USE OF DEFECTS IN HISTORY.

Not that I derogate from the use of history. It is a great improver of

the understanding, by showing both men and affairs in a great variety of

views. From this source much political wisdom may be learned; that

is, may be learned as habit, not as precept; and as an exercise to

strengthen the mind, as furnishing materials to enlarge and enrich it,

not as a repertory of cases and precedents for a lawyer: if it were, a

thousand times better would it be that a statesman had never learned to

read--vellem nescirent literas. This method turns their understanding

from the object before them, and from the present exigencies of the

world, to comparisons with former times, of which, after all, we can

know very little, and very imperfectly; and our guides, the historians,

who are to give us their true interpretation, are often prejudiced,

often ignorant, often fonder of system than of truth. Whereas, if a

man with reasonably good parts and natural sagacity, and not in the

leading-strings of any master, will look steadily on the business before

him, without being diverted by retrospect and comparison, he may be

capable of forming a reasonably good judgment of what is to be done.

There are some fundamental points in which nature never changes--but

they are few and obvious, and belong rather to morals than to politics.

But so far as regards political matter, the human mind and human affairs

are susceptible of infinite modifications, and of combinations wholly

new and unlooked for. Very few, for instance, could have imagined that

property, which has been taken for natural dominion, should, through the

whole of a vast kingdom, lose all its importance and even its influence.

This is what history or books of speculation could hardly have taught

us. How many could have thought, that the most complete and formidable

revolution in a great empire should be made by men of letters, not as

subordinate instruments and trumpeters of sedition, but as the chief

contrivers and managers, and in a short time as the open administrators

and sovereign rulers? Who could have imagined that atheism could produce

one of the most violently operative principles of fanaticism? Who could

have imagined that, in a commonwealth in a manner cradled in war, and in

extensive and dreadful war, military commanders should be of little or

no account? That the Convention should not contain one military man of

name? That administrative bodies in a state of the utmost confusion, and

of but a momentary duration, and composed of men with not one imposing

part of character, should be able to govern the country and its armies

with an authority which the most settled senates, and the most respected

monarchs, scarcely ever had in the same degree? This, for one, I confess

I did not foresee, though all the rest was present to me very early, and

not out of my apprehension even for several years.

Selections from the Speeches and Writings of Edmund Burke · 第 240 / 361 题