.

To take a far more serious objection next. It is true that, while

gazing intently upon the luminous qualities of the Greek spirit, we are

tempted to neglect its sterner and more sombre aspect. Not, indeed,

that the shadows are not there, patent to superficial observers, and

necessary even to the sublimity of the ideal we admire in its serene

beauty; but they are so consistently subordinated to light and lustre

that he who merely seeks to seize predominant characteristics may find

it difficult to appreciate them duly without missing what is even more

essential. A writer on the arts of the Greeks is not bound to take

into consideration the defects of their civil and domestic life, the

discords and disturbance of their politics, the pains they felt and

suffered in common with humanity at large, the incomplete morality of a

race defined by no sharp line but that of culture from barbarians. It

is rather his duty to note how carefully these things, which even we

discern as discords, were excluded by them from the sphere of beauty;

since it is precisely this that distinguishes the Greeks most decidedly

from the modern nations, who have used pain, perplexity, and apparent

failure as subjects for the noblest æsthetic handling. The world-pain

of our latter years was felt, as a young man may feel it, by the

Greeks of the best age; but their artists did not, like Shakespeare

and Michael Angelo, Goethe and Beethoven, make this the substance of

their mightiest works. Ancient Hellas contained nothing analogous to

Hamlet, or the tombs of the Medici to Faust or the C minor symphony.

The desolation of humanity adrift upon a sea of chance and change finds

expression here and there in a threnos of Simonides or an epigram of

Callimachus. The tragic poets are never tired of dwelling upon destiny,

inherent partly in the transmitted doom of ancestors, and partly in the

moral character of individuals. The depth of Pindar's soul is stirred

by the question that has tried all ages: "Creatures of a day! What

are we and what are we not?" Such strains, however, are, as it were,

occasional and accidental in Greek poetry. The Greek artist, not having

a background of Christian hope and expectation against which he could

relieve the trials and afflictions of this life, aimed at keeping them

in a strictly subordinate place. He sought to produce a harmony in his

work which should correspond to health in the body and to temperance

in the soul, to present a picture of human destiny, not darkened by

the shadows of the tomb, but luminous beneath the light of day. It was

his purpose, as indeed it is of all good craftsmen, not to weaken, but

to fortify, not to dispirit and depress, but to exalt and animate. The

very imperfect conceptions he had formed of immortality determined the

course he pursued. He had no hell to fear, no heaven to hope for. It

was in no sense his duty to cast a gloom over the only world he knew

by painting it in sombre colors, but rather to assist the freedom of

the spirit, and to confirm the energies of men by bringing what is glad

and beautiful into prominence. In this way, the Greeks, after their

own fashion, asserted that unconquerable faith in the goodness of the

universe, and in the dignity of the human race, without which progress

would be impossible. Though the life of man may be hard and troublous,

though diseases and turbulent passions assail his peace, though the

history of nations be but a tale that is told, and the days of heroes

but a dream between two sleeps, yet the soul is strong to rise above

these vapors of the earth into a clearer atmosphere. The real way of

achieving a triumph over chance and of defying fate is to turn to good

account all fair and wholesome things beneath the sun, and to maintain

for an ideal the beauty, strength, and splendor of the body, mind, and

will of man. The mighty may win fame, immortal on the lips of poets

and in the marble of the sculptor. The meanest may possess themselves

in patience and enjoy. Thus the Greeks adopted for their philosophy

of life what Clough described as a "Stoic-Epicurean acceptance" of

the world. They practised a genial accommodation of their natures to

the facts which must perforce regulate the existence of humanity. To

ascertain the conditions of nature, and to adapt themselves thereto by

training, was the object of their most serious schemes of education.

Later on, when the bloom began to pass from poetry and art, and the

vigor of national life declined, this attitude of simple manliness

diverged into hedonism and asceticism. Let us eat and drink, for

to-morrow we die, said one section of the thinkers. Let us bear all

hardness, lest we become the slaves of chance and self, said the other.

But neither proposition expressed the full mind of the Greeks of the

best age. They clearly saw that, in spite of disaster and disease,

life was a good thing for those who maintained the balance of moral

and physical health. Without asceticism they strove after well-ordered

conduct. Without hedonism they took their frugal share of the

delightful things furnished by the boon earth in prodigal abundance.

The mental condition of such men, expectant, grateful, and serenely

acquiescent, has been well expressed by Goethe in lines like these:

That naught belongs to me I know

Save thoughts that never cease to flow

From founts that cannot perish,

And every fleeting shape of bliss

That kindly fortune lets me kiss

And in my bosom cherish.

It is this mental attitude which I think must be regained by us who

seek firm foothold in the far more complicated difficulties of the

present age. While it is easy, therefore, to omit the darker shadows

from our picture of Greek life, because, although they are there, they

are almost swallowed up in brightness, it is not easy to exaggerate the

tranquil and manly spirit with which the Greeks faced the evils of the

world and rose above them. Owing to this faculty for absorbing all sad

things and presenting, through art, only the splendor of accomplished

strength and beauty, the Greeks have left for the world a unique

treasure of radiant forms in sculpture, of lustrous thoughts in poetry,

of calm wisdom in philosophy and history. Their power upon all arts

and sciences is the power of a harmonizing and health-giving spirit.

