2. A lofty power of generalisation, both in speculative views and in his
argumentative process.
3. Vivid intensity of conception, which caused abstractions to stand
out with almost living force and visible feature, in his impassioned
moments.
4. An imagination of oriental luxuriance, whose incessant play in
tropes, metaphors, and analogies, frequently causes his speeches to
gleam on the intellectual eye, as Aeschylus says the ocean does, when
the Sun irradiates its bosom with the "anerithmon gelasma" of countless
beams. 5. His positive acquirements in all the varied realms of art,
science, and literature, endowed him with such vast funds of knowledge
(In the wealth of his multitudinous acquirements, Burke seems to realise
Cicero's ideal of what a perfect orator should know:--"Equidem omnia,
quae pertinent ad usum civium, morem hominum, quae versantur in
consuetudine vitae, in ratione reipublicae, in hac societate civili, in
sensu hominum communi, in natura, in moribus, co hendenda esse oratori
puto."--Cicero "De Orat." lib. ii. cap. 16.), that Johnson declared of
Burke--"Enter upon what subject you will, and Burke is ready to meet
you."
6. In addition to these high gifts, may be added, an ability to wield
the weapons of sarcasm and irony, with a keenness of application and
effect rarely equalled. But, in all candour, it may be added, that just
as a profusion of figures and metaphors sometimes tempted this great
orator into incongruous images and coarse analogies, so his passion for
irony was occasionally too intense. Hence, there are occasions where
his pungency is embittered into acrimony, strength degenerates into
vulgarism, and the vehemence of satire is infuriated with the fierceness
of invective.
7. With regard to language and style, it may be truly said, they were
the absolute vassals of his Genius, and did homage to its command in
every possible mode by which it chose to employ them. Thus, in his
"Letters on a Regicide Peace," and above all, in "French Revolutions,"
the reader will find almost every conceivable manner of style and
mode of expression the English language can develop; and what is
more,--together with classical richness, there are also the pointed
seriousness and persuasive simplicity of our own vernacular Saxon, which
increase the attractions of Burke's style to a wonderful extent. But,
beyond controversy, among these great endowments, the imaginative
faculty is that which appears to be the most transcendent in the mental
constitution of Burke. And so truly is this the case, that both among
his contemporaries, as well as among his successors, this predominance
of imagination has caused his just claims as a philosophic thinker and
statesman to be partially overlooked. The union of ideal theory and
practical realisation, of imaginative creation with logical induction,
is indeed so rare, we cannot be surprised at the injustice which the
genius of Burke has had to endure in this respect. And yet, in the
nature of our faculties themselves, there exists no necessity why a
vivid power to conceive ideas, should NOT be combined with a dialectic
skill in expressing them. Degerando, an admirable French writer, in one
of his Treatises, has some profound observations on this subject; and
does not hesitate to define poetry itself as a species of "logique
cachee."
But when we assert that these excellencies, which have thus been
succinctly exhibited, characterise the mental constitution of Burke,
we do not mean that others have not, in their degree, possessed similar
endowments. Such an inference would be an absurd extravagance. But what
we mean to affirm is--the qualifications enumerated have never been
combined into co-operative harmony, and developed in proportionable
effect, as they appear in the speeches and writings of this wonderful
man. But after all, we have not reached what may be considered a
peerless excellence, the peculiar gift,--the one great and glorious
distinction, which separates Burke's oratory from that of all others,
and which has caused his speeches to be blended with political History,
and to incorporate themselves with the moral destiny of Europe,--namely,
HIS INTUITIVE PERCEPTION OF UNIVERSAL PRINCIPLES. The truth of this
statement may be verified, by comparing the eloquence of Burke with
specimens of departed orators; or by a reference to existing standards
in the parliamentary debates. Compared, then, either with the speeches
of Chatham, Holland, Pitt, Fox, etc. etc., we perceive at once the grand
distinction to which we refer. These illustrious men were effective
debaters, and, in various senses, orators of surpassing excellency.
