CHAPTER I.

[Illustration: Mary Wollstonecraft]

AN

HISTORICAL AND MORAL VIEW

OF THE

ORIGIN AND PROGRESS

OF THE

FRENCH REVOLUTION;

AND THE

EFFECT IT HAS PRODUCED

IN

EUROPE.

BY MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT.

VOLUME THE FIRST.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON, IN ST. PAUL’S CHURCH-YARD.

1794.

ADVERTISEMENT.

This history, taking in such a variety of facts and opinions, has grown

under my hand; especially as in writing I cannot avoid entering into

some desultory disquisitions, and descriptions of manners and things

which, though not strictly necessary to elucidate the events, are

intimately connected with the main object; I have also been led into

several theoretical investigations, whilst marking the political effects

that naturally flow from the progress of knowledge. It is probable,

therefore, that this work will be extended to two or three more volumes,

a considerable part of which is already written.

PREFACE.

The revolution in France exhibits a scene, in the political world, not

less novel and interesting than the contrast is striking between the

narrow opinions of superstition, and the enlightened sentiments of

masculine and improved philosophy.

To mark the prominent features of this revolution, requires a mind, not

only unsophisticated by old prejudices, and the inveterate habits of

degeneracy; but an amelioration of temper, produced by the exercise of

the most enlarged principles of humanity.

The rapid changes, the violent, the base, and nefarious assassinations,

which have clouded the vivid prospect that began to spread a ray of joy

and gladness over the gloomy horizon of oppression, cannot fail to chill

the sympathizing bosom, and palsy intellectual vigour. To sketch these

vicissitudes is a task so arduous and melancholy, that, with a heart

trembling to the touches of nature, it becomes necessary to guard

against the erroneous inferences of sensibility; and reason beaming on

the grand theatre of political changes, can prove the only sure guide to

direct us to a favourable or just conclusion.

This important conclusion, involving the happiness and exaltation of the

human character, demands serious and mature consideration; as it must

ultimately sink the dignity of society into contempt, and its members

into greater wretchedness; or elevate it to a degree of grandeur not

hitherto anticipated, but by the most enlightened statesmen and

philosophers.

Contemplating then these stupendous events with the cool eye of

observation, the judgement, difficult to be preserved unwarped under the

pressure of the calamitous horrours produced by desperate and enraged

factions, will continually perceive that it is the uncontaminated mass

of the french nation, whose minds begin to grasp the sentiments of

freedom, that has secured the equilibrium of the state; often tottering

on the brink of annihilation; in spite of the folly, selfishness,

madness, treachery, and more fatal mock patriotism, the common result of

depraved manners, the concomitant of that servility and voluptuousness

which for so long a space of time has embruted the higher orders of this

celebrated nation.

By thus attending to circumstances, we shall be able to discern clearly

that the revolution was neither produced by the abilities or intrigues

of a few individuals; nor was the effect of sudden and short-lived

enthusiasm; but the natural consequence of intellectual improvement,

gradually proceeding to perfection in the advancement of communities,

from a state of barbarism to that of polished society, till now arrived

at the point when sincerity of principles seems to be hastening the

overthrow of the tremendous empire of superstition and hypocrisy,

erected upon the ruins of gothic brutality and ignorance.

CONTENTS.

_BOOK I._

CHAPTER I.

_Introduction. Progress of society. End of government. Rise of

political discussion amongst the french. Revolution in

America. Virtue attempted to be built on false principles.

The croisades, and the age of chivalry. Administration of

Richelieu, and of Cardinal Mazarin. Theatrical

entertainments, and dramatic poets of the

french—Moliere,—Corneille,—Racine. Louis XIV. The

regency.—Louis XV._ page 1.

CHAP. II.

_Marie-Antoinette. Louis XVI. Administration of Necker, and of

Calonne. Notables convened. Calonne disgraced,—and obliged to

flee the kingdom. His character. Causes of the enslaved state

of Europe._ p. 33.

CHAP. III.

_Administration of de Brienne. Dissolution of the notables.

Land tax and stamp duty recommended by them, but refused to

be sanctioned by the parliament. Bed of justice. The

parliament banished to Troyes,—but soon compromised for its

recall. Struggles of the court party to prevent the

convocation of the states-general. Banishment of the duke of

Orleans, and two spirited members of the parliament. Cour

pléniere. Remarks on the parliaments. Imprisonment of the

members. Deputies of the Province of Britanny sent to the

Bastille. The soldiery let loose upon the people._ p. 48.

CHAP. IV.

_Necker recalled. His character. Notables convened a second

time. Coalition of the nobility and clergy in defence of

their privileges. Provincial assemblies of the people.

Political publications in favour of the tiers-etat. General

reflections on reform,—on the present state of Europe,—and on

the revolution in France._ p. 59.

_BOOK II._

CHAP. I.

_Retrospective view of grievances in France—the nobles—the

military—the clergy—the farmers general. Election of deputies

to the states-general. Arts of the courtiers. Assembly of the

states. Riots excited at Paris. Opening of the

states-general. The king’s speech. Answer to it by the keeper

of the seals. Speech of Mr. Necker. Contest respecting the

mode of assembling. Tacit establishment of the liberty of the

press. Attempt of the court to refrain it. The deputies

declare themselves a national assembly._ p. 75.

CHAP. II.

_The national assembly proceed to business. Opposition of the

nobles, bishops, and court. A séance royale proclaimed, and

the hall of the assembly surrounded by soldiers. The members

adjourn to the tennis-court, and vow never to separate till a

constitution should be completed. The majority of the clergy

and two of the nobles join the commons. Séance royale. The

king’s speech. Spirited behaviour of the assembly. Speech of

Mirabeau. Persons of the deputies declared inviolable.

Minority of the nobles join the commons. At the request of

the king the minority of the clergy do the same,—and are at

length followed by the majority of the nobles. Character of

the queen of France,—of the king,—and of the nobles. Lectures

on liberty at the palais royal. Paris surrounded by troops.

Spirit of liberty infused into the soldiers. Eleven of the

french guards imprisoned because they would not fire on the

populace, and liberated by the people. Remonstrance of the

national assembly. The king proposes to remove the assembly

to Noyon, or Soissons. Necker dismissed. City militia

proposed. The populace attacked in the garden of the

Thuilleries by the prince of Lambesc. Nocturnal orgies at

Versailles._ p. 109.

CHAP. III.

_Preparations of the parisians for the defence of the city. The

guards, and city watch join the citizens. The armed citizens

appoint a commander in chief. Conduct of the national

assembly during the disturbances at Paris. They publish a

declaration of rights,—and offer their mediation with the

citizens,—which is haughtily refused by the king. Proceedings

at Paris on the 14th of July. Taking of the bastille. The

mayor shot. Proceedings of the national assembly at

Versailles. Appearance of the king in the assembly. His

speech._ p. 165.

CHAP. IV.

_Reflections on the conduct of the court and king. Injurious

consequences of the complication of laws. General diffusion

of knowledge. State of civilization amongst the ancients.

It’s progress. The croisades, and the reformation. Early

freedom of Britain. The british constitution. State of

liberty in Europe. Russia. Decline of the Aristotelian

philosophy, Descartes. Newton. Education improved. Germany.

Frederick II. of Prussia._ p. 215.

_BOOK III._

CHAP. I.

_A deputation of the national assembly arrives at Paris.

Baillie chosen mayor, and La Fayette commander in chief of

the national guards. Resignation of the ministry. Necker

recalled. The king visits Paris. Character of the parisians.

The revolution urged on prematurely. Emigrations of several

of the nobility and others. Calonne advises the french

princes to stir up foreign powers against France. Foulon

killed._ p. 241.

CHAP. II.

_The duke of Liancourt chosen president. The people arm for the

defence of the country. The municipal officers appointed

under the old government superseded by committees. Some

people treacherously destroyed by springing a mine at a civic

feast. The genevese resident taken up by the patrole. The

french suspicious of the designs of Britain. Necker returns.

General amnesty resolved by the debtors of Paris. Debate on a

declaration of rights. Declaration of rights separate from

the constitution determined on. Sacrifices made by the

nobles, clergy, &c._ p. 263.

CHAP. III.

_Reflections on the members of the national assembly. Secession

of several pseudo-patriots. Society ripe for improvement

throughout Europe. War natural to men in a savage state.

Remarks on the origin and progress of society. The

arts—property—inequality of conditions—war. Picture of

manners in modern France._ p. 295.

_BOOK IV._

CHAP. I.

_Opinions on the transactions of the fourth of August.

Disorders occasioned by those transactions. Necker demands

the assembly’s sanction to a loan. A loan decreed. Tithes

abolished. Debate on the declaration of rights. The formation

of a constitution. Debate on the executive power. The

suspensive veto adopted. Pretended and real views of the

combination of despots against France. Debate on the

constitution of a senate. Means of peaceably effecting a

reform should make a part of every constitution._ p. 313.

CHAP. II.

_Observations on the veto. The women offer up their ornaments

to the public. Debate whether the spanish branch of the

Bourbons could reign in France. Conduct of the king

respecting the decrees of the fourth of August. Vanity of the

french. Debates on quartering a thousand regulars at

Versailles. Individuals offer their jewels and plate to make

up the deficiency of the loan. The king sends his rich

service of plate to the mint. Necker’s proposal for every

citizen to give up a fourth of his income. Speech of Mirabeau

on it. His address to the nation._ p. 359.

CHAP. III.

_Reflections on the new mode of raising supplies. No just

system of taxation yet established. Paper money. Necessity of

gradual reform._ p. 388.

_BOOK V._

CHAP. I.

_Errour of the national assembly in neglecting to secure the

freedom of France. It’s conduct compared with that of the

american states. Necessity of forming a new constitution as

soon as an old government is destroyed. The declaring of the

king inviolable a wrong measure. Security of the french

against a counter-revolution. The flight of the king

meditated._ p. 399.

CHAP. II.

_Entertainment at Versailles. The national cockade trampled

under foot. A mob of women proceed to the hôtel-de-ville—and

thence to Versailles. The king’s reply to the national

assembly’s request, that he would sanction the declaration of

rights and the first articles of the constitution. Debates on

it. Arrival of the mob at Versailles. The king receives a

deputation from the women, and sanctions the decree for the

free circulation of grain. The assembly summoned. La Fayette

arrives with the parisian militia. The palace attacked by the

mob—who are dispersed by the national guards. Reflections on

the conduct of the duke of Orleans._ p. 420.

CHAP. III.

_The mob demand the king’s removal to Paris. This city

described. The king repairs to the capital, escorted by a

deputation of the national assembly and the parisian militia.

The king’s title changed. Proceedings of the national

assembly. Reflections on the declaration of rights._ p. 470.

CHAP. IV.

_Progress of reform. The encyclopedia. Liberty of the press.

Capitals. The french not properly qualified for the

revolution. Savage compared with civilized man. Effects of

extravagance—of commerce—and of manufactures. Excuse for the

ferocity of the parisians._ p. 492.

AN

HISTORICAL AND MORAL VIEW

OF THE

FRENCH REVOLUTION.

_BOOK I._

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTION. PROGRESS OF SOCIETY. END OF GOVERNMENT. RISE OF POLITICAL

DISCUSSION AMONGST THE FRENCH. REVOLUTION IN AMERICA. VIRTUE ATTEMPTED

TO BE BUILT ON FALSE PRINCIPLES. THE CROISADES, AND THE AGE OF CHIVALRY.

ADMINISTRATION OF RICHELIEU, AND OF CARDINAL MAZARIN. THEATRICAL

ENTERTAINMENTS, AND DRAMATIC POETS OF THE

FRENCH,—MOLIERE,—CORNEILLE,—RACINE. LOUIS XIV. THE REGENCY. LOUIS XV.

When we contemplate the infancy of man, his gradual advance towards

maturity, his miserable weakness as a solitary being, and the crudeness

of his first notions respecting the nature of civil society, it will not

appear extraordinary, that the acquirement of political knowledge has

been so extremely slow; or that public happiness has not been more

rapidly and generally diffused.

The perfection attained by the ancients, it is true, has ever afforded

the imagination of the poetical historian a theme to deck with the

choicest flowers of rhetoric; though the cool investigation of facts

seems clearly to prove, that the civilization of the world, hitherto,

has consisted rather in cultivating the taste, than in exercising the

understanding. And were not these vaunted improvements also confined to

a small corner of the globe, whilst, the political view of the wisest

legislators seldom extending beyond the splendour and aggrandizement of

their individual nation, they trampled with a ferocious affectation of

patriotism on the most sacred rights of humanity? When the arts

flourished in Greece, and literature began to shed it’s blandishments on

society, the world was mostly inhabited by barbarians, who waged eternal

war with their more polished neighbours, the imperfection of whose

government sapping it’s foundation, the science of politics necessarily

received a check in the bud—and when we find, likewise, the roman empire

crumbling into atoms, from the germ of a deadly malady implanted in it’s

vitals; whilst voluptuousness stopped the progress of civilization,

which makes the perfection of the arts the dawn of science; we shall be

convinced, that it demanded ages of improving reason and experience in

moral philosophy, to clear away the rubbish, and exhibit the first

principles of social order.