This it is which, in spite of their perception of the sterner problems

of the world, obliges us to describe their genius as adolescent; for

adolescence has of strength and sorrow and reflection so much only

as is compatible with beauty. This, again, it is which makes their

influence so valuable to us now, who need for our refreshening the

contact with unused and youthful forces.

At the same time, while insisting upon the truth of all this, many

of the chapters in my two volumes have forced upon our minds what is

severe and awful in the genius of the Greeks. The Chthonian deities

form a counterpart to the dwellers on Olympus. The voice of the people

in the Hesiodic poems rises like the cry of Israel from Pharaoh's

brickfields rather than the song-like shout of Salaminian oarsmen. Who,

again, in reading the _Iliad_, has not felt that the glory of Achilles,

coruscating like a star new-washed in ocean waves, detaches itself from

a background of impenetrable gloom? He blazes in his godlike youth for

one moment only above the mists of Styx, the waters of Lethe; and it is

due to the triumphant imagination of his poet that the consciousness of

impending fate adds lustre to his heroism instead of dooming him to the

pathetic pallor of the Scandinavian Balder. When we meet Achilles in

Hades, and hear him sigh,

Rather would I in the sun's warmth divine

Serve a poor churl who drags his days in grief,

Than the whole lordship of the dead were mine,

we touch the deepest sorrow of the Greek heart, a sorrow lulled to

rest in vain by anodynes of Eleusinian mysteries and Samotracian

rites, a sorrow kept manfully in check by resolute wills and burning

enthusiasms, but which recurred continually, converting their dream of

a future life into a nightmare of unsubstantial ennui. If the story

of Achilles involves a dreary insight into the end of merely human

activity, that of Odysseus turns immediately upon the troubles of our

pilgrimage through life. Exquisitely beautiful as are all the outlines,

surface touches, and colors in the _Odyssey_, as of some Mediterranean

landscape crowded with delicate human forms, yet beneath the whole

there lies an undertone of sombreness. The energy of the hero is

inseparable from endurance.

#tetlathi dê kradiê; kai kynteron allo pot' etlês.#

That is the exclamation of no light-hearted youngling, but of one who

has sounded all the deeps and shallows of the river of experience. And

if we have to speak thus of the heroes, what shall we say about the

countless common people following their lords to Troy in the cause of

a strange woman, those beautiful dead warriors over whom the Æschylean

chorus poured forth the most pathetic of lamentations? To pretend

that the Greeks felt not the passion and the pain of human agony and

strife would be a paradox implying idiocy in him who put it forth.

Still, it were scarcely less feeble to forget that their strength lay

in restraining the expression of this feeling and in subduing its

vehemence. The wounded heroes on the Æginetan pediment are dying with

smiles upon their lips; and this may serve as a symbol for the mode of

treatment reserved by the Greek artists for what is dark and terrible.

Enough has been already said while dealing with the dramatists about

the profound morality and the stern philosophy of the Greek tragic

poets. It is not necessary again to traverse that ground. Yet for

a moment we may once more remember here what depths of pity and of

pathos lie hidden in the legend of Prometheus, whether we think of

him as the divine champion of erring men at war with envious deities,

or as personified humanity struggling against the forces of niggardly

nature. Prometheus and Epimetheus and Pandora dramatize a legend

of life supremely sad--so sad, indeed, that the calm genius of the

Greeks regarded it with half-averted eyes, and chose rather to blur

its outlines than to define what it contained--enough of sorrow to

unman the stoutest. Poets of a Northern race would have brooded over

this mythus until it became for them the form of all the anguish and

revolt and aspiration of the soul of man. Not so the Greeks. Hesiod

leaves the Saga in obscurity. Æschylus employs it to exhibit the spirit

unperturbed by menaces of mere brute force, and wisely pliant in the

end to unavoidable fate. Subsequent poets and philosophers remember

Prometheus together with Orpheus only as the founders of the arts and

sciences that make men happy. To eliminate the mysterious and the

terrible, to accentuate the joyous and the profitable for humane uses,

was the truest instinct of the Greeks. Even the tale of Herakles, who

chose the hard paths of life, and ascended at last only through flames

to clasp Hebe, eternal youth, upon Olympus, "with joy and bliss in

over-measure forever," in spite of its severe lesson of morality, is a

poem of beautiful human heroism from which the discordant elements are

purged away.

To recover, if that be possible, this "Stoic-Epicurean acceptance,"

and to face the problems of the world in which we live with Greek

serenity, concerns us at the present time. Having said thus much, I

am brought to touch upon the third topic mentioned at the outset of

this chapter. Owing to insufficient exposition, I did not in my first

series of _Studies of Greek Poets_, as originally published, make it

clear in what way I thought the Greeks could teach those of us for

whom the growth of rationalism and the discoveries of science have

tended to remove old landmarks. What we have to win for ourselves is

a theory of conduct which shall be human, and which shall be based

upon our knowledge of nature. Greek morality was distinguished by

precisely these two qualities. In its best forms, moreover, it was not

antagonistic to the essence of Christianity, but thoroughly in accord

with that which is indestructible in Christian teaching. It therefore

contained that vital element we now require.