But how is it, that with all their allowed grandeur of intellect and
political eminence, they have ceased to operate upon the hearts and
minds of the present Age, either as teachers of political Truth, or
oracles of legislative Wisdom? Simply, BECAUSE they were too popular in
temporary effect, ever to become influential by permanent inspiration.
In their highest moods, and amid their noblest hours of triumph, they
were "of the earth earthy." Party; personality; crushing rejoinders,
or satirical attacks; a felicitous exposure of inconsistency, or
a triumphant self-vindication; brilliant repartees, and logical
gladiatorship,--such are among the prominent characteristics which
caused parliamentary debates in Burke's day to be so animating and
interesting to those who heard, or perused them, amid the excitements of
the hour. It is not to be denied that commanding eloquence, vast genius,
political ardour, intellectual enthusiasm, together with indignant
denunciation and argumentative subtlety, were thus summoned into
exercise by the perils of the Nation, and the contentions of Party.
Nevertheless, the local, the temporal, the conventional, and the
individual, in all which relates to the science of politics or the
tactics of partisanship,--are sufficient to excite and employ the
energies and qualities which made the general parliamentary debates of
Burke's period so captivating. But when we revert to his own speeches
and writings, we at once perceive WHY, as long as the mind can
comprehend what is true, the heart appreciate what is pure, or the
conscience authenticate the sanction of heaven and the distinctions
between right and wrong,--Edmund Burke will continue to be admired,
revered, and consulted, not only as the greatest of English orators,
but as the profoundest teacher of political Science. It was not that he
despised the arrangement of facts, or overlooked the minutiae of
detail; on the contrary, as may be proved by his speeches on "economical
reform," and Warren Hastings; in these respects his research was
boundless, and his industry inexhaustible. Moreover, he was quite alive
to the claims of a crisis, and with the coolness and calm of a practical
statesman, knew how to confront a sudden emergency, and to contend
with a gigantic difficulty. Yet all these qualifications recede before
Burke's amazing power of expanding particulars into universals, and of
associating the accidents of a transient discussion with the essential
properties of some permanent Law in policy, or abstract Truth in morals.
His genius looked through the local to the universal; in the temporal
perceived the eternal; and while facing the features of the Individual,
was enabled to contemplate the attributes of a Race. (Cicero, in many
respects a counterpart of Burke, both in statesmanship and oratory,
appears to recognise what is here expressed when he says:--"Plerique
duo genera ad dicendum dederunt; UNUM DE CERTA DEFINITAQUE CAUSA, quales
sunt quae in litibus, quae in deliberationibus versantur;--alterum, quod
appellant omnes fere scriptores, explicat nemo, INFINITAM GENERIS SINE
TEMPORE, ET SINE PERSONA quaestionem."--"De Orat." lib. ii. cap. 15.)
Hence his speeches are virtual prophecies; and his writings a storehouse
of pregnant axioms and predictive enunciations, as limitless in
their range as they are undying in duration. In one word, no speeches
delivered in the English Parliament, are so likely to be eternalized
as Burke's, because he has combined with his treatment of some especial
case or contingency before him, the assertion of immutable Principles,
which can be detached from what is local and national, and thus made
to stand forth alone in all the naked grandeur of their truth and
their tendency. Let us be permitted to investigate this topic a little
further. If, then, what Quintilian asserted of the Roman orator may
be applied to our own British Cicero,--"Ille se profecisse sciat, cui
Cicero valde placebit;" and if, moreover, this pre-eminence be chiefly
discovered in Burke's instinctive grasp of that moral essence which
is incorporated with all questions of political Science, and social
Ethics--from WHENCE came this diviner energy of his Genius? No believer
in Christian revelation will hesitate to appropriate, even to this
subject, the apostolic axiom, "EVERY good gift, and EVERY perfect gift
is from above." But while we subscribe with reverential sincerity to
this announcement, it is equally true, that the Infinite Inspirer of
all good adjusts His secret energies by certain laws, and condescends
to work by analogous means. Bearing this in mind, we venture to think
Burke's gift of almost prescient insight into the recesses of our common
nature, and his consummate faculty of instructing the Future through the
medium of the Present,--were partly derived from the elevation of his
sentiments, and the purity of his private life. (The action and reaction
maintained between our moral and intellectual elements is but remotely
discussed by Quintilian in his "Institutes." But still, in more than
one passage, he most impressively declares, that mental proficiency is
greatly retarded by perversity of heart and will. For instance, on one
occasion we find him speaking thus:--"Nihil enim est tam occupatum, tam
multiforme, tot ac tam variis affectibus concisum, atque laceratum, quam
mala ac improba mens. Quis inter haec, literis, aut ulli bonae arti,
locus? Non hercle magis quam frugibus, in terra sentibus ac rubis
occupata."--"Nothing is so flurried and agitated, so self-contradictory,
or so violently rent and shattered by conflicting passions, as a bad
heart. In the distractions which it produces, what room is there for
the cultivation of letters, or the pursuits of any honourable art?