We have probably derived our great superiority over those nations from

the discovery of the polar attraction of the needle, the perfection

which astronomy and mathematics have attained, and the fortunate

invention of printing. For, whilst the revival of letters has added the

collected wisdom of antiquity to the improvements of modern research,

the latter most useful art has rapidly multiplied copies of the

productions of genius and compilations of learning, bringing them within

the reach of all ranks of men: the scientific discoveries also have not

only led us to new worlds; but, facilitating the communication between

different nations, the friction of arts and commerce have given to

society the transcendently pleasing polish of urbanity; and thus, by a

gradual softening of manners, the complexion of social life has been

completely changed. But the remains of superstition, and the unnatural

distinction of privileged classes, which had their origin in barbarous

folly, still fettered the opinions of man, and sullied his native

dignity; till several distinguished english writers discussed political

subjects with the energy of men, who began to feel their strength; and,

whilst only a rumour of these sentiments roused the attention and

exercised the minds of some men of letters in France, a number of

staunch disputants, who had more thoroughly digested them, fled from

oppression, to put them to the test of experience in America.

Locke, following the track of these bold thinkers, recommended in a more

methodical manner religious toleration, and analyzed the principles of

civil liberty: for in his definition of liberty we find the elements of

_The Declaration of the Rights of Man_, which, in spite of the fatal

errours of ignorance, and the perverse obstinacy of selfishness, is now

converting sublime theories into practical truths.

The revolution, it is true, soon introduced the corruption, that has

ever since been corroding british freedom.—Still, when the rest of

Europe groaned under the weight of the most unjust and cruel laws, the

life and property of englishmen were comparatively safe; and, if an

impress-warrant respected the distinction of ranks, when the glory of

England was at stake, splendid victories hid this flaw in the best

existing constitution; and all exultingly recollected, that the life or

liberty of a man never depended on the will of an individual.

Englishmen were then, with reason, proud of their constitution; and, if

this noble pride have degenerated into arrogance, when the cause became

less conspicuous, it is only a venial lapse of human nature; to be

lamented merely as it stops the progress of civilization, and leads the

people to imagine, that their ancestors have done every thing possible

to secure the happiness of society, and meliorate the condition of man,

because they have done much.

When learning was confined to a small number of the citizens of a state,

and the investigation of it’s privileges was left to a number still

smaller, governments seem to have acted, as if the people were formed

only for them; and, ingeniously confounding their rights with

metaphysical jargon, the luxurious grandeur of individuals has been

supported by the misery of the bulk of their fellow creatures, and

ambition gorged by the butchery of millions of innocent victims.

The most artful chain of despotism has ever been supported by false

notions of duty, enforced by those who were to profit by the cheat. Thus

has the liberty of man been restrained; and the spontaneous flow of his

feelings, which would have fertilized his mind, being choked at the

source, he is rendered in the same degree unhappy as he is made

unnatural. Yet, certain opinions, planted by superstition and despotism,

hand in hand, have taken such deep root in our habits of thinking, it

may appear daringly licentious, as well as presumptuous, to observe,

that what is often termed virtue, is only want of courage to throw off

prejudices, and follow the inclinations which fear not the eye of

heaven, though they shrink from censure not founded on the natural

principles of morality. But at no period has the scanty diffusion of

knowledge permitted the body of the people to participate in the

discussion of political science; and if philosophy at length have

simplified the principles of social union, so as to render them easy to

be comprehended by every sane and thinking being; if appears to me, that

man may contemplate with benevolent complacency and becoming pride, the

approaching reign of reason and peace.

Besides, if men have been rendered unqualified to judge with precision

of their civil and political rights, from the involved state in which

sophisticating ignorance has placed them, and thus reduced to surrender

their reasoning powers to noble fools, and pedantic knaves, it is not

surprizing, that superficial observers have formed opinions unfavourable

to the degree of perfection, which our intellectual faculties are able

to attain, or that despotism should attempt to check the spirit of

inquiry, which, with colossian strides, seems to be hastening the

overthrow of oppressive tyranny and contumelious ambition.

Nature having made men unequal, by giving stronger bodily and mental

powers to one than to another, the end of government ought to be, to

destroy this inequality by protecting the weak. Instead of which, it has

always leaned to the opposite side, wearing itself out by disregarding

the first principle of it’s organization.

It appears to be the grand province of government, though scarcely

acknowledged, so to hold the balance, that the abilities or riches of

individuals may not interfere with the equilibrium of the whole. For, as

it is vain to expect, that men should master their passions during the

heat of action, legislators should have this perfection of laws ever in

view, when, calmly grasping the interest of humanity, reason assures

them, that their own is best secured by the security of the commonweal.

The first social systems were certainly founded by passion; individuals

wishing to fence round their own wealth or power, and make slaves of

their brothers to prevent encroachment. Their descendants have ever been

at work to solder the chains they forged, and render the usurpations of

strength secure, by the fraud of partial laws: laws that can be

abrogated only by the exertions of reason, emancipating mankind, by

making government a science, instead of a craft, and civilizing the

grand mass, by exercising their understandings about the most important

objects of inquiry.

After the revolution in 1688, however, political questions were no

longer discussed in England on a broad scale; because that degree of

liberty was enjoyed, which enabled thinking men to pursue without

interruption their own business; or, if some men complained, they

attached themselves to a party, and descanted on the unavoidable misery

produced by contending passions.

But in France the bitterness of oppression was mingled in the daily cup,

and the serious folly of superstition, pampered by the sweat of labour,

stared every man of sense in the face. Against superstition then did the

writers contending for civil liberty principally direct their force,

though the tyranny of the court increased with it’s viciousness.

Voltaire leading the way, and ridiculing with that happy mixture of

satire and gaiety, calculated to delight the french, the inconsistent

puerilities of a puppet-show religion, had the art to attach the bells

to the fool’s cap, which tinkled on every side, rousing the attention

and piquing the vanity of his readers. Rousseau also ranged himself on

the same side; and, praising his fanciful state of nature, with that

interesting eloquence, which embellishes reasoning with the charms of

sentiment, forcibly depicted the evils of a priest-ridden society, and

the sources of oppressive inequality, inducing the men who were charmed

with his language to consider his opinions.

The talents of these two writers were particularly formed to effect a

change in the sentiments of the french, who commonly read to collect a

fund for conversation; and their biting retorts, and flowing periods,

were retained in each head, and continually slipped off the tongue in

numerous sprightly circles.

In France, indeed, new opinions fly from mouth to mouth, with an

electrical velocity, unknown in England; so that there is not such a

difference between the sentiments of the various ranks in one country,

as is observable in the originality of character to be found in the

other. At our theatres, the boxes, pit, and galleries, relish different

scenes; and some are condescendingly born by the more polished part of

the audience, to allow the rest to have their portion of amusement. In

France, on the contrary, a highly wrought sentiment of morality,

probably rather romantic than sublime, produces a burst of applause,

when one heart seems to agitate every hand.

But men are not content merely to laugh at oppression, when they can

scarcely catch from his gripe the necessaries of life; so that from

writing epigrams on superstition, the galled french began to compose

philippics against despotism. The enormous and iniquitous taxes, which

the nobles, the clergy, and the monarch, levied on the people, turned

the attention of benevolence to this main branch of government, and the

profound treatise of the humane M. Quesnai produced the sect of the

_economists_, the first champions for civil liberty.

On the eve of the american war, the enlightened administration of the

comptroller general Turgot, a man formed in this school, afforded France

a glimpse of freedom, which, streaking the horizon of despotism, only

served to render the contrast more striking. Eager to correct abuses,

equally impolitic and cruel, this most excellent man, suffering his

clear judgment to be clouded by his zeal, roused the nest of wasps, that

rioted on the honey of industry in the sunshine of court favour; and he

was obliged to retire from the office, which he so worthily filled.

Disappointed in his noble plan of freeing France from the fangs of

despotism, in the course of ten years, without the miseries of anarchy,

which make the present generation pay very dear for the emancipation of

posterity, he has nevertheless greatly contributed to produce that

revolution in opinion, which, perhaps, alone can overturn the empire of

tyranny.

The idle caprices of an effeminate court had long given the tone to the

awe-struck populace, who, stupidly admiring what they did not

understand, lived on a _vive le roi_, whilst his blood-sucking minions

drained every vein, that should have warmed their honest hearts.

But the irresistible energy of the moral and political sentiments of

half a century, at last kindled into a blaze the illuminating rays of

truth, which, throwing new light on the mental powers of man, and giving

a fresh spring to his reasoning faculties, completely undermined the

strong holds of priestcraft and hypocrisy.

At this glorious era, the toleration of religious opinions in America,

which the spirit of the times, when that continent was peopled with

persecuted europeans, produced, aided, not a little, to diffuse these

rational sentiments, and exhibited the phenomenon of a government

established on the basis of reason and equality. The eyes of all Europe

were watchfully fixed on the practical success of this experiment in

political science; and whilst the crowns of the old world were drawing

into their focus the hard-earned recompense of the toil and care of the

simple citizens, who lived detached from courts, deprived of the

comforts of life, the just reward of industry, or, palsied by

oppression, pined in dirt and idleness; the anglo-americans appeared to

be another race of beings, men formed to enjoy the advantages of

society, and not merely to benefit those who governed; the use to which

they had been appropriated in almost every state; considered only as the

ballast which keeps the vessel steady, necessary, yet despised. So

conspicuous in fact was the difference, that, when, frenchmen became the

auxiliaries of those brave people, during their noble struggle against

the tyrannical and inhuman ambition of the british court, it imparted to

them that stimulus, which alone was wanting to give wings to freedom,

who, hovering over France, led her indignant votaries to wreak their

vengeance on the tottering fabric of a government, the foundation of

which had been laid by benighted ignorance, and it’s walls cemented by

the calamities of millions that mock calculation—and, in it’s ruins a

system was entombed, the most baneful to human happiness and virtue.

America fortunately found herself in a situation very different from all

the rest of the world; for she had it in her power to lay the first

stones of her government, when reason was venturing to canvass

prejudice. Availing herself of the degree of civilization of the world,

she has not retained those customs, which were only the expedients of

barbarism; or thought that constitutions formed by chance, and

continually patched up, were superiour to the plans of reason, at

liberty to profit by experience.

When society was first regulated, the laws could not be adjusted so as

to take in the future conduct of it’s members, because the faculties of

man are unfolded and perfected by the improvements made by society:

consequently the regulations established as circumstances required were

very imperfect. What then is to hinder man, at each epoch of

civilization, from making a stand, and new modelling the materials, that

have been hastily thrown into a rude mass, which time alone has

consolidated and rendered venerable?

When society was first subjugated to laws, probably by the ambition of

some, and the desire of safety in all, it was natural for men to be

selfish, because they were ignorant how intimately their own comfort was

connected with that of others; and it was also very natural, that

humanity, rather the effect of feeling than of reason, should have a

very limited range. But, when men once see, clear as the light of

heaven,—and I hail the glorious day from afar!—that on the general

happiness depends their own, reason will give strength to the fluttering

wings of passion, and men will “_do unto others, what they wish they

should do unto them_.”

What has hitherto been the political perfection of the world? In the two

most celebrated nations it has only been a polish of manners, an

extension of that family love, which is rather the effect of sympathy

and selfish passions, than reasonable humanity. And in what has ended

their so much extolled patriotism? In vain glory and barbarity—every

page of history proclaims. And why has the enthusiasm for virtue thus

passed away like the dew of the morning, dazzling the eyes of it’s

admirers? Why?—because it was factitious virtue.

During the period they had to combat against oppression, and rear an

infant state, what instances of heroism do not the annals of Greece and

Rome display! But it was merely the blaze of passion, “live smoke;” for

after vanquishing their enemies, and making the most astonishing

sacrifices to the glory of their country, they became civil tyrants, and

preyed on the very society, for whose welfare it was easier to die, than

to practise the sober duties of life, which insinuate through it the

contentment that is rather felt than seen. Like the parents who forget

all the dictates of justice and humanity, to aggrandize the very

children whom they keep in a state of dependence, these heroes loved

their country, because it was their country, ever showing by their

conduct, that it was only a part of a narrow love of themselves.

It is time, that a more enlightened moral love of mankind should

supplant, or rather support physical affections. It is time, that the

youth approaching manhood should be led by principles, and not hurried

along by sensations—and then we may expect, that the heroes of the

present generation, still having their monsters to cope with, will

labour to establish such rational laws throughout the world, that men

will not rest in the dead letter, or become artificial beings as they

become civilized.

We must get entirely clear of all the notions drawn from the wild

traditions of original sin: the eating of the apple, the theft of

Prometheus, the opening of Pandora’s box, and the other fables, too

tedious to enumerate, on which priests have erected their tremendous

structures of imposition, to persuade us, that we are naturally inclined

to evil: we shall then leave room for the expansion of the human heart,

and, I trust, find, that men will insensibly render each other happier

as they grow wiser. It is indeed the necessity of stifling many of it’s

most spontaneous desires, to obtain the factitious virtues of society,

that makes man vicious, by depriving him of that dignity of character,

which rests only on truth. For it is not paradoxical to assert, that the

social virtues are nipt in the bud by the very laws of society. One

principal of action is sufficient—Respect thyself—whether it be termed

fear of God—religion; love of justice—morality; or, self-love—the desire

of happiness. Yet, how can a man respect himself; and if not, how

believe in the existence of virtue; when he is practising the daily

shifts, which do not come under the cognisance of the law, in order to

obtain a respectable situation in life? It seems, in fact, to be the

business of a civilized man, to harden his heart, that on it he may

sharpen the wit; which, assuming the appellation of sagacity, or

cunning, in different characters, is only a proof, that the head is

clear, because the heart is cold.