A remarkable passage in Sir H. S. Maine's Rede Lecture for 1875 will

force itself upon the attention of all who believe that there are

still lessons to be learned from the Greeks by men of the nineteenth

century. "Whatever may be the nature and value of that bundle of

influences which we call progress," he writes, "nothing can be more

certain than that, when a society is once touched by it, it spreads

like a contagion. Yet, so far as our knowledge extends, there was only

one society in which it was endemic; and putting that aside, no race

or nationality, left entirely to itself, appears to have developed any

very great intellectual result, except, perhaps, poetry. Not one of

those intellectual excellences which we regard as characteristic of

the great progressive races of the world--not the law of the Romans,

not the philosophy and sagacity of the Germans, not the luminous order

of the French, not the political aptitude of the English, not that

insight into physical nature to which all races have contributed--would

apparently have come into existence if those races had been left to

themselves. To one small people, covering in its original seat no

more than a hand's-breadth of territory, it was given to create the

principle of progress, of movement onward and not backward or downward,

of destruction tending to construction. That people was the Greek.

Except the blind forces of nature, nothing moves in this world which

is not Greek in its origin. A ferment spreading from that source has

vitalized all the great progressive races of mankind, penetrating

from one to another, and producing results accordant with its hidden

and latent genius, and results of course often far greater than any

exhibited in Greece itself."

It may be difficult to form an accurate notion of what the eloquent

lecturer meant by progress: it may be easy to object that the secret

of progressive growth in politics, at least, was not possessed by the

Greeks themselves, and that Christianity, which has certainly moved

in this world far more efficiently than any other spiritual force

whatever, was as certainly neither one of the blind forces of nature,

nor yet Hellenic in its origin. Still, there is a truth in this

passage which remains unimpaired. It expresses largely, and without

due reservation, perhaps, what the students of the Greeks in relation

to the universal history of civilization must feel to be a sweeping

truth. The advance of the human intellect is measured by successive

points of contact with the Greek spirit--in Rome before the birth of

Christ, in Islam during the exhaustion of the Roman Empire, in the

schools of Paris and Seville during the Middle Ages, when Averroes

and Aristotle kept alive the lamp of science, in Italy at the period

of the Renaissance, when Greek philosophy and poetry and art restored

life to the senses, confidence to the reason, and freedom to the soul

of man. All civilized nations, in all that concerns the activity of

the intellect, are colonies of Hellas. The flame that lives within our

Prytaneia was first kindled on Athene's hearth in Attica; and should it

burn dim or be extinguished, we must needs travel back to the sacred

home of the virgin goddess for fresh fire. This we are continually

doing. It is this which has made Greek indispensable in modern

education. And at the present moment we may return with profit to the

moralists of Greece.

At this point I feel that my former critics will exclaim against me:

"This is the very same offence repeated--ignoring the moral inferiority

of the Greeks, he holds them up as an example to nations improved by

Christianity." I reply that I am far from forgetting the substantial

advance made by the world in morality during the last eighteen

centuries. The divine life and the precepts of Christ are as luminous

as ever; and I, for one, have no desire to replant pseudo-paganism

on the modern soil. I know full well that, in addition to its being

undesirable, this is utterly impossible. I know, moreover, that new

virtues, unrecognized by the Greeks, have been revealed to the world

by Christianity, and that a new cogency and new sanctions have been

given by it to that portion of ethics which it had in common with

Greek philosophy. It is not the morality, but the moral attitude, of

the Greeks that seems to my mind worthy of our imitation. In order to

make this distinction clear, and to save myself, if that may be, from

seeming to advocate a retrograde movement, through sentimental sympathy

with impossible anachronisms, or through blind hostility to all that

makes our modern life most beautiful, I must be permitted to embark

upon a somewhat lengthy exposition of my meaning. With no desire to

be aggressive or polemical, I want to show what, in my judgment, even

Christians have still to learn from Greeks.

The three points in which the morality of the Greeks was decidedly

inferior to that of the modern races were slavery, the social

degradation of women, and paiderastia. No panegyrist of the Greeks can

attempt to justify any one of these customs, which, it may be said

in passing, were closely connected and interdependent in Hellenic

civilization. An apologist might, indeed, argue that slavery, as

recognized by the Athenians, was superior to many forms of the

same evil till lately tolerated by the Christian nations. Mediæval

villeinage and Russian serfdom, the Spanish enslavement of Peruvians

and Mexicans, and the American slave-trade flourished in spite of the

theoretical opposition of Christianity, and have only succumbed to the

advance of rational humanity. The same advocate could show, as Mr.