Assuredly, no more than there is for the growth of corn in a field
overrun with thorns and brambles.") It would be unwise to draw invidious
comparisons, but no student of the period in which Burke was in
Parliament, can deny that, compared with SOME of his illustrious
contemporaries, he was indeed a model of what reason and conscience
alike approve in all the relative duties and personal conduct of a man,
when beheld in his domestic career. It is, indeed, a source of deep
thankfulness, the admirer of Burke's genius in public, has no reason to
blush for his character in private; and that when we have listened to
his matchless oratory upon the arena of the House of Commons, we have
not to mourn over dissipation, impurity, and depravity amid the
circles of private history. Our theory, then, is, that beyond what
his distinctive genius inspired, Burke's wondrous power of enunciating
everlasting principles and of associating the loftiest abstractions
of wisdom with the commonest themes of the hour,--was sustained and
strengthened by the purity of his heart, and the subjection of passion
to the law of conscience. And if the worshippers of mere intellect,
apart from, or as opposed to, moral elevation, are inclined to ridicule
this view of Burke's genius, we beg to remind them, that "One greater
than the Temple" of mortal Wisdom, and all the idols enshrined therein,
has asserted a positive connection to exist between mental insight and
moral purity. We allude to the Redeemer's words, when He declares,--"If
any man WILLS to do His will, he shall KNOW of the doctrine." HOW the
passions act upon our perceptions, and by what process the motions of
the Will elevate or depress the forces of the Intellect, is beyond
our metaphysics to analyse. But that there exists a real, active, and
influential connection between our moral and mental life, is undeniable:
and since Burke's power of seizing the essential Idea, or fundamental
Principle of every complex detail which came before him, was
pre-eminently his gift,--the intellectual insight such gift developed,
was not only an expression of senatorial wisdom, but also a witness for
the elevation of his moral character. We must now allude to the public
conduct of Burke, as a Statesman and Politician, and only regret the
limited range of a popular essay confines us to one view, namely, his
alleged inconsistency. There WAS a period when charges of apostasy were
brought against him with reckless audacity: but Time, the instructor of
ignorance, and the subduer of prejudice, is now beginning to place the
conduct of Burke in its true light. The facts of the case are briefly
these. Up to the period of 1791, Fox and Burke fought in the same rank
of opposition, and stood together upon a basis of complete identity in
principle and sentiment. But even before the celebrated disruption of
1791, the progress of Republicanism in America, and the approaching
separation of the colonies from their parent state, Burke's views of
political liberty had received extensive modifications; and the ardour
of his confidence in the so-called friends of freedom had been greatly
cooled. But in 1791, the disruption between Burke and Fox became open,
absolute, and final, when the latter statesman uttered, in the hearing
of his friend, this fearful eulogium on the French Revolution:--"The new
constitution of France is the most stupendous and glorious edifice of
liberty which had been erected on the foundation of human integrity
in any age or country!" (That ancient Sage unto whose political wisdom
frequent reference has been made in this essay, thus speaks on the
reverence due unto an existing government, even when contemplated from
its weakest side:--"Formidable as these arguments seem, they may be
opposed by others of not less weight; arguments which prove that even
the rust of government is to be respected, and that its fabric is never
to be touched but with a fearful and trembling hand. When the evil of
persevering in hereditary institutions is small, it ought always to
be endured, because the evil of departing from them is certainly very
great. Slight imperfections, therefore, whether in the laws themselves,
or in those who administer and execute the laws, ought always to be
overlooked, because they cannot be corrected without occasioning a much
greater mischief, and tending to weaken that reverence which the safety
of all governments requires that the citizens at large should entertain,
cultivate, and cherish for the hereditary institutions of their country.
