The second material of cement for their new republic is the superiority
of the city of Paris: and this I admit is strongly connected with the
other cementing principle of paper circulation and confiscation. It
is in this part of the project we must look for the cause of the
destruction of all the old bounds of provinces and jurisdictions,
ecclesiastical and secular, and the dissolution of all ancient
combinations of things, as well as the formation of so many small
unconnected republics. The power of the city of Paris is evidently one
great spring of all their politics. It is through the power of Paris,
now become the centre and focus of jobbing, that the leaders of this
faction direct, or rather command, the whole legislative and the whole
executive government. Everything therefore must be done which can
confirm the authority of that city over the other republics. Paris is
compact; she has an enormous strength, wholly disproportioned to the
force of any of the square republics; and this strength is collected
and condensed within a narrow compass. Paris has a natural and easy
connection of its parts, which will not be affected by any scheme of
a geometrical constitution, nor does it much signify whether its
proportion of representation be more or less, since it has the whole
draft of fishes in its drag-net. The other divisions of the kingdom
being hackled and torn to pieces, and separated from all their habitual
means, and even principles of union, cannot, for some time at least,
confederate against her. Nothing was to be left in all the subordinate
members, but weakness, disconnection, and confusion. To confirm this
part of the plan, the Assembly has lately come to a resolution, that no
two of their republics shall have the same commander-in-chief.
To a person who takes a view of the whole, the strength of Paris, thus
formed, will appear a system of general weakness. It is boasted that
the geometrical policy has been adopted, that all local ideas should be
sunk, and that the people should be no longer Gascons, Picards, Bretons,
Normans; but Frenchmen, with one country, one heart, and one Assembly.
But instead of being all Frenchmen, the greater likelihood is, that the
inhabitants of that region will shortly have no country. No man ever
was attached by a sense of pride, partiality, or real affection, to a
description of square measurements. He never will glory in belonging to
the Chequer No. 71, or to any other badge-ticket. We begin our public
affections in our families. No cold relation is a zealous citizen. We
pass on to our neighbourhoods, and our habitual provincial connections.
These are inns and resting-places. Such divisions of our country as have
been formed by habit, and not by a sudden jerk of authority, were
so many little images of the great country in which the heart found
something which it could fill. The love to the whole is not extinguished
by this subordinate partiality. Perhaps it is a sort of elemental
training to those higher and more large regards, by which alone men
come to be affected, as with their own concern, in the prosperity of
a kingdom so extensive as that of France. In that general territory
itself, as in the old name of provinces, the citizens are interested
from old prejudices and unreasoned habits, and not on account of the
geometric properties of its figure. The power and pre-eminence of Paris
does certainly press down and hold these republics together as long
as it lasts. But, for the reasons I have already given you, I think it
cannot last very long.