Besides, one great cause of misery in the present imperfect state of

society is, that the imagination, continually tantalized, becomes the

inflated wen of the mind, draining off the nourishment from the vital

parts. Nor would it, I think, be stretching the inference too far, to

insist, that men become vicious in the same proportion as they are

obliged, by the defects of society, to submit to a kind of self-denial,

which ignorance, not morals, prescribes.

But these evils are passing away; a new spirit has gone forth, to

organise the body-politic; and where is the criterion to be found, to

estimate the means, by which the influence of this spirit can be

confined, now enthroned in the hearts of half the inhabitants of the

globe? Reason has, at last, shown her captivating face, beaming with

benevolence; and it will be impossible for the dark hand of despotism

again to obscure it’s radiance, or the lurking dagger of subordinate

tyrants to reach her bosom. The image of God implanted in our nature is

now more rapidly expanding; and, as it opens, liberty with maternal wing

seems to be soaring to regions far above vulgar annoyance, promising to

shelter all mankind.

It is a vulgar errour, built on a superficial view of the subject,

though it seems to have the sanction of experience, that civilization

can only go as far as it has hitherto gone, and then must necessarily

fall back into barbarism. Yet thus much appears certain, that a state

will infallibly grow old and feeble, if hereditary riches support

hereditary rank, under any description. But when courts and

primogeniture are done away, and simple equal laws are established, what

is to prevent each generation from retaining the vigour of youth?—What

can weaken the body or mind, when the great majority of society must

exercise both, to earn a subsistence, and acquire respectability?

The french revolution is a strong proof how far things will govern men,

when simple principles begin to act with one powerful spring against the

complicated wheels of ignorance; numerous in proportion to their

weakness, and constantly wanting repair, because expedients of the

moment are ever the spawn of cowardly folly, or the narrow calculations

of selfishness. To elucidate this truth, it is not necessary to rake

among the ashes of barbarous ambition; to show the ignorance and

consequent folly of the monarchs, who ruled with a rod of iron, when the

hordes of european savages began to form their governments; though the

review of this portion of history would clearly prove, that narrowness

of mind naturally produces ferociousness of temper.

We may boast of the poetry of those ages, and of those charming flights

of imagination, which, during the paroxysms of passion, flash out in

those single acts of heroic virtue, that throw a lustre over a whole

thoughtless life; but the cultivation of the understanding, in spite of

these northern lights, appears to be the only way to tame men, whose

restlessness of spirit creates the vicious passions, that lead to

tyranny and cruelty. When the body is strong, and the blood warm, men do

not like to think, or adopt any plan of conduct, unless broken-in by

degrees: the force that has often spent itself in fatal activity becomes

a rich source of energy of mind.

Men exclaim, only noticing the evil, against the luxury introduced with

the arts and sciences; when it is obviously the cultivation of these

alone, emphatically termed the arts of peace, that can turn the sword

into a ploughshare. War is the adventure naturally pursued by the idle,

and it requires something of this species, to excite the strong emotions

necessary to rouse inactive minds. Ignorant people, when they appear to

reflect, exercise their imagination more than their understanding;

indulging reveries, instead of pursuing a train of thinking; and thus

grow romantic, like the croisaders; or like women, who are commonly idle

and restless.

If we turn then with disgust from ensanguined regal pomp, and the

childish rareeshows that amuse the enslaved multitude, we shall feel

still more contempt for the order of men, who cultivated their

faculties, only to enable them to consolidate their power, by leading

the ignorant astray; making the learning they concentrated in their

cells, a more polished instrument of oppression. Struggling with so many

impediments, the progress of useful knowledge for several ages was

scarcely perceptible; though respect for the public opinion, that great

softner of manners, and only substitute for moral principles, was

gaining ground.

The croisades, however, gave a shake to society, that changed it’s face;

and the spirit of chivalry, assuming a new character during the reign of

the gallant Francis the first, began to meliorate the ferocity of the

ancient gauls and franks. The _point d’honneur_ being settled, the

character of a _gentleman_, held ever since so dear in France, was

gradually formed; and this kind of bastard morality, frequently the only

substitute for all the ties that nature has rendered sacred, kept those

men within bounds, who obeyed no other law.

The same spirit mixed with the sanguinary treachery of the Guises, and

gave support to the manly dignity of Henry the fourth, on whom nature

had bestowed that warmth of constitution, tenderness of heart, and

rectitude of understanding, which naturally produce an energetic

character.—A supple force, that, exciting love, commands esteem.

During the ministry of Richelieu, when the dynasty of _favouritism_

commenced, the arts were patronized, and the italian mode of governing

by intrigue tended to weaken bodies, polished by the friction of

continual finesse. Dissimulation imperceptibly slides into falshood, and

Mazarin, dissimulation personified, paved the way for the imposing pomp

and false grandeur of the reign of the haughty and inflated Louis 14th;

which, by introducing a taste for majestic frivolity, accelerated the

perfection of that species of civilization, which consists in the

refining of the senses at the expence of the heart; the source of all

real dignity, honour, virtue, and every noble quality of the mind.

Endeavouring to make bigotry tolerate voluptuousness, and honour and

licentiousness shake hands, sight was lost of the line of distinction,

or vice was hid under the mask of it’s correlative virtue. The glory of

France, a bubble raised by the heated breath of the king, was the

pretext for undermining happiness; whilst politeness took place of

humanity, and created that fort of dependance, which leads men to barter

their corn and wine, for unwholesome mixtures of they know not what,

that, flattering a depraved appetite, destroy the tone of the stomach.

The feudal taste for tournaments and martial feasts was now naturally

succeeded by a fondness for theatrical entertainments; when feats of

valour became too great an exertion of the weakened muscles to afford

pleasure, and men found that resource in cultivation of mind, which

renders activity of body less necessary to keep the stream of life from

stagnating.

All the pieces written at this period, except Moliere’s, reflected the

manners of the court, and thus perverted the forming taste. That

extraordinary man alone wrote on the grand scale of human passions, for

mankind at large, leaving to inferiour authors the task of imitating the

drapery of manners, which points out the _costume_ of the age.

Corneille, like our Dryden, often tottering on the brink of absurdity

and nonsense, full of noble ideas, which, crouding indistinctly on his

fancy, he expresses obscurely, still delights his readers by sketching

faint outlines of gigantic passions; and, whilst the charmed imagination

is lured to follow him over enchanted ground, the heart is sometimes

unexpectedly touched by a sublime or pathetic sentiment, true to nature.

Racine, soon after, in elegant harmonious language painted the manners

of his time, and with great judgement gave a picturesque cast to many

unnatural scenes and factitious sentiments: always endeavouring to make

his characters amiable, he is unable to render them dignified; and the

refined morality, scattered throughout, belongs to the code of

politeness rather than to that of virtue[1]. Fearing to stray from

courtly propriety of behaviour, and shock a fastidious audience, the

gallantry of his heroes interests only the gallant, and literary people,

whose minds are open to different species of amusement. He was, in fact,

the father of the french stage. Nothing can equal the fondness which the

french suck in with their milk for public places, particularly the

theatre; and this taste, giving the tone to their conduct, has produced

so many stage tricks on the grand theatre of the nation, where old

principles vamped up with new scenes and decorations, are continually

represented.

Their national character is, perhaps, more formed by their theatrical

amusements, than is generally imagined: they are in reality the schools

of vanity. And, after this kind of education, is it surprising, that

almost every thing is said and done for stage effect? or that cold

declamatory extasies blaze forth, only to mock the expectation with a

show of warmth?

Thus sentiments spouted from the lips come oftner from the head than the

heart. Indeed natural sentiments are only the characters given by the

imagination to recollected sensations; but the french, by the continual

gratification of their senses, stifle the reveries of their imagination,

which always requires to be acted upon by outward objects; and seldom

reflecting on their feelings, their sensations are ever lively and

transitory; exhaled by every passing beam, and dissipated by the

slightest storm.

If a relish for the broad mirth of _fun_ characterize the lower class of

english, the french of every denomination are equally delighted with a

phosphorical, sentimental gilding. This is constantly observable at the

theatres. The passions are deprived of all their radical strength, to

give smoothness to the ranting sentiments, which, with mock dignity,

like the party-coloured rags on the shrivelled branches of the tree of

liberty, stuck up in every village, are displayed as something very

grand and significant.

The wars of Louis were, likewise, theatrical exhibitions; and the

business of his life was adjusting ceremonials, of which he himself

became the dupe, when his grandeur was in the wane, and his animal

spirits were spent[2]. But, towards the close even of his reign, the

writings of Fenelon, and the conversation of his pupil, the duke of

Burgundy, gave rise to different political discussions, of which the

theoretical basis was the happiness of the people—till death, spreading

a huge pall over the family and glory of Louis, compassion draws his

faults under the same awful canopy, and we sympathize with the man in

adversity, whose prosperity was pestiferous.

Louis, by imposing on the senses of his people, gave a new turn to the

chivalrous humour of the age: for, with the true spirit of quixotism,

the french made a point of honour of adoring their king; and the glory

of the _grand monarque_ became the national pride, even when it cost

them most dear.

As a proof of the perversion of mind at that period, and the false

political opinions which prevailed, making the unhappy king the slave of

his own despotism, it is sufficient to select one anecdote.

A courtier assures us,[3] that the most humiliating circumstance that

ever happened to the king, and one of those which gave him most pain,

was the publication of a memorial circulated with great diligence by his

enemies throughout France. In this memorial the allies invited the

french to demand the assembling of their ancient _states-general_. They

tell them, “that the ambition and pride of the king were the only causes

of the wars during his reign; and that, to secure themselves a lasting

peace, it was incumbent on them not to lay down their arms till the

states-general were convoked.”

It almost surpasses belief to add, that, in spite of the imprisonment,

exile, flight, or execution of two millions of french, this memorial

produced little effect. But the king, who was severely hurt, took care

to have a reply written[4]; though he might have comforted himself with

the recollection, that, when they were last assembled, Louis XIII

dismissed them with empty promises, forgotten as soon as made.

The enthusiasm of the french, which, in general, hurries them from one

extreme to another, at this time produced a total change of manners.

During the regency, vice was not only bare-faced, but audacious; and the

tide completely turned: the hypocrites were now all ranged on the other

side, the courtiers, labouring to show their abhorrence of religious

hypocrisy, set decency at defiance, and did violence to the modesty of

nature, when they wished to outrage the squeamish puerilities of

superstition.

In the character of the regent we may trace all the vices and graces of

false refinement; forming the taste by destroying the heart. Devoted to

pleasure, he so soon exhausted the intoxicating cup of all it’s sweets,

that his life was spent in searching amongst the dregs, for the novelty

that could give a gasp of life to enjoyment. The wit, which at first was

the zest of his nocturnal orgies, soon gave place, as flat, to the

grossest excesses, in which the principal variety was flagitious

immorality. And what has he done to rescue his name from obloquy, but

protect a few debauched artists and men of letters? His goodness of

heart only appeared in sympathy. He pitied the distresses of the people,

when before his eyes; and as quickly forgot these yearnings of heart in

his sensual stye.

He often related, with great pleasure, an anecdote of the prior de

Vendôme, who chanced to please a mistress of Charles II, and the king

could only get rid of his rival by requesting Louis XIV to recall him.

At those moments he would bestow the warmest praises on the english

constitution; and seemed enamoured of liberty, though authorising at the

time the most flagrant violations of property, and despotic arts of

cruelty. The only good he did his country[5] arose from this frivolous

circumstance; for introducing the fashion of admiring the english, he

led men to read and translate some of their masculine writers, which

greatly contributed to rouse the sleeping manhood of the french. His

love of the fine arts, however, has led different authors to strew

flowers over his unhallowed dust—fit emblem of the brilliant qualities,

that ornamented only the soil on which they grew.

The latter part of the reign of Louis XV is notorious for the same

atrocious debaucheries, unvarnished by wit, over which modesty would

fain draw a veil, were it not necessary to give the last touches to the

portrait of that vile despotism, under the lash of which twenty-five

millions of people groaned; till, unable to endure the increasing weight

of oppression, they rose like a vast elephant, terrible in his anger,

treading down with blind fury friends as well as foes.

Impotence of body, and indolence of mind, rendered Louis XV the slave of

his mistresses, who sought to forget his nauseous embraces in the arms

of knaves, who found their account in caressing them. Every corner of

the kingdom was ransacked to satiate these cormorants, who wrung the

very bowels of industry, to give a new edge to sickly appetites;

corrupting the morals whilst breaking the spirit of the nation.

CHAPTER II.

MARIE-ANTOINETTE. LOUIS XVI. ADMINISTRATION OF NECKER, AND OF CALONNE.

NOTABLES CONVENED. CALONNE DISGRACED,—AND OBLIGED TO FLEE THE KINGDOM.

HIS CHARACTER. CAUSES OF THE ENSLAVED STATE OF EUROPE.

During this general depravation of manners, the young and beautiful

_dauphine_ arrived; and was received with a kind of idolatrous

adoration, only to be seen in France; for the inhabitants of the

metropolis, literally speaking, could think and talk of nothing else;

and in their eagerness to pay homage, or gratify affectionate curiosity,

an immense number were killed.