The comparison drawn from the improvement of arts does not apply to the
amendment of laws. To change or improve an art, and to alter or amend a
law, are things as dissimilar in their operation as different in their
tendency; for laws operate as practical principles of moral action; and,
like all the rules of morality, derive their force and efficacy, as even
the name imports, from the customary repetition of habitual acts, and
the slow operation of time. Every alteration of the laws, therefore,
tends to subvert that authority on which the persuasive agency of all
laws is founded, and to abridge, weaken, and destroy the power of the
law itself."--Aristotle's "Politics.") The reply of Burke to this burst
of Jacobinism, with all its consequences in the political history of
Europe, is far too well known to be quoted here. But, since it was at
this point in the career of Burke the charge of apostasy was commenced,
and which has never quite died away, even in existing times, we may be
permitted, first, to cite a noble passage from Burke's self-vindication;
and secondly, to adduce a still more impressive evidence of his
political rectitude and wisdom, derived from the admission of those who
were once his uncompromising opponents. In relation to the attacks of
Fox upon his supposed inconsistency, Mr. Burke thus replies:--
"I pass to the next head of charge,--Mr. Burke's inconsistency. It is
certainly a great aggravation of his fault in embracing false opinions,
that in doing so he is not supposed to fill up a void, but that he is
guilty of a dereliction of opinions that are true and laudable. This is
the great gist of the charge against him. It is not so much that he is
wrong in his book (that however is alleged also), as that he has therein
belied his whole life. I believe, if he could venture to value himself
upon anything, it is on the virtue of consistency that he would value
himself the most. Strip him of this, and you leave him naked indeed.
"In the case of any man who had written something, and spoken a great
deal, upon very multifarious matter, during upwards of twenty-five
years' public service, and in as great a variety of important events as
perhaps have ever happened in the same number of years, it would appear
a little hard, in order to charge such a man with inconsistency, to see
collected by his friend, a sort of digest of his sayings, even to such
as were merely sportive and jocular. This digest, however, has been
made, with equal pains and partiality, and without bringing out those
passages of his writings which might tend to show with what restrictions
any expressions, quoted from him, ought to have been understood. From a
great statesman he did not quite expect this mode of inquisition. If
it only appeared in the works of common pamphleteers, Mr. Burke might
safely trust to his reputation. When thus urged, he ought, perhaps, to
do a little more. It shall be as little as possible, for I hope not much
is wanting. To be totally silent on his charges would not be respectful
to Mr. Fox. Accusations sometimes derive a weight from the persons who
make them, to which they are not entitled for their matter. "A man who,
among various objects of his equal regard, is secure of some, and full
of anxiety for the fate of others, is apt to go to much greater lengths
in his preference of the objects of his immediate solicitude than Mr.
Burke has ever done. A man so circumstanced often seems to undervalue,
to vilify, almost to reprobate and disown, those that are out of danger.
This is the voice of nature and truth, and not of inconsistency and
false pretence. The danger of anything very dear to us removes, for the
moment, every other affection from the mind. When Priam had his whole
thoughts employed on the body of his Hector, he repels with indignation,
and drives from him with a thousand reproaches, his surviving sons, who
with an officious piety crowded about him to offer their assistance. A
good critic (there is no better than Mr. Fox) would say, that this is a
master-stroke, and marks a deep understanding of nature in the father of
poetry. He would despise a Zoilus, who would conclude from this passage
that Homer meant to represent this man of affliction as hating, or being
indifferent and cold in his affections to the poor relics of his house,
or that he preferred a dead carcass to his living children.