Mahaffy has already done, that in Greece there existed a high ideal

of womanhood. All students of history will, however, admit that in

relation to the three important points above mentioned the Greeks were

comparatively barbarous. At the same time it cannot be contended that

these defects were the necessary and immediate outcome of the Hellenic

philosophy of life. It is rather proper to regard them as crudities

and immaturities belonging to an early period of civilization. During

the last two thousand years the world has advanced in growth, and its

moral improvement has been due to Christian influences. Still the

higher standing-ground we have attained, our matured and purified

humanity, all that elevates us ethically above the Jews and Greeks,

can be ascribed to Christianity without the implication that it is

inextricably bound up with Christian theology, or that it could not

survive the dissolution of the orthodox fabric. The question before

us at the present moment is whether, admitting the comparatively

rude ethics of the ancient Greeks and fully recognizing the moral

amelioration effected for the human race by Christianity, we, without

ceasing to be Christians in all essential points of conduct, may not

profitably borrow from the Greeks the spirit which enabled them to live

and do their duty in a world whose laws as yet are but imperfectly

ascertained. Was there not something permanently valuable in their view

of the ethical problem which historical Christianity, especially in

its more ascetic phases, tends to overlook, but which approves itself

to the reason of men who have been influenced by the rapidly advancing

mutations of religious thought during the last three centuries? The

real point to ascertain, with regard to ourselves and to them, is

the basis upon which the conceptions of morality in either period

have rested. Modern morality has hitherto been theological: it has

implied the will of a divine governor. Greek morality was radically

scientific: the faith on which it eventually leaned was a belief in

#physis#, in the order of the universe, wherein gods, human societies,

and individual human beings had their proper places. The conception of

morality as the law for man, regarded as a social being forming part

and parcel of the Cosmos, was implicit in the whole Greek view of life.

It received poetical expression from the tragedians; it transpired in

the conversations of Socrates, in the speculations of Plato, and in the

more organized system of Aristotle. #zên kata physin# could be written

for a motto on the title-page of a collected corpus of Greek moralists.

It may be objected that "to live according to nature" is a vague

command, and also that it is easier said than done, or, again, that

the conception of nature does not essentially differ from that of God

who made nature. All that is true; but the ethics whereof that maxim

is the sum have this advantage, that they do not place between us and

the world in which we have to live and die the will of a hypothetical

ruler, to whom we may ascribe our passions and our fancies, enslaving

ourselves to the delusions of our own soul. Nor, again, do they involve

that monstrous paradox of all ascetic systems, that human nature is

radically evil and that only that is good in us which contradicts our

natural appetites and instincts. Evil and sin are recognized, just

as fevers and serpents are recognized; but while the latter are not

referred to a vindictive Creator, so the former are not ascribed to the

wilful wickedness of his creatures. In so far as we gain any knowledge

of nature, that knowledge is something solid: the whole bearing of a

man who feels that his highest duty consists in conforming himself to

laws he may gradually but surely ascertain, is certainly different

from that of one who obeys the formulas invented by dead or living

priests and prophets to describe the nature of a God whom no man has

either seen or heard. It makes no difference that the highest religious

systems are concordant with the best-established principles of natural

science, that the Mosaic ordinances, for example, are based on

excellent hygienic rules. That the #aisthêsis# of the great Nomothetæ

should be verified is both intelligible and, _a priori_, highly

probable. The superiority of scientific over theological morality

consists meanwhile in its indestructibility.

The ethics of man regarded as a member of the universe, and answerable

only to its order for his conduct, though they underlay the whole

thought of the Greeks on moral subjects, did not receive their final

exposition till the age of the Roman Stoics. The _Meditations_ of

Marcus Aurelius have, therefore, a peculiar retrospective value, owing

to the light they cast upon the ethical perception of the Greek race,

while at the same time they illustrate that which is unalterable and

indestructible in the spirit of Greek morality. What Marcus Aurelius

enunciated as an intuition is what must daily become more binding upon

us in proportion as we advance in scientific knowledge. It will not,

therefore, be out of place to sketch the main points of his system in

a separate paragraph, keeping always in mind that this system was the

final outgrowth of Greek speculation after prolonged contact with the

Romans. Marcus Aurelius forces to the very utmost a view of human life

and duty which could have been but unconsciously implicit in the minds

of men of the Periclean age. Yet this view was but the theory logically

abstracted from the conduct and the perceptions of a race which started

with refined nature-worship, which recognized the duty to the State as

paramount, and which put to philosophy the question, What is the end of

man?

The central notion of Marcus Aurelius is nature. He regards the

universe as a #zôon#, or living creature, animated by a principle of

life to which he sometimes gives the title of #theos#, or the deity.

It is a body with a #logos#, or reason, attaining to consciousness in

human beings. Every man participates in the #koinos logos#, or common

reason of the Cosmos, a portion of whose wisdom forms his intellect. In

other words, our consciousness reflects the order of the universe, and

enables us to become more than automatically partakers in its movement.

To obey this reason is the end of all philosophy, the fulfilment of the

purpose for which man exists. By doing so we are in harmony with the

world, and take our proper place in the scale of beings. Nothing can

happen to us independent of this order; and therefore nothing, rightly

understood, can happen to our hurt. If disease and affliction fall upon

us, we must remember that we are the limbs and organs of the whole,

and that our suffering is necessary for its well-being. We are thus

the citizens of a vast state, members of the universal economy. What

affects the whole for good is good for us, and even when it seems to be

evil, we must hold fast to the faith that it is good beyond our ken.

Our selfishness is swallowed up in the complete and total interest. Our

virtues are social and not personal. Our happiness is relative to the

general welfare, not contained in any private pleasure or indulgence of

an individual caprice.

The motto of this large philosophy is Goethe's often-quoted distich:

Im Ganzen, Guten, Schönen

Resolut zu leben.

