INFIDELS AND THEIR POLICY.

In the revolution of France two sorts of men were principally

concerned in giving a character and determination to its pursuits: the

philosophers and the politicians. They took different ways, but they met

in the same end. The philosophers had one predominant object, which

they pursued with a fanatical fury; that is, the utter extirpation of

religion. To that every question of empire was subordinate. They had

rather domineer in a parish of atheists than rule over a Christian

world. Their temporal ambition was wholly subservient to their

proselytizing spirit, in which they were not exceeded by Mahomet

himself. They who have made but superficial studies in the natural

history of the human mind, have been taught to look on religious

opinions as the only cause of enthusiastic zeal and sectarian

propagation. But there is no doctrine whatever, on which men can warm,

that is not capable of the very same effect. The social nature of man

impels him to propagate his principles, as much as physical impulses

urge him to propagate his kind. The passions give zeal and vehemence.

The understanding bestows design and system. The whole man moves under

the discipline of his opinions. Religion is among the most powerful

causes of enthusiasm. When anything concerning it becomes an object of

much meditation, it cannot be indifferent to the mind. They who do not

love religion, hate it. The rebels to God perfectly abhor the author of

their being. They hate him "with all their heart, with all their mind,

with all their soul, and with all their strength." He never presents

himself to their thoughts, but to menace and alarm them. They cannot

strike the sun out of heaven, but they are able to raise a smouldering

smoke that obscures him from their own eyes. Not being able to revenge

themselves on God, they have a delight in vicariously defacing,

degrading, torturing, and tearing in pieces his image in man. Let no

one judge of them by what he has conceived of them, when they were

not incorporated, and had no lead. They were then only passengers in a

common vehicle. They were then carried along with the general motion of

religion in the community, and, without being aware of it, partook of

its influence. In that situation, at worst, their nature was left free

to counter-work their principles. They despaired of giving any very

general currency to their opinions. They considered them as a reserved

privilege for the chosen few. But when the possibility of dominion,

lead, and propagation, presented itself, and that the ambition, which

before had so often made them hypocrites, might rather gain than lose

by a daring avowal of their sentiments, then the nature of this infernal

spirit, which has "evil for its good," appeared in its full perfection.

Nothing indeed but the possession of some power can with any certainty

discover what at the bottom is the true character of any man. Without

reading the speeches of Vergniaud, Francian of Nantes, Isnard, and

some others of that sort, it would not be easy to conceive the passion,

rancour, and malice of their tongues and hearts. They worked themselves

up to a perfect frenzy against religion and all its professors.

They tore the reputation of the clergy to pieces by their infuriated

declamations and invectives, before they lacerated their bodies by

their massacres. This fanatical atheism left out, we omit the principal

feature in the French revolution, and a principal consideration with

regard to the effects to be expected from a peace with it.

The other sort of men were the politicians. To them, who had little or

not at all reflected on the subject, religion was in itself no object

of love or hatred. They disbelieved it, and that was all. Neutral with

regard to that object, they took the side which in the present state of

things might best answer their purposes. They soon found that they could

not do without the philosophers; and the philosophers soon made them

sensible that the destruction of religion was to supply them with means

of conquest, first at home, and then abroad. The philosophers were the

active internal agitators, and supplied the spirit and principles: the

second gave the practical direction. Sometimes the one predominated in

the composition, sometimes the other. The only difference between them

was in the necessity of concealing the general design for a time, and in

their dealing with foreign nations; the fanatics going straightforward

and openly, the politicians by the surer mode of zigzag. In the

course of events, this, among other causes, produced fierce and bloody

contentions between them. But at the bottom they thoroughly agreed in

all the objects of ambition and irreligion, and substantially in all the

means of promoting these ends.

Selections from the Speeches and Writings of Edmund Burke · 第 218 / 361 题