"Mr. Burke does not stand in need of an allowance of this kind,
which, if he did, by candid critics ought to be granted to him. If the
principles of a mixed constitution be admitted, he wants no more to
justify to consistency everything he has said and done during the course
of a political life just touching to its close. I believe that gentleman
has kept himself more clear of running into the fashion of wild,
visionary theories, or of seeking popularity through every means, than
any man perhaps ever did in the same situation.
"He was the first man who, on the hustings, at a popular election,
rejected the authority of instructions from constituents; or who, in any
place, has argued so fully against it. Perhaps the discredit into which
that doctrine of compulsive instructions under our constitution is since
fallen, may be due, in a great degree, to his opposing himself to it in
that manner, and on that occasion.
"The reformers in representation, and the Bills for shortening the
duration of Parliaments, he uniformly and steadily opposed for many
years together, in contradiction to many of his best friends. These
friends, however, in his better days, when they had more to hope from
his service and more to fear from his loss than now they have, never
chose to find any inconsistency between his acts and expressions in
favour of liberty, and his votes on those questions. But there is a time
for all things." We need not, however, confine our vindication of Burke
to his own eloquence, but invite the especial attention of his accusers
and defamers unto two forgotten facts: 1st. A few weeks before Fox died,
he dictated a despatch to Lord Yarmouth, which confirmed all the policy
for which Pitt for fifteen years had contended: moreover, in a debate
on Wyndham's "Military System," 1806, Fox thus delivered his own
recantation:--"Indeed, by the circumstances of Europe, I AM READY
TO CONFESS I HAVE BEEN WEANED FROM THE OPINIONS I FORMERLY HELD WITH
RESPECT TO THE FORCE WHICH MIGHT SUFFICE IN TIME OF PEACE: nor do I
consider this any inconsistency, because I see no rational prospect
of any peace, which would exempt us from the necessity of watchful
preparation and powerful establishment." But the change of Fox's
opinions, and their similarity to those maintained by Pitt, with
reference to our war with France, are by no means ALL which history can
produce in justification of Burke's political wisdom and consistency.
The whole civilized world has read the "Reflections on the French
Revolution," whose sale, in one year, achieved the enormous number of
30,000 copies, in connection with medals or marks of honour from almost
every Court in Europe. Now, of all the replies made to this masterpiece
of reasoning and reflection, Mackintosh's "Vindiciae Gallicae" was
incontestably the ablest and profoundest. And yet, the greatest of
all his intellectual opponents thus addresses Burke, as appears from
"Memoirs" of Mackintosh, volume i. page 87:--"The enthusiasm with which
I once embraced the instruction conveyed in your writings is now ripened
into solid conviction by the experience and conviction of more mature
age. For a time, SEDUCED BY THE LOVE OF WHAT I THOUGHT LIBERTY, I
ventured to oppose, without ceasing to venerate, that writer who
had nourished my understanding with the most wholesome principles
of political wisdom...Since that time, A MELANCHOLY EXPERIENCE HAS
UNDECEIVED ME ON MANY SUBJECTS, IN WHICH I WAS THE DUPE OF MY OWN
ENTHUSIASM." Let us part from this branch of our subject by quoting
Burke's own words, uttered, as it were, on the very brink of eternity.
They attest, to the latest moment of his life, with what a sacred
intensity and unflinching sincerity he clung to his original sentiments
touching the French Revolution. Nor let the present writer shrink
from adding, they constitute but one of the many specimens of that
instinctive prescience, whereby this profoundest of philosophical
statesmen was enabled to herald from afar the final triumphs of courage,
patriotism, and truth. The passage occurs towards the conclusion of his
"Letters on a Regicide Peace," and is as follows:--"Never succumb. It is
a struggle for your existence as a nation. If you must die, die with the
sword in your hand. But I have no fear whatever for the result. There
is a salient living principle of energy in the public mind of England,
which only requires proper direction to enable her to withstand this,
or any other ferocious foe. Persevere, therefore, till this tyranny be
over-past."