If we seek a motto for the _Imitatio Christi_, which may be accepted

here as the Christian encheiridion, we find it in the text, "For me

to live is Christ, and to die is gain." The author of that manual of

conduct regarded the universe not as a coherent whole, good and sound

in all its parts, to live in harmony with the laws whereof is the

duty of man, but as a machine created out of nothing by the will of

God, made fair at first, but changed to foul by sin, wherein men live

an evil life, to escape from which brings happiness, to confound the

existing laws of which is virtue, and a remedy against the anarchy and

tyranny of which can only be found in the cross and death of Christ. To

the Stoicism of Marcus Aurelius, man was not merely a citizen of the

dear city of God, but a member, not merely a #meros#, but a #melos#, of

the divine life of the universe. To the Christianity of the _Imitatio_,

man was an exile from his home, a wanderer and out of place. It is not

my present purpose to push to their ultimate and logical conclusions

the divergences between the Stoicism of the _Meditations_ and the

Christianity of the _Imitatio_, but rather to recall attention to the

philosophy developed by Marcus Aurelius from his conception of man's

place in nature, and to show that the ethics resulting from it are

specially adapted to an age in which the scientific habit of mind is

the strongest. When the whole mass of new knowledge we are continually

accumulating forces upon our consciousness the conviction that humanity

is a part of the universal whole, it is impossible to cling to dogmas

that start from the assumption of original sin and creation vitiated

at the very moment of its commencement. So much of the Christian

programme, whatever else is left as indestructible, must be abandoned.

Nature, with all its imperfections in the physical and moral orders,

both of them to be as far as can be conquered and eradicated, must be

accepted as it is, as that which was intended so to be. Nor need we

adopt the obsolete tactics of the French deists, or depreciate the

essence of Christianity, because a great part of its mythology and

metaphysics seems untenable. On the contrary, we may reasonably hold

that the most perfect man would live the life of Christ in obedience to

the maxims of the Roman emperor, and that Christianity provides us with

precisely what was wanting in the Aurelian system. Faith, love, purity,

obedience, humility, subordination of self, benevolence--all these are

Christian virtues, raised to the height of passionate enthusiasm by

their exemplification in the life of Christ. Stoicism stood in need of

a criterion. What is reason? what is the true character of truth and

goodness? Christianity appears with a criterion which approves itself

to our intuitive apprehension. The life of Christ is the perfect life.

Learn that, and follow that, and you will reach the height of human

nature. To live in harmony with the universe is to live as Christ

lived. It is the wrong done in the name of Christ, the figments falsely

stamped with Christ's superscription, the follies of Bibliolatry and

dogmatic orthodoxy, that must be abjured; and I maintain that in our

present mood the best hope of not casting away the wheat together with

the chaff, of retaining what is fit for human use in Christianity,

consists in first assuming the scientific standpoint of Aurelius.

From this digression on the Aurelian system, regarded as the final word

of Græco-Roman morality, I pass to a consideration of those urgent

needs of modern thought which have to be met in the spirit and with

the courage of Mark Antonine. Not his theism, nor his metaphysic, nor

his detailed maxims for conduct, but his attitude and temper have to

be adopted. And here it must be said once more, by way of preface,

that however human progress is ruled by thesis and antithesis, by

antagonism and repulsion in its several moments, still nothing can

be lost that has been clearly gained. Each synthesis, though itself

destined to apparent contradiction, combines the indestructible, the

natural and truly human, elements of the momenta which preceded it,

excluding only that in them which was the accident of time and place

and circumstance. Thus the Greek conception of life was posed; the

Christian conception was counterposed; the synthesis, crudely attempted

in the age of the Renaissance, awaits mature accomplishment in the

immediate future. The very ground-thought of science is to treat man as

part of the natural order--not, assuredly, on that account excluding

from its calculation the most eminent portion of man, his reason and

his moral being--and to return from the study of nature with profit to

the study of man. It does not annihilate or neutralize what man has

gained from Christianity; on the contrary, the new points of morality

developed by the Christian discipline are of necessity accepted as data

by the scientific mind. Our object is to combine both the Hellenic

and the Christian conceptions in a third, which shall be more solid

and more rational than any previous manifestation of either, superior

to the Hellenic as it is no longer a mere intuition, superior to the

ecclesiastical inasmuch as it relies on no mythology, but seeks to

ascertain the law.

The positive knowledge about the world possessed at any period by

the human race cannot fail to modify both theology and metaphysic.

Theology, while philosophizing the immediate data of faith, professes

to embrace and account for all known facts in a comprehensive system,

which includes the hypotheses of revelation; while popular religion

rests upon opinions and figurative conceptions formed concerning

the first cause of the phenomena observed around us and within us.

The systems of theology and the opinions of popular religion must,

therefore, from time to time in the world's history, vary according as

more or less is actually known, and according as the mind has greater

or lesser power of analyzing and co-ordinating its stores of knowledge.