In such a voluptuous atmosphere, how could she escape contagion? The

profligacy of Louis XIV, when love and war were his amusements, was

soberness, compared with the capricious intemperance of the inebriated

imagination at this period. Madame du Barry was then in the zenith of

her power, which quickly excited the jealousy of this princess, whose

strongest passion was that intolerable family pride, which heated the

blood of the whole house of Austria. An inclination for court intrigue,

under the mask of the most profound dissimulation, to preserve the

favour of Louis XV, was instantly called into action; and it soon became

the only business of her life, either to gratify resentment, or cheat

the satiety, which the continual and unrestrained indulgence of pleasure

produced.

Her character thus formed, when she became absolute mistress, the court

of the passive Louis, not only the most dissolute and abandoned that

ever displayed the folly of royalty, but audaciously negligent with

respect to that attention to decency, which is necessary to delude the

vulgar, was deserted by all persons, who had any regard for their moral

character, or the decorum of appearances. Constrained by the

_etiquette_, which made the principal part of the imposing grandeur of

Louis XIV, the queen wished to throw aside the cumbersome brocade of

ceremony, without having discernment enough to perceive, that it was

necessary to lend mock dignity to a court, where there was not

sufficient virtue, or native beauty, to give interest or respectability

to simplicity. The harlot is seldom such a fool as to neglect her

meretricious ornaments, unless she renounces her trade; and the

pageantry of courts is the same thing on a larger scale. The lively

predilection, likewise, of the queen for her native country, and love

for her brother Joseph, to whom she repeatedly sent considerable sums,

purloined from the public, tended greatly to inspire the most ineffable

contempt for royalty, now stript of the frippery which had concealed

it’s deformity: and the sovereign disgust excited by her ruinous vices,

completely destroying all reverence for that majesty, to which power

alone lent dignity, contempt soon produced hatred.

The infamous transaction of the necklace, in which she was probably the

dupe of the knaves she fostered, exasperated also both the nobility and

the clergy; and, with her messalinian feasts at _Trianon_, made her the

common mark of ridicule and satire.

The attention of the people once roused was not permitted to sleep; for

fresh circumstances daily occurred, to give a new spring to discussions,

that the most iniquitous and heavy taxes brought home to every bosom;

till the extravagance of the royal family became the general subject of

sharpening execrations.

The king, who had not sufficient resolution to support the

administration of Turgot, whom his disposition for moderation had

chosen, being at a loss what measures to take, called to the helm the

plausible Necker. He, only half comprehending the plans of his able

predecessor, was led by his vanity cautiously to adopt them; first

publishing his _Comte-rendu_, to clear the way to popularity. This work

was read with astonishing rapidity by all ranks of men; and alarming the

courtiers, Necker was, in his turn, dismissed. He retired to write his

observations on the administration of the finances, which kept alive the

spirit of inquiry, that afterwards broke the talisman of courts, and

showed the disenchanted multitude, that those, whom they had been taught

to respect as supernatural beings, were not indeed men—but monsters;

deprived by their station of humanity, and even sympathy.

Several abortive attempts were then made by two succeeding ministers, to

keep alive public credit, and find resources to supply the expenditure

of the state, and the dissipation of the court, when the king was

persuaded to place the specious Calonne at the head of these embarrassed

affairs.

During the prodigal administration of this man, who acted with an

audacity peculiar to the arrogance common in men of superficial yet

brilliant talents, every consideration was sacrificed to the court; the

splendid folly and wanton prodigality of which eclipsing all that has

been related in history, or told in romance, to amuse wondering fools,

only served to accelerate the destruction of public credit, and hasten

the revolution, by exciting the clamourous indignation of the people.

Numberless destructive expedients of the moment brought money into the

state coffers, only to be dissipated by the royal family, and it’s train

of parasites; till all failing, the wish of still supporting himself in

a situation so desirable as that of comptroller general of the finances,

determined him to convene an assembly of _notables_: whose very

appellation points them out as men in the aristocratical interest.

Louis XVI, with a considerable portion of common sense, and a desire to

promote useful reformation, though always governed by those around him,

gave without hesitation the necessary orders for calling together the

assembly, that afforded the wearied nation the most pleasing prospect,

because it was a new one; but conveyed to their astonished minds at the

same time the knowledge of the enormity of a _deficit_, which a series

of vice and folly had augmented beyond all precedent.

The immoralities of Calonne, however, had created a general distrust of

all his designs: but with an overweening presumption, the characteristic

of the man, he still thought, that he could dexterously obtain the

supplies wanted to keep the wheels of government in motion, and quiet

the clamours of the nation, by proposing the equalization of taxes;

which, humbling the nobility and dignified clergy, who were thus to be

brought down from their privileged height, to the level of citizens,

could not fail to be grateful to the rest of the nation. And the

parliaments, he concluded, would not dare to oppose his system, lest

they should draw on themselves the distrust and hatred of the public.

Without canvassing Calonne’s intentions, which the most enlarged

charity, after his former extravagance, can scarcely suppose to have

been the interest of the people, moderate men imagined this project

might have been productive of much good; giving the french all the

liberty they were able to digest; and, warding off the tumults that have

since produced so many disastrous events, whilst coolly preparing them

for the reception of more, the effervescence of vanity and ignorance

would not have rendered their heads giddy, or their hearts savage. Yet

some sensible observers, on the contrary, rather adopted the opinion,

that as the people had discovered the magnitude of the _deficit_, they

were now persuaded, that a specific remedy was wanting, _a new

constitution_; to cure the evils, which were the excrescences of a

gigantic tyranny, that appeared to be draining away the vital juices of

labour, to fill the insatiable jaws of thousands of fawning slaves and

idle sycophants. But though the people might, for the present, have been

satisfied with this salutary reform, which would gradually have had an

effect, reasoning from analogy, that the financier did not take, into

his account, the nobility were not sufficiently enlightened to listen to

the dictates of justice or prudence. It had been, indeed, the system of

ministers, ever since Richelieu, to humble the nobles, to increase the

power of the court; and as the ministry, the generals, and the bishops,

were always noble, they aided to support the favourite, who depressed

the whole body, only for the chance of individual preferment. But this

bare-faced attempt to abolish their privileges raised a nest of hornets

about his ears, eager to secure the plunder on which they lived; for by

what other name can we call the pensions, places and even estates of

those who, taxing industry, rioted in idleness duty free[6]?

An approaching national bankruptcy was the ostensible reason assigned

for the convening of the _notables_ in 1787; but the convocation, in

truth, ought to be ascribed to the voice of reason, founded through the

organ of twenty-five millions of human beings, who, though under the

fetters of a detestable tyranny, felt, that the crisis was at hand, when

the rights of man, and his dignity ascertained were to be enthroned on

the eternal basis of justice and humanity.

The _notables_, once assembled, being sensible, that their conduct would

be inspected by an awakened public, now on the watch, scrupulously

examined into every national concern; and seriously investigated the

causes, that had produced the _deficit_, with something like the

independent spirit of freemen. To their inquiries, however, the minister

gave only the evasive reply, ‘that he had acted in obedience to the

pleasure of the king:’ when it was notorious to all Europe, that his

majesty was merely a cipher at Versailles; and even the accusation

brought against Calonne, by La Fayette, of exchanging the national

domains, and appropriating millions of it’s revenue to gratify the

queen, the count d’Artois, and the rest of the cabal, who kept him in

place, was generally believed. In fact, the state had been fleeced, to

support the unremitting demands of the queen; who would have dismembered

France, to aggrandize Austria, and pamper her favourites. Thus the court

conniving at peculation, the minister played a sure game; whilst the

honest labourer was groaning under a thousand abuses, and yielding the

solace of his industry, or the hoards, which youthful strength had

reserved for times of scarcity or decrepit age, to irritate the

increasing wants of a thoughtless, treacherous princess, and the avarice

of her unprincipled agents.

This artful, though weak, machiavelian politician suffered no other

person to approach the king; who, seduced into confidence by his

colloquial powers, could not avoid being dazzled by his plausible

schemes. He had, nevertheless, a powerful enemy to contend with, in M.

de Breteuil; who, having gratified some of the little passions of the

dauphine, during her first struggles for dominion, was now protected by

the absolute power of the queen. Endeavouring to measure his strength

with her’s, the minister was discomfited; and the whole swarm of

flatterers, who had partaken of the spoil of rapine, were instantly

alert to open the eyes of Louis, over which they had long been

scattering poppies, and soon convinced him of the perfidy of his

favourite; whilst the two privileged orders joined their forces, to

overwhelm their common enemy, attending to their vengeance at the very

time they followed the dictates of prudence.

The accusations of La Fayette served, perhaps, as the ostensible reason

with the public, and even with the king; yet it can hardly be supposed,

that they had any effect on the cabal, who invented, or connived at the

plans necessary to raise a continual supply for their pleasures. The

fact is, that, most probably being found unequal to the task, or no

longer choosing to be a docile instrument of mischief, he was thrown

aside as unfit for use.

Disgraced, he quickly retired to his estate; but was not long permitted

to struggle with the malady of exiled ministers, in the gloomy silence

of inactivity; for, hearing that he had been denounced by the

parliament, he fled in a transport of rage out of the kingdom, covered

with the execrations of an injured people, in whose hatred, or

admiration, the mellowed shades of reflection are seldom seen.

The extravagance of his administration exceeded that of any other

scourge of France; yet it does not appear, that he was actuated by a

plan, or even desire, of enriching himself. So far from it, with wild

prodigality he seems to have squandered away the vast sums he extorted

by force or fraud, merely to gratify or purchase friends and dependents;

till, quite exhausted, he was obliged to have recourse to Necker’s

scheme of loans. But not possessing like him the confidence of the

public, he could not with equal facility obtain a present supply, the

weight of which would be thrown forward to become a stumbling-block to

his successors. Necker, by the advantageous terms which he held out to

money-holders, had introduced a pernicious system of stock-jobbing, that

was slowly detected, because those who could best have opened the eyes

of the people were interested to keep them closed.—Still Calonne could

not induce the same body of men to trust to his offers; which, not

choosing to accept, they made a point of discrediting, to secure the

interest and exorbitant premiums that were daily becoming due.

With an uncommon quickness of comprehension, and audacity in pursuing

crude schemes, rendered plausible by a rhetorical flow of words,

Calonne, a strong representative of the national character, seems rather

to have wanted principles than feelings of humanity; and to have been

led astray more by vanity and the love of pleasure, which imperceptibly

smooth away moral restraints, than by those deep plans of guilt, that

force men to see the extent of the mischief they are hatching, whilst

the crocodile is still in the egg. Yet, as mankind ever judge by events,

the inconsiderate presumption, if not the turpitude of his conduct,

brought on him universal censure: for, at a crisis when the general

groans of an oppressed nation proclaimed the disease of the state, and

even when the government was on the verge of dissolution, did he not

waste the treasures of his country, forgetful not only of moral

obligations, but the ties of honour, of that regard for the tacit

confidence of it’s citizens, which a statesman ought to hold sacred?

since which he has been caressed at almost every court in Europe, and

made one of the principal agents of despotism in the croisades against

the infant liberty of France.

Reflecting on the conduct of the tools of courts, we are enabled in a

great measure to account for the slavery of Europe; and to discover,

that it’s misery has not arisen more from the imperfection of

civilization, than from the fallacy of those political systems, which

necessarily made the favourite of the day a knavish tyrant, eager to

amass riches sufficient to save himself from oblivion, when the honours,

so hardly wrestled for, should be torn from his brow. Besides, whilst

ministers have found impunity in the omnipotence, which the seal of

power gave them, and in the covert fear of those who hoped one day to

enjoy the same emoluments, they have been led by the prevalence of

depraved manners, to the commission of every atrocious folly. Kings have

been the dupes of ministers, of mistresses, and secretaries, not to

notice sly valets and cunning waiting-maids, who are seldom idle; and

these are most venal, because they have least independence of character

to support; till in the circle of corruption no one can point out the

first mover. Hence proceeds the great tenacity of courts to support

them; hence originates their great objection to republican forms of

government, which oblige their ministers to be accountable for

delinquency; and hence, likewise, might be traced their agonizing fears

of the doctrine of civil equality.

CHAPTER III.

ADMINISTRATION OF DE BRIENNE. DISSOLUTION OF THE NOTABLES. LAND TAX AND

STAMP DUTY RECOMMENDED BY THEM, BUT REFUSED TO BE SANCTIONED BY THE

PARLIAMENT. BED OF JUSTICE. THE PARLIAMENT BANISHED TO TROYES,—BUT SOON

COMPROMISED FOR IT’S RECALL. STRUGGLES OF THE COURT PARTY TO PREVENT THE

CONVOCATION OF THE STATES-GENERAL. BANISHMENT OF THE DUKE OF ORLEANS,

AND TWO SPIRITED MEMBERS OF THE PARLIAMENT. COUR PLENIERE. REMARKS ON

THE PARLIAMENTS. IMPRISONMENT OF THE MEMBERS. DEPUTIES OF THE PROVINCE

OF BRITANNY SENT TO THE BASTILLE. THE SOLDIERY LET LOOSE UPON THE

PEOPLE.

After the dismission of Calonne, M. de Brienne, a man whose talents

Turgot had overrated, was now chosen by the queen, because he had

formerly seconded her views, and was still the obsequious slave of that

power, which he had long been courting, to obtain the so much envied

place of minister. Having taken more pains to gain the post than to

prepare himself to fulfil it’s functions, his weak and timid mind was in

a continual tumult; and he adopted with head-long confusion the taxes

proposed by his predecessor; because money must be had, and he knew not

where to turn to procure it by an unhacknied mode of extortion.