If from the glare of public history, we follow this great man into
the shades of domestic seclusion, or watch the features of his social
character unfolding themselves in the varied circle which he graced
by his presence, or dignified by his worth,--he is alike the object of
respectful esteem and love. Warmth of heart, chivalry of sentiment,
and that true high-breeding which springs from the soul rather than a
pedigree, eminently characterise the history of Burke in private life.
Above all, a sympathising tendency for the children of Genius, and a
catholic largeness of view in all which relates unto mental
effort, combined with the utmost charity for human failings and
infirmities,--cannot but endear him to our deepest affections, while his
unrivalled endowments command our highest admiration. To illustrate
what is here alluded to, let the reader recall Burke's noble generosity
towards that erratic victim of genius and grief,--the painter Barry; or
his instantaneous sympathy in behalf of Crabbe the poet, when almost a
foodless wanderer in our vast metropolis; and our estimate of Burke's
excellencies as a man, will not be deemed overdrawn.
It now remains for the selector of the following pages to offer a few
remarks on their nature, and design. Accustomed, from the earliest
period of his mental life to read and study the writings of Edmund
Burke, he has long wished that such a selection as now appears, should
be published. The works of Burke extend through a vast range of large
volumes; and it is feared thousands have been deterred from holding
communion with a master-spirit of British literature, by the magnitude
of his labours. Hence, a concentrated specimen of his intellect may not
only tempt the "reading public" (Coleridge's horror, yet an author's
friend!) to study some of Burke's noblest passages, but even ultimately
to introduce them into a full acquaintance with his entire products.
Let it be distinctly understood, the selection now published, is not a
second-hand one, grafted on some pre-existing volume; but the result
of a diligent, careful, and analytical perusal of Burke's writings. In
attempting such a work, there was one difficulty, which none but those
who have intimately studied this great orator can appreciate,--we allude
to the giving general titles, or descriptive headings, to passages
selected for quotation. There is a mental fulness, a moral variety, and
such a rapid transition of idea, in most of Burke's speeches, that it
almost baffles ability to abbreviate the spirit of his paragraphs, so
as to exhibit under some general head the bearing of the whole. The
selector, in this respect, can only say, he has done his best; and those
who are most competent to appreciate difficulty, will be least inclined
to criticise failure.
Finally, as to the leading design of this volume, its title, "First
Principles," is sufficiently descriptive to save much explanation. Burke
represents an unrivalled combination of patriot, senator, and orator;
and as such, the moral and intellectual nature of the Age will be
purified and expanded, when brought into contact with the attributes of
his character, and the productions of his mind. Nor can the meditative
statesman, whose party is his country, and whose political creed is
based upon a true philosophy of human nature, forget,--that while the
French revolution, as involving FACTS, belongs to History, as
enclosing PRINCIPLES, it appertains to Humanity: and hence, the abiding
application of Burke's profound views, not only to France and England,
but to the world. Of course, those who reverence the majesty of
eloquence, and are fascinated by a florid richness of style, boundless
imagination, inexhaustible metaphor, and all the attending graces of
consummate rhetoric, will also be charmed by the appropriate supply
these pages afford. But, without seeking to be homiletical, let the
writer be permitted to add, a far higher purpose than mere literary
amusement, or the gratification of taste, is designed by the present
volume. It is the selector's most earnest hope, that the "First
Principles" these pages so eloquently inculcate, may be transcribed in
all their purity, loftiness, and truth, into the Reason and Conscience
of his countrymen. And among these, for whose especial guidance he
ventures to think the profound wisdom of these pages to be invaluable,
are the rising statesmen and senators of the day, who are either being
trained in our Public Schools, at the Universities, or about to enter
upon the difficult but inspiring arena of the House of Commons. In
reference to this sphere of legislative action, with all reverence to
its claims and character, let it be said,--material ends (a boundless
passion for physical good, whether indulged in by a nation, or professed
by an individual, is rebuked with solemn wisdom in the following passage
from Aristotle:--"The external advantages of power and fortune are
acquired and maintained by virtue, but virtue is not acquired and
maintained by them; and whether we consider the virtuous energies
themselves, or the fruits which they unceasingly produce, THE SOVEREIGN
GOOD OF LIFE MUST EVIDENTLY BE FOUND IN MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL
EXCELLENCE, MODERATELY SUPPLIED WITH EXTERNAL ACCOMMODATIONS, RATHER
THAN IN THE GREATEST ACCUMULATION OF EXTERNAL ADVANTAGES, UNIMPROVED
AND UNADORNED BY VIRTUE. External prosperity is, indeed, instrumental in
producing happiness, and, therefore, like every other instrument, must
have its assigned limits, beyond which it is inconvenient or hurtful.