Metaphysic is the critical examination and construction into a

connected scheme of the results obtained by experience--mental, moral,

and physical--subjected to reflection, and regarded in their most

abstract form as thoughts. It follows of necessity that any revolution

in the method of observation and analysis, like that which has been

going on during the last three centuries, whereby our conception of

the world as a whole is altered, must supply metaphysic with new

subject-matter and new methods, and force it to the reconsideration of

important problems. Meanwhile, the faculty of thought itself undergoes

no essential transformation; our mental and moral nature remains

substantially the same. What has always happened, and what alone can

happen, is that fresh pabulum is offered to the thinking being, which

has to be assimilated to its organism and digested for its nourishment.

Consequently we cannot expect to have a sudden and illuminating

revolution in psychology and ethics. But, while we learn fresh facts

about the universe, our notions concerning the nature of the first

cause and the relation of man to his environments, whether expressed in

systems by theology and philosophy, or in opinions by popular religion,

must of necessity be exposed to alteration. To adjust ourselves to this

change without sacrificing what is vitally important in religion as the

basis of morality is our difficulty.

Physical science, to begin with, has destroyed that old conception of

the universe which made this globe central and of paramount importance.

The discoveries of Galileo and Newton first led to a right theory

of the planetary movements. The chemists of the last hundred years

have substituted an accurate analysis of primitive substances for

rough guesses at the four elements. The establishment of the law of

the conservation of force has demonstrated the unity of all cosmical

operations from the most gigantic to the most minute. Geology, together

with the speculations of comparative anatomists and naturalists, has

altered all our notions with regard to the age of the world, and to

the antecedents and early history of the human race. The results

gathered during the last three centuries in these and other fields

of investigation render it certain that mankind has occupied but a

brief moment in the long life of our globe, and tend to prove that

our duration here will, at an enormously but not incalculably distant

period, be rendered impossible by the action of those very forces which

called us into being. The years of humanity are therefore "a scape in

oblivion." Man, for whom, according to the author of Genesis, the sun

and moon and stars were made, is shown to be among the less important

products of the cosmical system. We are no permanent owners, but the

brief tenants of our tiny globe. Nor need this terrify or startle us.

Each man expects the certainty of his own dissolution. The race must

learn that it also is ephemeral. For this our religions have already

prepared us. But what is new in the prospect revealed by science is

that, not by a sudden tempest of vindictive fire from heaven, but in

the tranquil course of the long life of nature, such euthanasia is

prepared for men. As the universe subsisted countless æons before our

birth, so will it survive our loss, and scarcely keep a trace of our

existence.

At the same time the spiritual conditions of humanity remain unaltered.

Men we are; men we must be: to find out what is truly human, essential

to the highest type and utmost happiness of man, is still our most

absorbing interest. Nor need we abandon that noblest of all formulas:

"To fear God and to keep his commands is the whole duty of man;"

provided we are careful to accept the word God as the name of a

hitherto unapprehended energy, the symbol of that which is the life

and thought and motion of the universe whereof we are a part, the

ideal towards which we are forever struggling on the toilsome path of

spiritual evolution, the unknown within us and without us which is

the one vital, irremovable reality. Science, which consists in the

determination of laws,[297] compels us to believe that, as in the

physical world invariable sequences are observed, so also in the moral

nature of man must comprehensive rules and explanations of phenomena

be observable. It is but the refusal to apply to moral problems the

scientific method with unflinching logic which leads certain otherwise

positive thinkers to recognize "the freedom of human volition" as an

incalculable and arbitrary element, and thus to withdraw human conduct

from the sphere of exact investigation. To know God in the physical

order is to know what has been, and what is, and what will be in the

economy of primeval forces. To know God in the moral order is to know

what has been, and what is, and what will be within the region of the

human consciousness. To obey God in the physical order is to control

those forces for our own use as far as our constitution will permit;

for thus we energize in harmony with the universe. To obey God in the

moral order is to act in accordance with those hitherto discovered laws

which have carried the race onward from barbarism to self-knowledge and

self-control, and with all our might and main to strive for further

precision in their determination. But even here is the debatable

ground; here is the point at issue; here confessedly is the region that

has never yet been subjected to science.

The analogy of scientific discovery forces us to look no longer for

the actual fiats of a divine voice on Sinai, but to expect that by

interrogating humanity itself we shall ultimately demonstrate those

unchangeable decrees by conforming to which our race may pass from

strength to strength. We must cease to be clairvoyants and become

analysts, verifying our intuitions by positive investigation. For

the old term Commandment, which implies the will of a sovereign, our

present condition of knowledge leads us to substitute the new term Law

as defined above.[298] This, although the subject-matter and even the

practical result remain unchanged, is no slight alteration. It implies

a new motion, both popular and scientific, of the divine in nature, a

new criterion of what is right and wrong, and in the last resort a new

metaphysic.

But with a view to this end we have to introduce a more stringent

and painstaking method into ethics. We must be content to abandon

dogmatism upon insoluble questions, however fascinating and imperious;

we must above all things quit delusions, however sanctioned by ancient

reverence. And here both faith and courage are needed. To believe that

the moral laws are within us, requiring to be disentangled, without

the aid of an authentic revelation, from the mass of phenomena, in the

same way as physical laws have been abstracted from facts by scientific

reasoning, demands a virile and firm confidence in the order of the

universe and in the intellectual faculty of man.