The _notables_ were now dissolved; and it would have been a natural

consequence of the dismission of the minister who assembled them, even

if their spirited inquiries had not rendered their presence vexatious to

the court. This, however, was an impolitic measure; for they returned

highly disgusted to their respective abodes, to propagate the free

opinions, to which resentment and argumentation had given birth.

Before the breaking up of the _notables_, they were nevertheless

prevailed upon to recommend a land and stamp tax; and the edicts were

sent to the parliament to be enregistered. But these magistrates, never

forgetting that they enjoyed, in virtue of their office, the privileged

exemption from taxes, to elude sanctioning the first, which was to have

been an equal impost, took advantage of the public odiousness of the

second; thus avoiding, with a show of patriotism, an avowed opposition

to the interest of the people, that would clearly have proved, how much

dearer they held their own.

The gaudy and meretricious pageantry of the court was now displayed, to

intimidate the parliament, at what was termed a bed of justice, though

in reality of all justice a solemn mockery; and, whilst pretending to

consult them, the edicts were enregistered by a mandate of state. The

parliament, in the mean time, making a merit of necessity, declared,

that the right of sanctioning the impost belonged only to the

states-general, the convocation of which they demanded. Provoked by

their sturdy opposition, the court banished them to Troyes; and they

compromised for their recall by enregistering the prolongation of the

_deuxieme vingtieme_, a cowardly desertion of their former ground.

A century before (a proof of the progress of reason) the people,

digesting their disappointment, would have submitted, with brutal

acquiescence, to the majestic WILL of the king, without daring to scan

it’s import; but now, recognizing their own dignity, they insisted, that

all authority, which did not originate with them, was illegal and

despotic, and loudly resounded the grand truth—That it was necessary to

convoke the states-general. The government, however, like a dying wretch

cut off by intemperance, whilst the lust of enjoyment still remaining

prompts him to exhaust his strength by struggling with death, fought

some time longer inauspiciously for existence, depending on the succour

of the court empirics, who vainly flattered themselves, that they could

prevent it’s dissolution. From the moment, indeed, that Brienne

succeeded Calonne, all the machinery, which the demon of despotism could

invent, was put in motion, to divert the current of opinion, bearing on

it’s fair bosom the new sentiments of liberty with irresistible force,

and overwhelming, as it swelled, the perishing monuments of venerable

folly, and the fragile barriers of superstitious ignorance.

But supplies were still wanting; and the court, being fruitful in

stratagems to procure a loan, which was the necessary lever of it’s

insidious designs, coalesced with some of the members of the parliament,

and the agreement was to have been ratified in a _séance royale_. Yet,

as the parliament had determined to be governed by a clear majority, the

scheme of the keeper of the seals, who intended to have the business

hurried over without telling the votes, was completely defeated.

The discovery of this unfair attempt made the indignant magistrates,

glad to seize an occasion to recover their popularity, maintain with

boldness their own character, and the interest of the people. The duke

of Orleans, also, somewhat tauntingly suggesting to the king, that this

was only another bed of justice, was exiled, with two other members, who

had remonstrated with courage. These magistrates, now become the objects

of public adoration, were considered by the grateful public as their

only bulwark against the attacks of the ministry; which continued to

harrass invention, to contrive means to counteract a concurrence of

circumstances, that were driving before them all opposition.

The court, for I consider the government, at this period, completely at

an end, continued to stumble out of one blunder into another, till at

last they rested all their hopes on the popular reforms projected by

Brienne, in conjunction with Lamoignon, a man with more strength of

character, to cajole the people and crush the parliament. Several

strokes, the feeble blows of angry men, who wished still to retain the

stolen sweets of office, were aimed at this body, calculated to mislead

the people, who were also promised a reformed code of penal laws. But

the time when partial remedies would have been eagerly swallowed was

past, and the people saw distinctly, that their will would soon be law,

and their power omnipotent. But the minister, Brienne, not aware of

this, to steer clear of further opposition, proposed the plan of a _cour

pléniere_: an heterogeneous assembly of princes, nobles, magistrates,

and soldiers. A happy substitute, as he imagined, for the parliament;

and which, by restoring the ancient forms of the kings of France, would

awe and amuse the people. He did not consider, that their minds were now

full of other objects, and their enthusiasm turned into another channel.

This conduct proved more destructive to the court than any former folly

it’s advisers had committed. Imbecility now characterized every measure.

The parliament however fell into the snare, and forfeited the esteem and

confidence of the people by opposing some popular edicts; particularly

one in favour of the protestants, which they themselves had demanded ten

years before, and to which they now objected, only because it came from

another quarter. Yet the court, regardless of experience, endeavoured to

restore it’s credit by persecution; whilst, making all the clashing

movements that fear could dictate to manifest it’s power and overawe the

nation, it united all parties, and drew the whole kingdom to one point

of action.

The despotic and extravagant steps taken, to give efficiency to the

_cour pléniere_, awakened the sensibility of the most torpid; and the

vigilance of twenty-five millions of centinels was roused, to watch the

movements of the court, and follow it’s corrupt ministers, through all

the labyrinths of sophistry and tergiversation, into the very dens of

their nefarious machinations. To prevent the different parliaments from

deliberating, and forming in consequence a plan of conduct together, the

edict to sanction this packed cabinet was to be presented to them all on

the same day; and a considerable force was assembled, to intimidate the

members, who should dare to prove refractory. But, they were forewarned

in time, to avoid being surprised into acquiescence: for, having

received an intimation of the design, a copy of the edict had been

purloined from the press, by means of the universal engine of

corruption, money.

Warmed by the discovery of this surreptitious attempt to cheat them into

blind obedience, they bound themselves by an oath, to act in concert;

and not to enregister a decree, that had been obtained through a medium,

which violated the privilege they had usurped of having a share in the

legislation, by rendering their sanction of edicts necessary to give

them force: a privilege that belonged only to the states-general. Still,

as the government had often found it convenient to make the parliaments

a substitute for a power they dreaded to see in action, these

magistrates sometimes availed themselves of this weakness, to

remonstrate against oppression; and thus, covering usurpation with a

respectable veil, the twelve parliaments were considered by the people

as the only barriers to resist the encroachments of despotism. Yet the

sagacious chancellor L’Hôpital, not deceived by their accidental

usefulness, guarded the french against their illegal ambition: for was

it not a dangerous courtesy of the people, to allow an aristocracy of

lawyers, who bought their places, to be as it were the only

representatives of the nation? Still their resistance had frequently

been an impediment in the way of tyranny, and now provoked a discussion,

which led to the most important of all questions—namely, in whose hands

ought the sovereignty to rest?—who ought to levy the impost, and make

laws?—and the answer was the universal demand of a fair representation,

to meet at stated periods, without depending on the caprice of the

executive power. Unable to effect their purpose by art or force, the

weak ministry, stung by the disappointment, determined at least to wreak

their vengeance on two of the boldest of the members. But the united

magistrates disputing the authority of the armed force, it was necessary

to send to Versailles, to make the king sign an express order; and

towards five o’clock the next morning the sanctuary of justice was

profaned, and the two members dragged to prison, in contempt of the

visible indignation of the people. Soon after, to fill up the measure of

provocations, a deputation sent by the province of Brittany, to

remonstrate against the establishment of the _cour pléniere_, were

condemned to silence in the Bastille.

Without money, and afraid to demand it, excepting in a circumlocutory

manner, the court, like mad men, spent themselves in idle exertions of

strength: for, whilst the citizens of Paris were burning in effigy the

two obnoxious ministers, who thus outraged them in the person of their

magistrates, they were delivered up to the fury of the hired slaves of

despotism, and trampled under foot by the cavalry; who were called in to

quell a riot purposely excited.

Cries of horrour and indignation resounded throughout the kingdom; and

the nation, with one voice, demanded justice—Alas! justice had never

been known in France. Retaliation and vengeance had been it’s fatal

substitutes. And from this epoch we may date the commencement of those

butcheries, which have brought on that devoted country so many dreadful

calamities, by teaching the people to avenge themselves with blood!

The hopes of the nation, it is true, were still turned towards the

promised convocation of the states-general; which every day became more

necessary. But the infatuated ministers, though unable to devise any

scheme to extricate themselves out of the crowd of difficulties, into

which they had heedlessly plunged, could not think of convening a power,

which they foresaw, without any great stretch of sagacity, would quickly

annihilate their own.

The ferment, mean time, continued, and the blood that had been shed

served only to increase it; nay, the citizens of Grenoble prepared with

calmness to resist force by force, and the myrmidons of tyranny might

have found it a serious contest, if the intelligence of the dismission

of the ministers had not produced one of those moments of enthusiasm,

which by the most rapid operation of sympathy unites all hearts. Touched

by it, the men who lived on the wages of slaughter threw down their

arms, and melting into tears in the embraces of the citizens whom they

came to murder, remembered that they were countrymen, and groaned under

the same oppression: and, their conduct, quickly applauded with that

glow of sensibility which excites imitation, served as an example to the

whole army, forcing the soldiers to think of their situation, and might

have proved a salutary lesson to any court less depraved and insensible

than that of Versailles.

CHAPTER IV.

NECKER RECALLED. HIS CHARACTER. NOTABLES CONVENED A SECOND TIME.

COALITION OF THE NOBILITY AND CLERGY IN DEFENCE OF THEIR PRIVILEGES.

PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLIES OF THE PEOPLE. POLITICAL PUBLICATIONS IN FAVOUR OF

THE TIERS-ETAT. GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON REFORM,—ON THE PRESENT STATE OF

EUROPE,—AND ON THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE.

Such were the measures pursued to exasperate a people beginning to open

their eyes, and now clamourously demanding the restitution of their

long-estranged rights; when the court, having in vain attempted to

terrify or deceive them, found it expedient to still the storm by

recalling Necker. This man had the confidence of France, which he in

some degree merited for the light he had thrown on the state of the

revenue, and for the system of economy, that he had endeavoured to adopt

during his former administration: but unfortunately he did not possess

talents or political sagacity sufficient to pilot the state in this

perilous season. Bred up in a counting-house, he acquired that knowledge

of detail, and attention to little advantages, so necessary when a man

desires to amass riches with what is termed a fair character: and,

having accumulated a very large fortune by unremitting industry; or, to

borrow the commercial phrase, _attention to the main chance_, his house

became the resort of the men of letters of his day.

The foibles of a rich man are always fostered, sometimes perhaps

insensibly, by his numerous dependents and visitants, who find his table

amusing or convenient. It is not then surprizing, that, with the

abilities of a tolerable financier, he was soon persuaded, that he was a

great author, and consummate statesman. Besides, when the manners of a

nation are very depraved, the men who wish to appear, and even to be,

more moral than the multitude, in general become pedantically virtuous;

and, continually contrasting their morals with the thoughtless vices

around them, the artificial, narrow character of a sectary is formed;

the manners are rendered stiff, and the heart cold. The dupes also of

their flimsey virtue, many men are harshly called hypocrites, who are

only weak; and popularity often turns the head giddy, that would have

soberly fulfilled the common duties of a man in the shade of private

life.

Having adopted with a timid hand many of the sagacious plans of his

model, the clear headed, unaffected Turgot, Necker was considered by the

greater part of the nation as a consummate politician: neither was it

surprizing, that the people, snatched from despondency, should have

mistaken the extent of his political knowledge, when they had estimated

it by that of the greatest statesman, which France, or, perhaps, any

other country, ever produced.

Having written on a subject, that naturally attracted the attention of

the public, he had the vanity to believe, that he deserved the

exaggerated applause he received, and the reputation of wise, when he

was only shrewd. Not content with the fame he acquired by writing on a

subject, which his turn of mind and profession enabled him to

comprehend, he wished to obtain a higher degree of celebrity, by forming

into a large book various metaphysical shreds of arguments, which he had

collected from the conversation of men, fond of ingenious subtilties;

and the style, excepting some declamatory passages, was as inflated and

confused as the thoughts were far fetched and unconnected[7].

As it is from this period, that we must date the commencement of those

great events, which, outrunning expectation, have almost rendered

observation breathless, it becomes necessary to enter on the task with

caution; as it ought not to be more the object of the historian to fill

up the sketch, than to trace the hidden springs and secret mechanism,

which have put in motion a revolution, the most important that has ever

been recorded in the annals of man. This was a crisis that demanded

boldness and precision; and no man in France, excepting Necker, had the

reputation of possessing extensive political talents; because the old

system of government scarcely afforded a field, in which the abilities

of men could be unfolded, and their judgment matured by experience. Yet,

whilst the kingdom was in the greatest fermentation, he seems to have

thought of none but those timid half-way measures, which always prove

disastrous in desperate cases, when the wound requires to be probed to

the quick.

The old government was then only a vast ruin; and whilst it’s pillars

were trembling on their baseless foundations, the eyes of all France

were directed towards their admired minister. In this situation, with

all his former empiricism he began his second career, like another

Sangrado. But the people could no longer bear bleeding—for their veins

were already so lacerated, it was difficult to find room to make a fresh

incision; and the emollient prescriptions, the practice of former times,

were now insufficient to stop the progress of a deadly disease. In this

situation, listening to the voice of the nation, because he was at a

loss what step to take to maintain his popularity, he determined to

hasten the convocation of the states-general: first recalling the exiled

magistrates, and restoring the parliaments to the exercise of their

functions. His next care was to dissipate all apprehension of a famine;

a fear that had been artfully excited by the court agents, in order to

have a pretext to form magazines of provision for an army, which they

had previously resolved to assemble in the vicinity of Paris.