But to mental excellence no limit can be assigned; the further it
extends the more USEFUL it becomes, if the epithet of 'USEFUL' need ever
be added to that of HONOURABLE. Besides this, the relative importance
of qualities is best estimated by that of their respective subjects. But
the mind, both in itself and in reference to man, is far better than the
body, or than property. The excellencies of the mind, therefore, are
in the same proportion to be preferred to the highest perfection of the
body, and the best disposition of external circumstances. The two last
are of a far inferior, and merely subservient nature; since no man of
sense covets or pursues them, but for the sake of the mind, with a view
to promote its genuine improvement and augment its native joys. Let this
great truth then be acknowledged,--A TRUTH EVINCED BY THE DEITY HIMSELF,
WHO IS HAPPY, NOT FROM ANY EXTERNAL CAUSE, BUT THROUGH THE INHERENT
ATTRIBUTES OF HIS DIVINE NATURE."--"Politics," lib. iv.), commercial
objects, and secular aggrandizement, are now receiving an idolatrous
homage and passionate regard, which no Christian patriot can contemplate
without anxiety. The ideal, the imaginative, and the religious element,
is almost sneered out of the House of Commons at the existing moment;
and any glowing exhibition of oratory, or splendid manifestation of
intellect, is derided, as being "unpractical" and ill-adapted to the
sobriety of the English Senate! Against this heartless materialism and
unholy mammon-worship, Burke's pages are a magnificent protest; and are
admirably suited to protect the political youth and dawning statesmen
of our country, from the blight and the blast of doctrines which decry
Enthusiasm as folly, and condemn the Beautiful as worthless and untrue.
Ships, colonies, and commerce; exports and imports; taxes and imposts;
charters and civic arrangements,--none but a madman will depreciate
what such themes involve, of duty, energy, and zeal, in political life.
Still, let it be fearlessly maintained, neither wealth, nor commerce, IN
THEMSELVES, can constitute the real greatness of an empire; it is
only because they stand in relation to the higher destinies and holier
responsibilities of an Empire, that a true statesman will regard them as
vitally wound up with the vigour and prosperity of national development.
Such, at least, is the philosophy of Politics, breathed from the undying
pages of Edmund Burke. He who studies this great writer, will, more
and more, sympathise with what Hooker taught, and Bishop Sanderson
inculcates. In one word, he will learn to venerate with increasing
reverence THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION, as
"That peerless growth of patriotic mind,
The great eternal Wonder of mankind!"