Hitherto in ethics we have proceeded on the _a priori_ road; we

have assumed certain hypotheses, or supposed fixed starting-points,

concerning the origin and the destiny of mankind, about both of which

things we know absolutely nothing for sure. Starting with a theological

system, which accounted for the creation of man and the nature of evil

in close connection with a definite but delusive cosmogony, taking a

future state of happiness or misery for granted, we have brought our

dreams to bear upon the springs of conduct. It is precisely at this

point that science, partly by the revolution effected in cosmical

theory, partly by the exhibition of the true method of analysis, helps

to free us from what is fanciful, and to indicate the right way for the

future. It has proved in one realm of knowledge that an advance towards

truth must not be expected from systems professing to set forth the

causes of phenomena, but from a gradual and patient exploration of the

phenomena themselves. Not matter, but the qualities of what we call

matter as subject to our senses are the object of physical science. Not

God, but human conduct, must be the object of moral science, albeit

the ideal that guides human conduct will continue to be worshipped

as our God. Nor will it here avail to demur that the human will is

essentially free, and therefore not subject to law in the strictly

scientific sense. Each step we make in the investigation of heredity,

and all the other conditions to which man is subject, forces us more

and more plainly to the conclusion that the very seat of our supposed

liberty, our desires and personal peculiarities, distinctive tastes

and special predilections, are determined for us in great measure by

circumstances beyond our own control. The force of these circumstances,

separately and in combination, could be estimated if we possessed

but the complete data for forming such a calculation; nor does this

certainty destroy the fact that each new personality introduces a new

element into the sequence. It narrows the field wherein volition can

move freely, but leaves the soul still self-determining and capable of

being shaped. What is really incalculable is not the sphere of action

for the individual, but the source of energy in the universe, in vital

connection with which we live both physically and mentally. We are

what we are, each of us, by no freak of chance, by no act of arbitrary

spontaneity; and our prayers must take the form dictated by Cleanthes:

Lead thou me, God, Law, Reason, Motion, Life!

All names alike for thee are vain and hollow.

Lead me; for I will follow without strife;

Or if I strive, still must I blindly follow.

For many centuries physical science itself suffered from the dead

weight of abstract notions accepted as data, and was inert for want

of a true method. Its recent successes are an index to the advance

which moral science might make if it could adopt the right way of

investigation, comparison, and reflective reasoning. At the same time

it must be confessed that for moral science this method has not as

yet been made either easy of application or fruitful of results. Our

subject-matter is so complex and so apparently distinct from sensible

existence as to seem intangible. Both thought and language are the

heritage of countless generations, wherein a medley of guesses and

confused conceptions are stored. Of general laws in ethics we have as

yet but instinctive, and as it were æsthetic, perceptions, fortified

and enforced by theological beliefs, or converted into intellectual

notions by philosophy. Still, this need not disturb us, when we reflect

how long it was before the true method of scientific discovery in

the analysis of matter was brought to light, and what a continuous

progress from one determination to another followed upon the single

law established in explanation of terrestrial gravity. The scientific

solution of one ethical problem, whether that be ultimately effected

through physiology by the establishment of correspondences between

the physical and moral functions of humanity, or through comparative

history and the study of evolution, may prove as fruitful for ethics

as the discovery of Galileo was for physics. It is impossible to

utter dogmatic predictions at this point of our knowledge. Yet we

may indulge in hopes that are of the nature of dreams. Can we not in

this way venture to anticipate that the men of the future may obtain

demonstrated certainty with regard to man considered as an integral

portion of the universe; that they may understand the conditions of

his conduct as clearly as we now apprehend the behavior of certain

gases; and that their problem will be, not how to check healthy normal

appetites, but how to multiply and fortify faculties? Can we not dream

that morality will be one branch of the study of the world as a whole,

a department of #ta physika#, when #physis#, regarded as a total

unity, that suffers no crude radical distinction of mind and body, has

absorbed our scientific attention?

We need not fear that either the new notion of Deity forced upon us

by the extension of our knowledge, even should this destroy the last

vestige of anthropomorphism, or the involved application of a positive

method to ethics, will lead to what is dreaded as materialism. If

materialism be not a mere name, it is feared because it is thought to

imply egotism, immersion in sensuality, and indifference to ideas. But

what is the prospect unrolled before us by science?[299] What is, in

effect, the new intellectual atmosphere to which we must acclimatize

our moral and religious sensibilities? Surely the most sublime, the

most ideally imaginative, which it has ever been given to man to

contemplate. The spectacle of the infinitely great and the infinitely

small, alike of the mental and the physical, the natural and the

supersensible, subordinated to unchangeable laws, and permeated by one

single energy, revealed to us by science, contains nothing that need

drive us to a stolid atheism, but rather such considerations as give

the value of positive certainty to Christ's words about the sparrow.