Thus far he seems to have acted with some degree of prudence, at least;

but, inattentive to the robust strength which the public opinion had

then acquired, he wavered as to the mode of constituting the

states-general, whilst the parliament passed a decree to prevent their

assembling in any other manner than they did in 1614. This obstinate

pretention to legislate for the nation was no longer to be tolerated,

when they opposed the wishes of the people: yet, with the common

instinct of corporate bodies, they wrapped themselves up in the

precedents that proved their winding-sheet, provoking universal

contempt; for the herculean force of the whole empire was now clearing

away every obstacle to freedom.

At this critical moment, the minister, enjoying great popularity, had it

in his power, could he have governed the court, to have suggested a

system, which might ultimately have proved acceptable to all parties;

and thus have prevented that dreadful convulsion, which has shook the

kingdom from one extremity to the other. Instead of that, he convened a

second time the _notables_, to take their opinion on a subject,

respecting which the public had already decided, not daring himself to

sanction it’s decision. The strongest proof he could give, that his mind

was not sufficiently elastic to expand with the opening views of the

people; and that he did not possess the eye of genius, which, quickly

distinguishing what is possible, enables a statesman to act with firm

dignity, resting on his own centre.

Carried away by the general impulsion, with the inconsiderate fervour of

men, whose hearts always grow hard as they cool, when they have been

warmed by some sudden glow of enthusiasm or sympathy, the _notables_

showed, by their subsequent conduct, that, though they had been led by

eloquence to support some questions of a patriotic tendency, they had

not the principles necessary to impel them to give up local advantages,

or personal prerogatives, for the good of the whole community, in which

they were only eventually to share. Indeed romantic virtue, or

friendship, seldom goes further than professions; because it is merely

the effect of that fondness for imitating great, rather than acquiring

moderate qualities, common to vain people.

The _notables_ had now two essential points to settle; namely, to

regulate the election of the deputies, and how they were afterwards to

vote. The population and wealth of several provinces, from commercial

advantages and other causes, had given a new face to the country since

the former election; so much so, that, if the ancient division were

adhered to, the representation could not fail to be very unequal. Yet if

the natural order of population were followed, the grand question of

voting by orders or by voices seemed to be prejudged by the great

increase of the members of the _tiers-etat_.

The nobles and the clergy immediately rallied round the standard of

privileges, insisting, that France would be ruined, if their _rights_

were touched: and so true were they now to their insulated interest,

that all the committees into which the _notables_ were divided,

excepting that of which _monsieur_ was president, determined against

allowing the _tiers-etat_ that increase of power necessary to enable

them to be useful. Whilst, however, these disputes and cabals seemed to

promise no speedy determination, the people, weary of procrastination,

and disgusted with the obstacles continually thrown in the way of the

meeting of the states-general, by a court that was ever secretly at

work, to regain the trifling privileges, which it pretended to sacrifice

to the general good, began to assemble, and even to decide the previous

question, by deliberating together in several places. Dauphine set the

example; and the three orders uniting sketched a plan for the

organization of the whole kingdom, which served as a model for the other

provincial states, and furnished grounds for the constituent assembly to

work on when forming the constitution. Though the rumour was spread

abroad, the court, still so stupidly secure as not to see, that the

people, who at this period dared to think for themselves, would not now

be noosed like beasts, when strength is brought into subjection by

reason, beheld with wonder the arrival of deputations from different

quarters, and heard with astonishment the bold tones of men speaking of

their rights, tracing society to it’s origin, and painting with the most

forcible colours the horrid depredations of the old government. For

after the minds of men had been fatigued by the stratagems of the court,

the feeble measures of the minister, and the narrow, selfish views of

the parliaments, they examined with avidity the productions of a number

of able writers, who were daily pouring pamphlets from the press, to

excite the _tiers-etat_, to assert it’s rights on enlarged principles,

and to oppose vigorously the exorbitant claims of the privileged orders,

who stood up for ancient usurpations, as if they were the natural rights

of a particular _genus_ of man. Those of the abbé Sieyes and the marquis

de Condorcet were the most philosophical; whilst the unctuous eloquence

of Mirabeau softened these dry researches, and fed the flame of

patriotism.

In this posture of affairs, Necker, perceiving that the people were

grown resolute, prevailed on the council to decree, that the number of

the deputies of the _tiers-etat_ should be equal to that of the two

other orders taken together: but whether they were to vote by chambers,

or in the same body, was still left undetermined.

The people, whose patience had been worn out by injuries and

insults, now only thought of preparing instructions for their

representatives.—But, instead of looking for gradual improvement,

letting one reform calmly produce another, they seemed determined to

strike at the root of all their misery at once: the united mischiefs

of a monarchy unrestrained, a priesthood unnecessarily numerous, and

an over grown nobility: and these hasty measures, become a subject

worthy of philosophical investigation, naturally fall into two

distinct subjects of inquiry.

1st. If, from the progress of reason, we be authorized to infer, that

all governments will be meliorated, and the happiness of man placed on

the solid basis, gradually prepared by the improvement of political

science: if the degrading distinctions of rank born in barbarism, and

nourished by chivalry, be really becoming in the estimation of all

sensible people so contemptible, that a modest man, in the course of

fifty years would probably blush at being thus distinguished: if the

complexion of manners in Europe be completely changed from what it was

half a century ago, and the liberty of it’s citizens tolerably secured:

if every day extending freedom be more firmly established in consequence

of the general dissemination of truth and knowledge: it then seems

injudicious for statesmen to force the adoption of any opinion, by

aiming at the speedy destruction of obstinate prejudices; because these

premature reforms, instead of promoting, destroy the comfort of those

unfortunate beings, who are under their dominion, affording at the same

time to despotism the strongest arguments to urge in opposition to the

theory of reason. Besides, the objects intended to be forwarded are

probably retarded, whilst the tumult of internal commotion and civil

discord leads to the most dreadful consequence—the immolating of human

victims.

But, 2dly, it is necessary to observe, that, if the degeneracy of the

higher orders of society be such, that no remedy less fraught with

horrour can effect a radical cure; and if enjoying the fruits of

usurpation, they domineer over the weak, and check by all the means in

their power every humane effort, to draw man out of the state of

degradation, into which the inequality of fortune has sunk him; the

people are justified in having recourse to coercion, to repel coercion.

And, further, if it can be ascertained, that the silent sufferings of

the citizens of the world under the iron feet of oppression are greater,

though less obvious, than the calamities produced by such violent

convulsions as have happened in France; which, like hurricanes whirling

over the face of nature, strip off all it’s blooming graces; it may be

politically just, to pursue such measures as were taken by that

regenerating country, and at once root out those deleterious plants,

which poison the better half of human happiness. For civilization

hitherto, by producing the inequality of conditions, which makes wealth

more desirable than either talents or virtue, has so weakened all the

organs of the body-politic, and rendered man such a beast of prey, that

the strong have always devoured the weak till the very signification of

justice has been lost sight of, and charity, the most specious system of

slavery, substituted in it’s place. The rich have for ages tyrannized

over the poor, teaching them how to act when possessed of power, and now

must feel the consequence. People are rendered ferocious by misery; and

misanthropy is ever the offspring of discontent. Let not then the

happiness of one half of mankind be built on the misery of the other,

and humanity will take place of charity, and all the ostentatious

virtues of an universal aristocracy. How, in fact, can we expect to see

men live together like brothers, when we only see master and servant in

society? For till men learn mutually to assist without governing each

other, little can be done by political associations towards perfecting

the condition of mankind.

Europe will probably be, for some years to come, in a state of anarchy;

till a change of sentiments, gradually undermining the strongholds of

custom, alters the manners, without rousing the little passions of men,

a pack of yelping curs pampered by vanity and pride. It is in reality

these minor passions, which during the summer of idleness mantle on the

heart, and taint the atmosphere, because the understanding is still.

Several acts of ferocious folly have justly brought much obloquy on the

grand revolution, which has taken place in France; yet, I feel confident

of being able to prove, that the people are essentially good, and that

knowledge is rapidly advancing to that degree of perfectibility, when

the proud distinctions of sophisticating fools will be eclipsed by the

mild rays of philosophy, and man be considered as man—acting with the

dignity of an intelligent being.

From implicitly obeying their sovereigns, the french became suddenly all

sovereigns; yet, because it is natural for men to run out of one extreme

into another, we should guard against inferring, that the spirit of the

moment will not evaporate, and leave the disturbed water more clear for

the fermentation. Men without principle rise like foam during a storm

sparkling on the top of the billow, in which it is soon absorbed when

the commotion dies away. Anarchy is a fearful state, and all men of

sense and benevolence have been anxiously attentive, to observe what use

frenchmen would make of their liberty, when the confusion incident to

the acquisition should subside: yet, whilst the heart sickens over a

detail of crimes and follies, and the understanding is appalled by the

labour of unravelling a black tissue of plots, which exhibits the human

character in the most revolting point of view; it is perhaps, difficult

to bring ourselves to believe, that out of this chaotic mass a fairer

government is rising than has ever shed the sweets of social life on the

world.—But things must have time to find their level.

AN

HISTORICAL AND MORAL VIEW

OF THE

FRENCH REVOLUTION.

_BOOK II._

CHAPTER I.

RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF GRIEVANCES IN FRANCE—THE NOBLES—THE MILITARY—THE

CLERGY—THE FARMERS GENERAL. ELECTION OF DEPUTIES TO THE STATES-GENERAL.

ARTS OF THE COURTIERS. ASSEMBLY OF THE STATES. RIOTS EXCITED AT PARIS.

OPENING OF THE STATES-GENERAL. THE KING’S SPEECH. ANSWER TO IT BY THE

KEEPER OF THE SEALS. SPEECH OF MR. NECKER. CONTEST RESPECTING THE MODE

OF ASSEMBLING. TACIT ESTABLISHMENT OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. ATTEMPT

OF THE COURT TO RESTRAIN IT. THE DEPUTIES DECLARE THEMSELVES A NATIONAL

ASSEMBLY.

Before we enter on the grand business produced by the meeting of the

states-general, it is necessary to take a retrospective glance over the

oppressions of which frenchmen so loudly complained; and, whilst we

trace their justness, the question will only be, why they did not sooner

raise their shoulders to heave off the mighty load. To ascertain this

truth, we need not enter into deep researches, though it may be

difficult to collect all the parts of the feudal chain, which linked the

despotism of sixty thousand nobles, who not only exercised all the

tyranny that the system authorized, but countenanced the still more

extensive depredations of their numerous dependents. What, indeed, could

equal the slavery of the poor husbandman; not only pillaged by the tythe

and game laws, but even obliged to let whole flocks of pigeons devour

his grain, without daring to destroy them, because those pigeons

belonged to the chateau; and afterwards forced to carry the scanty crop

to be tolled at the mill of _monseigneur_, which, to follow a

frenchman’s staff of life through all it’s stages of taxation, must then

be baked at the privileged oven?

It would be captious, perhaps, to dwell on some of the abominable

tenures of personal servitude, which, though grown obsolete, were not

abrogated; especially as more specious, if not less grinding, not less

debasing exactions were in force, to deprave every moral feeling of the

two divisions of society; the governing, and governed.

When chased from the country, of which the chief charm is independence,

by such worrying restraints, a man wished to pursue any occupation in a

town, he must previously purchase a patent of some privileged person, to

whom this tax had been sold by a farmer-general, or the parasite of a

minister.

All lived by plunder; and it’s universality gave it a sanction, that

took off the odium, though nothing could varnish the injustice. Yet,

such was the insensibility of the great, the pleasures these extortions

procured were not less grateful to the senses, because paid by the sweat

of industry.—No; like Vespasian’s obnoxious tax, money was money; and

who cared on what it was levied? Thus the rich necessarily became

robbers, and the poor thieves. Talking of honour, honesty was

overlooked; and, custom giving a soft name to different atrocities, few

thought it a duty to investigate disregarded principles; or to

relinquish their share of the plunder, to satisfy a romantic singularity

of opinion, which excited ridicule rather than imitation.

The military, a pest in every country, were here also all noble, and

leagued with a hundred thousand privileged persons, of different

descriptions, to support their prerogative of receiving a revenue, which

was a dead weight on agriculture; whilst they were not obliged, in a

direct way, to advance any thing towards defraying the public

expenditure.

The gabelle, the corvée, the obligation to supply horses to transport

the troops from one part of the kingdom to another, even when most

necessary at the farm; clogs on husbandry, equally unjust and vexatious;

were riveted only on the ankles of labour. Activity then being

continually damped by such various restrictions, instead of being braced

by encouragement, an invincible impediment was thrown in the way of

agricultural improvements; for each individual, insulated by oppression,

lived, strictly speaking, from hand to mouth; not caring to store up

comforts, at the expence of extraordinary toil, when the enjoyment

depended on so many casualties. Yet, never beginning to be sensible of

the effect, the people were not, probably, aware of the cause; and only

exclaimed against new impositions, because they did not think

sufficiently deep to detect the old.