Burke traced the ultimate origin of civil government to the Divine
Will, both as declared in Revelation, and imaged forth by the moral
Constitution of man. In this respect, it is well-known how fundamentally
he differs from the theories of Hobbes, Mandeville, Shaftesbury, and
Hutcheson. Not less also, is he opposed to Locke, who tells us,--"The
original compact which begins and ACTUALLY CONSTITUTES ANY POLITICAL
SOCIETY, IS NOTHING BUT THE CONSENT OF ANY NUMBER OF FREEMEN CAPABLE OF
A MAJORITY, TO UNITE AND INCORPORATE INTO SUCH A SOCIETY. AND THIS IS
THAT, AND THAT ONLY, WHICH COULD GIVE BEGINNING TO ANY LAWFUL GOVERNMENT
IN THE WORLD." In one word, Locke declares that civil government is not
from God in the way of principle, but from man in the way of fact; and
thus, being a mere contingency, or moral accident in the history of
human development, self-government is the essential prerogative of our
nature. In accordance with this irrational and unscriptural hypothesis,
we find Price and Priestly expanding Locke's views at the period of
Burke; while in the writings of that apostle of political Antinomianism,
Rousseau, and his English counterpart Tom Paine,--the principles of the
ASSUMED "CONTRAT SOCIAL" display their utmost virulence. This is not
the place to discuss the origin of Civil Government; but the classical
reader, who has been taught to revere the political wisdom of those
ancient Teachers, whose insight was almost prophetical in abstract
science, will thank us for an extract from Aristotle's "Politics," which
bears upon this subject. It presents a most striking coincidence of
sentiment between two master-spirits on the philosophy of government;
and will at once remind the reader of Burke's memorable passage,
beginning with, "Society is a partnership," etc. etc. The passage to
which we allude in Aristotle's "Politics," begins thus: "Ote men oun e
polis phusei proteron e ekastos," k.t.l. The whole passage may be thus
freely translated. "A participation in rights and advantages forms the
bond of political society; AN INSTITUTION PRIOR, IN THE INTENTION OF
NATURE, TO THE FAMILIES AND INDIVIDUALS FROM WHOM IT IS CONSTITUTED.
What members are to the body, that citizens are to a commonwealth.
The hands or foot, when separated from the body, retains its name, but
totally changes its nature, because it is completely divested of its
uses and powers. In the same manner a citizen is a constituent part of
a whole system, which invests him with powers and qualifies him for
functions for which, in his individual capacity, he is totally unfit;
and independently of such system, he might subsist indeed as a lonely
savage, but could never attain that improved and happy state to which
his progressive nature invariably tends. Perfected by the offices and
duties of social life, man is the best; but, rude and undisciplined, he
is the very worst, of animals. For nothing is more detestable than armed
improbity; and man is armed with craft and courage, which, uncontrolled
by justice, he will most wickedly pervert, and become at once the most
impious and fiercest of monsters, the most abominable in gluttony,
and shameless in personality. But justice is the fundamental virtue
of political society, since the order of Society cannot be maintained
without law, and laws are constituted to proclaim what is just." Let us
add to this noble passage, Aristotle remarks in his "Ethics" (lib. x. c.
8), that a higher destination than political virtue is the true end
of man. In this respect, he concurs with Plato; who teaches us in his
"Theaetetus," the main object of human pursuit ought to be "omoiosis to
theo kata to dunaton," etc. etc.; i.e. "A similitude unto God as far
as possible; which similitude consists in an imitation of His justice,
holiness, and wisdom." To conclude: the noblest end of all Policy on
earth, is to educate Human Nature for that august "politeuma" (Phil.
iii. v. 20), that Eternal Commonwealth which awaits perfected Spirits
above, when, through infinite grace, they are finally admitted into a
"CITY which hath foundations, whose builder and maker is God." (Heb.
xi. 10.) (The dim approximations of Platonic philosophy to certain
discoveries in Divine Revelation, have rightly challenged the attention
of theological enquirers. The above quotation from St. Paul suggests
a reference to one of these, which occurs towards the termination of
Plato's ninth book of "The Republic." He is uttering a protest against
our concluding, that because degeneracy appears to be the invariable law
or destiny of all human commonwealths, THEREFORE, no Archetypal Model
exists of any perfect state, or polity: and then, in opposition to this
political scepticism, Plato adds these remarkable words:--"en
ourano isos paradeigma anakeitai to boulomeno oran kai oronti eauton
katoikizein," etc. etc.--"The state we have here established, which
exists only in our reasoning, but it seems to me, HAS NO EXISTENCE ON
EARTH. BUT IN HEAVEN, PROBABLY, I REPLIED, THERE IS A MODEL OF IT FOR
ANY ONE INCLINED TO CONTEMPLATE THE SAME, AND BY SO CONTEMPLATING IT, TO
REGULATE HIMSELF ACCORDINGLY.")