We _know_ now that the whole past history of the universe is involved

in the blood-beats of the smallest animalcule discernible by the

microscope, that the farthest fixed star to which our telescopes have

any access obeys the laws that determine the action of our muscles,

that our thought holds in solution the experience of all preceding

ages. If the religion of the future is to be founded on scientific

bases of this nature, there is surely less room for the extravagances

of egoism and sensuality than there was in the Catholic system from

which emerged a Sixtus IV. and an Alexander VI. What St. Paul conceived

but dimly, the physicist declares to us: we are all parts and members

of the divine whole. It is the business of science not to make God

nowhere in the universe, but everywhere, and to prove, what previous

moralists have guessed, that the happiness and the freedom of man

consist in his self-subordination to the laws of the world, whereof he

is an essential, though an insignificant, part. Against the decrees of

God, conceived as a sovereign subject to like fluctuations of emotion

with ourselves, it was possible to offend again and again without

losing the hope that at some facile moment, some _mollia tempora

fandi_, he might be propitiated. The laws of the world are inexorable;

they alone enforce with absolute equity the maxim #tôi drasanti

pathein#.

Instead of materialism, it might be more reasonable, perhaps, to dread

fatalism; but fatalism is a rock on which all systems, philosophical

and religious, when carried to abstract conclusions, have tended to

drift. Science cannot be more fatalistic than Calvinism; yet the

instinctive belief in the liberty of the individual has survived all

logic, and is likely still to do so till such time as the prevailing

intuition shall be positively proved. And even were the conviction that

we are not free agents in the old sense of the phrase to be forced

upon us, the sting of fatalism would be extracted together with the

belief in an omnipotent personality, framing men of set purpose for

honor and dishonor. It was the clash of the human and the divine wills,

both equally finite, though the latter was isolated by abstraction and

ticketed with the epithet of infinity--in other words, the fiction of a

despot ruling over slaves--that gave its terror to necessity.

Before the latest discoveries of physical science, as before the

highest philosophical analysis, the cruder distinctions of soul and

body, spirit and matter, tend to disappear. The nature of the universe

is proved too subtle for this dichotomy. Only a coarse intelligence

will, therefore, run to the conclusion that so-called matter, with its

supposed finality, is absolute; or that so-called thought, with its

supposed infinity, is universal. The finer intelligence, convinced

of the correlation between these apparently antagonistic moments,

must pause to contemplate the everlasting sequences of time past

extended into time to come, and in the end must feel persuaded of its

own indissoluble connection with that, whatever it may be, which is

permanent in the universe. The moment Now is a potential eternity. That

we are is a sufficient proof that we have been and that we shall be.

Each act, as it has had immeasurable and necessary antecedents, will

be fruitful of immeasurable and necessary consequents; for the web

of the world is ever weaving, and to drop a thread in it is utterly

impossible. That we are such or such is, again, the proof that our

qualities have in them something significant, both for that which has

been, and for that which will be for everlasting. We have been, we are,

we shall be, a part of the eternal complex. Not, therefore, are we at

liberty to assume definite propositions concerning what is called the

immortality of the soul. To do so in the present state of knowledge

would be as much a begging of the question as to dogmatize upon the

so-called personality of God. Suspension of judgment is as imperatively

required of us by science as faith in the unintelligible was demanded

by the Catholic Church. As then trial of the faith wrought patience, so

now wise abstinence from dogmatism is the attitude of faith.

Following this course of thought into particulars, we have no reason

to apprehend that personal license should result from a system of

purely positive ethics based upon that conception of our relation

to the universe which science is revealing. On the contrary, we may

expect from the establishment of such a system a code of conduct more

stringent in all that can concern the well-being of the individual

than any that has yet been conceived. In the future, sensual excess

will surely be reckoned a form of madness, and what we now dignify by

the name of vice will be relegated, shorn of Satanic lustre, to the

lazar-house. Nor need we fear that purely mental problems should lose

their value or become less interesting. No amount of demonstration

that the mind is dependent on the brain can so confuse the reason of

a lucid thinker as to make him conclude that, therefore, there is no

mind. Reduce all our emotions, our habits, our thoughts, to modes

of cell-existence--prove that thinking and feeling are functions of

nerve-centres--the mystery has only shifted its centre of gravity;

we are still ourselves for better or for worse; thought and feeling

are still the essential part of us; man remains, in spite of all, the

only known being to whom the command #gnôthi seauton# has been given,

together with the faculty of obeying this command. Physical Science

does not exclude her elder sisters Philosophy and Religion, though

she may compel religion to abandon mythology, and supply philosophy

with new worlds for analysis. What she does is to substitute solid, if

slowly discovered, knowledge for guesses, and a patient but progressive

method for the systems which ontologist after ontologist has built and

pulled to pieces. Will not the men of the future look back with wonder

on the ages in which religion, philosophy, and the science of nature

were supposed to be at war, instead of being, as they will be then, one

system?

FOOTNOTES:

[297] "General conceptions in which a series of similarly recurring

natural processes may be embraced."--Helmholtz.

[298] Page 411, note.

[299] By science here and elsewhere, when used without a qualifying

epithet, I mean to include what is also known as philosophy. In

science, thus understood, thought embraces the whole field of knowledge

in a survey that has less in common with the metaphysics of the

schoolmen than with the analytic method of the natural sciences.

THE END.

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Transcriber's Notes:

Simple spelling, grammar, and typographical errors were

corrected.

Anachronistic and non-standard spellings retained as printed.

P. 81 assigned the first footnote to the first anchor.

Italics markup is enclosed in _underscores_.

Greek text is transliterated and enclosed in #number signs#.

Manicule is denoted by @manicule@.