Beside which, France maintained two hundred thousand priests, united in

the same spirit of licentiousness; who indulged themselves in all the

depraved pleasures of cloaked immorality, at the same time they embruted

the people by sanctifying the most diabolical prejudices; to whose

empire every consideration of justice and political improvement was

sacrificed.

Added to evils of this magnitude, there were the canker-worms that

lurked behind monastic walls. For sixty thousand persons, who by

renouncing the world cut the thread of nature, served as a prop to the

priesthood that enjoyed more than a fourth of the produce of all France;

independent of the estates it possessed, which were immense. And this

body of men, the leeches of the kingdom, the idols of the ignorant, and

the palladium of tyranny, contributed not a farthing to the support of

the hydra, whom they were anxious to protect, as a guard to themselves.

Ostentatiously boasting of their charity, whilst revelling on the spoil

of fraud, by a sacrilege the most nefarious, their whole lives were a

mockery of the doctrines, which they taught, and pretended to reverence.

Beside these, and other vexations, almost innumerable, one entangled in

another; each petty monopoly contributed to strengthen the massy fabric

of despotism, which reared it’s head in defiance of time and reason.

Much, indeed, depended on the caprice of the individuals of the

privileged orders, whom the court could actuate at will, giving them

occasionally a sop to silence any peevish growl.

There were also the farmers general, with their army of fifty thousand

collectors, who, by their manner of levying and amassing the revenue,

gave an additional gripe to an oppression, the most wringing that could

be invented, because it’s very principles led to the exercise of the

vilest peculation; and impunity was secured by a coalition of robbers,

that multitude of men in office, whose families and flatterers all

lived, and fattened on the spoil of their continual war with justice.

And, whilst the interest of the people was continually sacrificed by the

parliaments, the inferiour courts of law were still more venal, because

composed of those litigious practitioners, who thicken like spawn on

putrid bodies, when a state is become corrupt.

Such were the grievances!—Such the impositions, ‘that, taken together,

levied a tax on the kingdom,’ says Rabaud, ‘which the imagination is

afraid to calculate.’ This body of men we may consider as constituting

France, till the great bulk of the people, who were slaves and dwarfs,

bursting their shackles and rising in stature, suddenly appeared with

the dignity and pretentions of human beings: Yes; With the same

feelings; or perhaps stronger, because more natural; and claiming equal

rights with those nobles, who, like the giants of old, were only great

by the courtesy of the imagination. Who is so callous to the interest of

humanity as to say it was not a noble regeneration? Who is so benumbed

by selfish fears, as not to feel a glow of warmth, at seeing the

inhabitants of a vast empire exalted from the lowest state of beastly

degradation to a summit, where, contemplating the dawn of freedom, they

may breathe the invigorating air of independence; which will give them a

new constitution of mind? Who is so much under the influence of

prejudice, as to insist, that frenchmen are a distinct race, formed by

nature, or by habit, to be slaves; and incapable of ever attaining those

noble sentiments, which characterize a free people? When the dawn of

them appeared conspicuously at the elections for the states-general,

which were the preparatory struggles to make a change of opinion produce

an essential alteration in government.

Six millions of men were now in motion to choose the deputies, and

prepare their instructions; and in these assemblies the commons

commenced their political career; discussing, on new ground, subjects

that quickly became the only interesting topics throughout the kingdom.

In some few places, the three orders meeting together seemed to decide

the important question respecting the equality of the representatives

but, in general, the first two chambered themselves to guard tenaciously

their trembling prerogatives; and the third, with a cautious jealousy,

to demand the redress of grievances, which they could scarcely expect

the others to denominate by so harsh a name.

Great decorum reigned in the chamber of the nobility, though split into

various ranks; the lower of which had ill brooked, for a long time, the

overbearing insolence of those princes and peers, who haughtily

contested every step of honour. Still all agreed, to resign their

pecuniary privileges, and joined in vague terms, with the public voice,

to demand a constitution.

The same divisions produced more visible effects amongst the clergy: for

considerable tumults were the consequence of the struggle of the

parish-priests, the commons of this order, to have their due weight in

the scale; and their success seemed a sure prognostic of the turn things

were going to take in the nation. In fact, every diocess was become the

centre of a petty despotism, more galling than the great, because at

each man’s elbow; and the parish-priests, who were not in the high road

to preferment, most oppressed, led the van in the new contest for

equality; whilst disrespect for the mitre paved the way to a contempt

for the crown.

Indivisible as had hitherto been the clerical body, the indecent pride

of the dignitaries of the church, at this juncture, produced the schism,

which induced the majority of the clergy to side with the people; whilst

only a small minority of the nobility deserted the common cause of the

party. The parish-priests, in fact, appeared, from the time of their

election, a corps in reserve for the third-estate; where they sought for

the consequence they were denied in their own chamber, finding

themselves more nearly allied by interest, as well as inclination, to

this order than to the rich pastors, who, separating the sheep from the

goats, bade them stand aloof, as possessing less riches—the holiness of

that body, as of all others. The electing of so many of the inferiour

clergy, in spite of the menaces and intrigues of their numerous

superiours, was a striking proof, that the power of the church was in

the wane; and that the people were beginning to feel their own strength.

The disturbances at this time seemed the rumbling of the approaching

tempest; and orators, formed in these provincial assemblies, to figure

afterwards in national, were encouraged by applause to persevere.

Having the same mark in view, an uniformity of sentiment breathed

throughout the instructions of the third-estate; principally levelled at

the privileges of the two other orders: for on these abuses the most

popular publications had hinged, rivetting conviction in the minds of

the suffering people. A celebrated pamphlet, written by the abbé Sieyes,

went through sixty editions; and the duke of Orleans, piqued at the

royal family, took great pains to spread abroad opinions, which were far

from being congenial with his own; thus, with purblind ambition,

labouring to overturn a court, the ruins of which have rebounded on his

own head.

But the temper of the nation, sore with suffering, and warmed by these

discussions, so ran a-head of their judgment, as to lead the electors,

with hasty zeal, to instruct their representatives, to demand the

immediate suppression of a host of abuses, without guarding against the

consequences.—Such, unfortunately, is always the conduct pursued by

exasperated passions; for, during the rage to correct abuses, one is,

too frequently, only exchanged for another. So difficult is it to

impress the salutary lessons of experience on irritated minds!—And so

apt are men, in the moment of action, to fly from one extreme to the

other, without considering, that the strongest conviction of reason

cannot quickly change a habit of body; much less the manners that have

been gradually produced by certain modes of thinking and acting.

With one voice, however, the whole nation called for a constitution, to

establish equal rights, as the foundation of freedom; and to guard

against the depredations of favourites, whether they attacked person or

property. So that the liberty of the press, and the abolition of

_lettres de cachet_, were, in general, the articles that followed the

positive injunction of confining the right of taxation to the

representative body of the nation. The institution of juries was

recommended, and the deputies were requested to take into consideration,

whether the number of capital punishments could not be lessened, or

totally abolished; remarks were made on the evil tendency of lotteries,

and on the vexatious impediments thrown in the way of trade, by barriers

and monopolies. In short, against the tyranny and injustice of the

court, the nobility, and the clergy, all remonstrated; unmasking one

species of oppression, and dilating on another; yet, among these

numerous animadversions, prayers and praises alone were addressed to the

king; and nothing like a glance at republicanism rendered their

sincerity doubtful.

To divert the gathering storm from breaking over their heads, the cabal

determined to rest all their hopes on the aid of the foreign troops;

which they were collecting from different parts of the kingdom, not

caring to trust to the french soldiery, who were assuming the character

of citizens. Mean while, with the usual chicanery of courtiers, they

continued to amuse the deputies, till they could crush them at once; and

effectually blast the hopes of the people. The human heart is naturally

good, though so often the dupe of passion.—For though it’s feelings be

sophisticated, or stifled; though the head contrives the blackest

machinations; even in the silence of solitude, who will whisper to

himself that he is a villain? Will he not rather try, like Milton’s

devil, to find out a damned plea of necessity, to cover his

guilt?—paying homage, in spite of himself, to the eternal justice he

violates under the pretext of self-preservation. But, it is not alone

the virtues of man, those changing hues, of which the colour is

undecided, that proclaim his native dignity. No; his vices have the same

stamp of the divinity: and it is necessary to pervert the understanding,

before the heart can be led astray. Men, likewise, indolently adopt the

habits of thinking of their day, without weighing them. Thus these very

courtiers, who could coolly contemplate the massacre, which must be the

consequence of assembling the foreign troops, because it was a

continuance of the established course of things, have since started,

probably with real horrour, from the contemplation of the butcheries,

which their very tenacity produced. Such is the deceitfulness of the

human heart, and so necessary is it to render the head clear to make the

principles of action pure.

The deputies, however, who were mostly collected from remote parts of

the country, had become in their villages the hale sons of independence.

And, though the french mania, of adoring their monarch, extended to

every part of the kingdom, it only gave hilarity to the cheering glass

at the homely tables of which they were masters; or activity to the

dance, that was a real burst of animal spirits. Very different from the

lascivious provocations to vice, exhibited at the opera, which, by

destroying the social affections that attach men to each other, stifle

all public spirit; for what is patriotism but the expansion of domestic

sympathy, rendered permanent by principle? Besides, the writings that

had awakened the spirit of these men had a little inebriated their

brain. Such is, for the most part, the baneful effect of eloquence,

that, persuading instead of convincing, the glory of the enthusiasm it

inspires is sullied by that false magnanimity, which vanity and

ignorance continually mistake for real elevation of soul; though, like

the scorching rays of the sun after rain, it dries into sterility the

heart, whose emotions are too quickly exhaled.

The courtiers, despising their rusticity, and still considering the

people as ciphers, continued to discharge the usual routine of office,

by adjusting the ceremonials of reception; all which tended to insult

the third-estate, and show, that the deputies of the privileged orders

were to be still treated as if they were a distinct class of beings. The

insolence of such proceedings could not fail to provoke the honest

indignation, and pique the vanity of those, who had been discussing on a

broad scale the rights of man; whilst a little disconcerted by the

ceremony that constrained them, they were obliged, every moment, to

recollect, that they were the equals of these courtiers; and blushed

even to own to themselves, that they could for an instant have been awed

by such childish pomp. Nor were they more astonished at the pageantry of

Versailles, than disgusted with the haughtiness of a court, whose

magnificence was a proof how much they had impoverished the people, who

now demanded emancipation. Full, therefore, of the new notions of

independence, which made them spurn at every idea of a distinction of

men, they took advantage of the majority accorded them by the council,

and began to rally their forces. Perceiving also, as they acted

decidedly, that they possessed the confidence of the people, who,

forgetting _vive le roi_, exclaimed only vive le tiers-etat!—they every

day became more firm.

The courtiers immediately fixed on a house of rendezvous, where they

were regularly to concert the best measures to crush the rising power of

the commons; and these, not without a portion of the mistrust, which

characterizes the nation, assembled in different places, till a mutual

interest united them in that chosen by the deputies from Brittany. The

disrespect, likewise, which the orders relative to their dress

announced, prepared them for the contempt they were destined to receive,

when separated like the indian casts, amongst whom a man fears to be

polluted by the touch of an inferiour: for true to the inveterate

prejudice in favour of precedents[8], the nobility were gaudily

caparisoned for the show, whilst the commons were stupidly commanded to

wear the black mantle, that distinguishes the lawyers. But, the tide of

opinion once turned, every thing contributes to accelerate it’s course.

Before the meeting of the states-general, the question that was first to

agitate the various interests, whether they were to vote by orders or

poll, had been so thoroughly discussed, that it made, in many of the

instructions, one of the foremost articles. For it was evident to the

nation, were the different orders allowed to assemble in their separate

chambers, each invested with the old privilege of putting a negative on

the decisions of the other two, that they should be gulled with promises

of reform, whilst the coffers of the court were replenished with a show

of legality. It was, in fact, prudent in the court party to maintain

this ground, because it appeared to be the only way to render abortive

all the plans of reformation that struck at their authority. This then

was the prefatory business, by which they were to measure their

strength; and, would to God! the vigour manifested on this occasion had

always been displayed by the representatives of those misled people.

We have seen the plots of this weak, headstrong cabinet every where

defeated, and traced their bloody footsteps; but we shall find them

still true to their scent, having recourse again to violence, when fraud

was of no avail.

To furnish a pretext to introduce adroitly a considerable military

force, at the time of the assembling of the states-general, two or three

riots had been excited at Paris, in which many of the thoughtless

populace were killed. One in particular, though still involved in the

shades of mystery, occasioned great confusion and considerable

slaughter, just at the eve of their meeting.

A respectable manufacturer in the suburbs of Paris, with the fairest

character, employed a number of poor, whom he paid liberally; yet

against this man some idle stories were industriously circulated, well

contrived to mislead and exasperate the people, because they touched

their vanity, and their most pressing want, the want of bread. The

scarcity, real or factitious, of this article, has always been taken

advantage of by those who wished to excite tumults in Paris; and at this

juncture the duped parisians rose, at the instigation of the court

agents, to destroy themselves. The riot was permitted to get a-head

before any serious attempts to quell it were taken, which rendered the

interference of a little army, the point aimed at, necessary; and

established an opinion, that the turbulent mob required to be awed by

the presence of troops, whilst the states-general deliberated.

During this effervescence, or, at least, when it was subsiding, the

states-general was opened, the 5th of may, 1789, by a speech from the

throne, to which courtiers, in the usual phraseology, would naturally

tack the epithet—_gracious_. The king commenced with a heartless

declaration of his satisfaction at seeing himself surrounded by the

representatives of the people; and then enumerating the heavy debts of

the nation, a great part of which had been accumulated during his reign,

he added one of those idle falsehoods, which swelled his declamation

without throwing dust into any one’s eyes, _that it was in an honourable

cause_; when it was notorious, that the cause ought to have been

reckoned most dishonourable, if power had not hitherto been the true

philosopher’s stone, that transmuted the basest actions into sterling

honour. He afterwards alluded to the spirit of innovation, that had

taken possession of the minds of the people, and the general discontent

that agitated the nation: but, in the true cant of courts, dictating

whilst complimenting, he assured them, that he depended on their wisdom

and moderation; concluding with the words of course, _the humble servant

of kings_, a declaration of his attachment to the public welfare.

The disregarded speech of the keeper of the seals was, like the reply

usually made to the king’s, in the house of commons in England, merely

an echo of his majesty’s, recommending moderation in the measures

adopted to reform the abuses of government, with the necessary quantum

of panegyric on the goodness of the king.

Attention and applause, however, awaited Necker, though followed by

weariness and disgust. He spoke for three hours, introducing, with his

customary pomp of words, a number of trivial observations; trying thus

to escape, in a mist of rhetorical flourishes, from the subject he

feared to bring forward, because he was equally apprehensive of

offending the court, and desirous of maintaining his reputation with the

people. Not a word was uttered relative to the sole right of the

states-general to levy taxes, the first demand of the nation. And men

who for some time had been talking of nothing but liberty and reform,

were astonished, and dissatisfied, that he avoided all mention of a new

constitution. Leaning to the side of the privileged orders, he asserted,

that the mode of deliberating and voting in separate assemblies was the

pillar of the nation—yet, cautiously adding a salvo, to have a pretext

to use another language should it be necessary, he remarked, that

_sometimes_ it was better to poll. This ill-timed management naturally

displeased both parties, as is always the case, when men of weak,

compound characters, who have not the courage to act right, want

effrontery to brave the censure, that would follow an open avowal of

their undecided opinions; or rather, their determination to keep well

with the strongest. Dwelling on the arrangement of the finances, he

assured them, that a public bankruptcy might easily be avoided; and that

even the _deficit_, which had been exaggerated by France, and Europe,

was only fifty-six millions; and would appear of less consequence, when

they recollected, that, since _his_ administration, the revenue was

augmented twenty-five millions. It is true, that, on entering into

details, the greater part of this sum was found to be still in

perspective; and at the same time was to be raised by taxes, which all

good citizens hoped would soon disappear. In short, the french, after

applauding with rapture this brilliant bird’s-eye view, observed, with

the shrug of _sang froid_, ‘that these hypothetical resources were

merely faith and hope, on condition that they should be charitable.’

With respect to the abolishing of privileges, that warred with humanity,

he made use of some of the same species of jesuitical arguments, which

are employed by the opposers of the abolition of the infamous traffic

for slaves; that, as these privileges were a kind of property, it was

necessary to find out a compensation, an indemnity, before they could be

done away—with justice.

Thus has the spirit of justice—it is difficult to keep down indignation

when attacking such sophisms—been always outraged by the mock respect of

selfishness; for, without parrying off tergiversation, it is sufficient

to prove, that certain laws are not just, because no government had a

right to make them; and, though they may have received what is termed a

legal sanction during the times of ignorance, “the duty lies in the

breach and not in the observance.” Besides, these pitiful arguments are

an insult to the common sense, and to the distress of a people.—Where,

indeed, could the french, or english, find a fund to indemnify the

privileged orders or the planters? The abuses then, must continue to the

end of time—out of sheer respect to the sacredness of public faith!

Thus spoke the king and Necker; but these addresses, instead of

conciliating, only rendered both parties more obstinate; so that the

smothering dispute respecting the manner of voting broke out

immediately, when they met to constitute themselves a legal assembly.

For the next day, even the deputies of the third-estate repaired to the

common hall, and agreed, that the three orders should proceed to verify

their powers together; clearly perceiving, that, were the orders once

allowed to do business separately, an union would be impracticable, and

all their efforts to obtain a constitution null, should they attempt to

make equality of rights the basis. The nobility and clergy not joining

the commons, they resolved to renew their meeting the following morning;

only as an aggregate of individuals, who had no power to act, not having

yet a political character. This very contest seemed to call upon them to

support their claim to equality, because it emphatically warned them,

that all their operations would be rendered perfectly nugatory, should

they permit the orders to be a check on each other. The most sensible

men of the commons being of opinion, that all expectations of a

permanent reform were chimerical, unless the whole representation was

formed into an indivisible assembly, encouraged the more undecided to

persevere; though the nobles signified to them, the 13th, that they had

ascertained the legality of their election.

The clergy, however, divided in their interest, proceeded with more

caution; and the most discerning of them, perceiving that their order

was becoming obnoxious to the people, who now deified the third-estate,

proposed a committee of conciliation, with a view, as they pretended, to

promote a good understanding between all parties. The king also, in his

turn, when the nobles rejected the mediation of the clergy, offered a

plan of accommodation; a mighty nothing, that the court brought

forth.—But this tub, thrown out to the whale, did not divert the

attention of either party from the main object; though the nobles, many

of whom were in the secret of the approach of the army, should things be

carried to extremes, pretended to acquiesce; yet guarding carefully at

the same time all their ancient pretentions: and this insincerity drew

on them the universal odium they merited, mixed with the contempt which

ineffectual struggles always produce. Conciliatory measures, in fact,

were only a solemn farce at this time; though the clergy, rather

insidiously, to ingratiate themselves with the people, lamenting the

high price of bread, requested, that deputies from the three orders

should meet to deliberate how this grievance might be lessened. The

deputies of the commons, with becoming dignity, tempered with prudence,

adhered to their point; and dexterously parrying off the artful stroke

levelled at their popularity, they represented to the clergy, that this

was another powerful motive, to make them entreat all parties to rally

round the same point, to remedy evils, which excited equal sympathy in

their bosoms.

The inactivity occasioned by these disputes could not fail to inflame

the public mind, especially as fresh publications were daily affording

it fuel. For the liberty of the press was now tacitly established, and

the freest sentiments uttered, with the heat of superficial knowledge,

in defiance of court manifestoes. Still, as a proof that the court

merely endured, for a season, what they could not prevent, the journal

of the proceedings of the states-general was stopped, by an express

order; to evade which it was continued in the form of letters from

Mirabeau to his constituents.

This prohibition was probably dictated by a desire of keeping the

provinces quiet in the stupor of ignorance, in which they had so long

dozed; but it was injudicious to awaken attention by rigorous steps,

that, quickly abandoned, had the very contrary effect, exciting, instead

of intimidating, the spirit of opposition. In reality, the eyes of all

France were at present directed towards the commons. The hopes of the

nation rested on their magnanimity; and the future happiness of millions

depended upon their perseverance. It was in this state of things, that

they afforded a convincing proof to the whole world, and to posterity,

that vigour and precision alone are requisite in the representatives of

a people, to give dignity to their proceedings, and to secure them

against the machinations of all the combined powers of despotism.

Almost five weeks having elapsed, and the patience of the nation being

quite exhausted by the delay, the commons resolved to present an address

to the king, written by Mirabeau, explanatory of their motives, and then

to proceed to business. But, previously, they sent a deputation to the

other orders, for the last time, to invite them once more to repair to

the common hall, that their powers might be verified together; adding,

that in default of their appearance, they should constitute themselves,

and act accordingly. This determination was a deadly blow to the power

of the two other chambers, and struck directly at the root of all

distinction.

The nobles, whose inveterate pride and ignorance had prevented them from

joining the third-estate at the first assembling of the deputies, now

saw with dismay, that their power and influence, like the musty rolls of

their pedigree, were mouldering into common dust. The clergy, however,

more adroit, or rather a few of the parochial priests, by degrees,

attended the summons, and repaired to the hall. There can be little

doubt, but that the commons, at the first meeting, and for a long time

after, would gladly have coalesced with the nobles; by which means the

latter would have retained many of their privileges, and preserved a

weight in the nation, necessary to hinder that preponderance, on the

side of the people, which it was easy to foresee would be productive of

many excesses. This conclusion continual experience warranted; because

it generally happens, that men, who are not directed by practical

knowledge, in whatever business they engage, run precipitately from one

extreme to the other. And certainly, from the state of servility in

which the french nation was sunk, retaliation was to be expected; or, at

least, dreaded, from unbridled liberty. Like boys dismissed from school,

they might wish to ascertain their freedom by acts of mischief; and by

showing a total disregard of the arbitrary commands, that kept down

their spirits without exercising their understandings. However, the

stupid arrogance of the nobles stript them, before the time reason would

have determined, of those idle distinctions of opinion, the symbols of

barbarism, which were not completely worn out of esteem.

The minister, still afraid to act independent of the court, blamed this

spirited conduct of the commons, as an act of temerity, which the king

ought not to sanction. Yet they, firm and resolute, though fearing that

the court, like a dying savage, mortally wounded by his enemy, might,

during the agonies of death, aim a desperate stroke at them, took the

most prudent precautions, to avoid exasperating the falling foe. But

these mild resolutions having been mistaken by the infatuated nobles,

who confounded the true fortitude of moderation with cowardice, the die

was cast, and the deputies declared themselves a _NATIONAL ASSEMBLY_.

Enthusiasm fired every heart, and extended itself like thought from one

end of the kingdom to the other. The very novelty of this measure was

sufficient to animate a people less volatile than the french; and,

perhaps, it is impossible to form a just conception of the transports

which this decision excited in every corner of the empire. Europe also

heard with astonishment what resounding through France excited the most

lively emotions; and posterity must read with wonder the recital of the

follies and atrocities committed by the court and nobles at that

important crisis.

The Social Contract of Rousseau, and his admirable work on the origin of

the inequalities amongst mankind, had been in the hands of all France,

and admired by many, who could not enter into the depth of the

reasoning. In short, they were learned by heart, by those whose heads

could not comprehend the chain of argument, though they were

sufficiently clear to seize the prominent ideas, and act up to their

conviction. Perhaps, the great advantage of eloquence is, that,

impressing the results of thinking on minds alive only to emotion, it

gives wings to the slow foot of reason, and fire to the cold labours of

investigation. Yet it is observable, that, in proportion as the

understanding is cultivated, the mind grows attached to the exercise of

investigation, and the combination of abstract ideas. The nobles of

France had also read these writings for amusement; but they left not on

their minds traces of conviction sufficiently strong to overcome those

prejudices self-interest rendered so dear, that they easily persuaded

themselves of their reasonableness. The nobility and clergy, with all

their dependents under the influence of the same sentiments, formed a

considerable proportion of the nation, on the rest of which they looked

down with contempt, considering them as merely the grass of the land,

necessary to clothe nature; yet only fit to be trodden under foot. But

these despised people were beginning to feel their real consequence, and

repeated with emphasis the happy comparison of the abbé Seiyes, ‘that

the nobility are like vegetable tumours, which cannot exist without the

sap of the plants they exhaust.’ Nevertheless, in treating with the

nobles, the angles of pride, which time alone could have smoothed

silently away, were, perhaps, too rudely knocked off, for the folly of

distinctions was rapidly wearing itself out, and would probably have

melted gradually before the rational opinions, that were continually

gaining ground, fructifying the soil as they dissolved; instead of which

it was drifted by a hurricane, to spread destruction around as it fell.

Many of the officers, who had served in America during the late war, had

beheld the inhabitants of a whole empire living in a state of perfect

equality; and returned, charmed with their simplicity and integrity, the

concomitants of a just government, erected on the solid foundation of

equal liberty, to scan the rectitude, or policy of a different system.

Convinced of their inutility as nobles, these, when fired with the love

of freedom, seconded the views of the commons with heart and voice. But

the sycophants of the court, and the greater part of the nobility, who

were grossly ignorant of every thing that was not comprised in the art

of living in a continual round of pleasure, insensible of the precipice

on which they were standing, would not, at first, recede a single step

to save themselves; and this obstinacy was the chief cause that led to

the entire new organization of the constitution, framed by the national

assembly. The french in reality were arrived, through the vices of their

government, at that degree of false refinement, which makes every man,

in his own eyes, the centre of the world; and when this gross

selfishness, this complete depravity, prevails in a nation, an absolute

change must take place; because the members of it have lost the cement

of humanity, which kept them together. All other vices are, properly

speaking, superfluous strength, powers running to waste; but this morbid

spot shows, that there is death in the heart. Whatever, indeed, may be

the wisdom or folly of a mixed government of king, lords, and commons,

is of no consequence in the present history; because it appears

sufficiently obvious, that the aristocracy of France destroyed itself,

through the ignorant arrogance of it’s members; who, bewildered in a

thick fog of prejudices, could discern neither the true dignity of man,

nor the spirit of the times.

It also deserves to be noted, that the regeneration of the french

government, at this crisis, depended on the fortitude of the national

assembly at the outset of the contest for, if the court party had

prevailed, the commons would have rested in their usual state of

insignificancy, and their whole proceedings proved only a solemn farce.

They would have wrapped themselves up in their black mantles, like the

herd of undertaker’s men at a funeral, merely to follow with servile

steps the idle cavalcade to it’s resting place; and the people would

only have seen their ancient tyranny revive, tricked out in new

habiliments.