consequences; but, in all probability, the intention of its first movers
and patrons was not fully answered; inasmuch as no provision was
made for putting a stop to that spirit of license, drunkenness, and
debauchery, which prevails at almost every election, and has a very
pernicious effect upon the morals of the people.
{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}
BILL FOR MORE EFFECTUALLY MANNING THE NAVY.
Among the bills that miscarried in the course of this session, some
turned on points of great consequence to the community. Lord Barrington,
Mr. Thomas Gore, and Mr. Charles Townshend, were ordered by the house
to prepare a bill for the speedy and effectual recruiting his majesty’s
land-forces and marines, which was no more than a transcript of the
temporary act passed in the preceding session under the same title; but
the majority were averse to its being continued for another year, as
it was attended with some prejudice to the liberty of the subject.
Objections of the same nature might have been as justly started against
another bill, for the more effectually manning of his majesty’s navy,
for preventing desertion, and for the relief and encouragement of seamen
belonging to ships and vessels in the service of the merchants. The
purport of this project was to establish registers or muster-rolls of
all seamen, fishermen, lightermen, and watermen; obliging ship-masters
to leave subscribed lists of their respective crews at offices
maintained for that purpose, that a certain number of them might be
chosen by lot for his majesty’s service, in any case of emergency. This
expedient, however, was rejected, as an unnecessary and ineffectual
incumbrance on commerce, which would hamper navigation, and, in a little
time, diminish the number of seamen, of consequence act diametrically
opposite to the purpose for which it was contrived.--Numberless frauds
having been committed, and incessant law-suits produced, by private and
clandestine conveyances, a motion was made, and leave given, to form a
bill for the public registering of all deeds, conveyances, wills,
and other incumbrances, that might effect any honours, manors, lands,
tenements, and hereditaments, within the kingdom of England, wherein
public registers were not already appointed by act of parliament;
but this measure, so necessary to the ascertainment and possession of
property, met with a violent opposition; and was finally dropped, as
some people imagine, through the influence of those who, perhaps, had
particular reasons for countenancing the present mysterious forms
of conveyancing. Such a bill must also have been disagreeable and
mortifying to the pride of those landholders whose estates were
incumbered, because, in consequence of such a register, every mortgage
under which they laboured would be exactly known.--The next object
to which the house converted its attention, was a bill explaining
and amending a late act for establishing a fish-market in the city of
Westminster, and preventing scandalous monopolies of a few engrossing
fishmongers, who imposed exorbitant prices on their fish, and, in this
particular branch of traffic, gave law to above six hundred thousand of
their fellow-citizens. Abundance of pains were taken to render this bill
effectual, for putting an end to such flagrant impositions. Inquiries
were made, petitions read, counsel heard, and alterations proposed; at
length the bill, having passed through the lower house, was conveyed to
the lords, among whom it was suffered to expire, on pretence that there
was not time sufficient to deliberate maturely on the subject.
HABEAS-CORPUS ACT AMENDED.
The occasion that produced the next bill which miscarried we shall
explain, as an incident equally extraordinary and interesting. By an
act passed in the preceding session, for recruiting his majesty’s
land-forces and marines, we have already observed, that the
commissioners thereby appointed were vested with a power of judging
ultimately, whether the persons brought before them were such as ought,
by the rules prescribed in the act, to be impressed into the service;
for it was expressly provided, that no person, so impressed by those
commissioners, should be taken out of his majesty’s service by any
process, other than for some criminal accusation. During the recess of
parliament, a gentleman having been impressed before the commissioners,
and confined in the Savoy, his friends made application for a
_habeas-corpus_, which produced some hesitation, and indeed
an insurmountable difficulty; for, according to the writ of
_habeas-corpus_, passed in the reign of Charles the Second, this
privilege relates only to persons committed for criminal or supposed
criminal matters, and the gentleman did not stand in that predicament.
Before the question could be determined he was discharged, in
consequence of an application to the secretary at war; but the nature of
the case plainly pointed out a defect in the act, seemingly of the most
dangerous consequence to the liberty of the subject. In order to remedy
this defect, a bill for giving a more speedy relief to the subject, upon
the writ of _habeas-corpus_, was prepared, and presented to the house
of commons, which formed itself into a committee, and made several
amendments. It imported, that the several provisions made in the
aforesaid act, passed in the reign of Charles II. for the awarding of
writs of _habeas-corpus_, in cases of commitment or detainer for any
criminal or supposed criminal matter, should, in like manner, extend
to all cases where any person, not being committed or detained for any
criminal or supposed criminal matter, should-be confined, or restrained
of his or her liberty, under any colour or pretence whatsoever; that,
upon oath made by such person so confined or arrested, or by any other
on his or her behalf, of any actual confinement or restraint, and that
such confinement or restraint, to the best of the knowledge and belief
of the person so applying, was not by virtue of any commitment
or detainer for any criminal or supposed criminal matter, an
_habeas-corpus_, directed to the person or persons so confining or
restraining the party, as aforesaid, should be awarded and granted,
in the same manner as is directed, and under the same penalties as are
provided by the said act, in the case of persons committed and detained
for any criminal or supposed criminal matter; that the person or persons
before whom the party so confined or restrained should be brought, by
virtue of any _habeas-corpus_ granted in the vacation time, under the
authority of this act, might and should, within three days after the
return made, proceed to examine into the facts contained in such return,
and into the cause of such confinement and restraint; and thereupon
either discharge, or bail, or remand the parties so brought, as the case
should require, and as to justice should appertain. The rest of the
bill related to the return of the writ in three days, and the penalties
incurred by those who should neglect or refuse to make the due return,
or to comply with any other clause of this regulation. The commons
seemed hearty in rearing up this additional buttress to the liberty
of their fellow-subjects, and passed the bill with the most laudable
alacrity; but in the house of lords such a great number of objections
were started, that it sunk at the second reading, and the judges were
ordered to prepare a bill for the same purpose, to be laid before that
house in the next session.
SCHEME IN FAVOUR OF THE FOUNDLING HOSPITAL.
His majesty having recommended the care of the Foundling hospital to the
house of commons, which cheerfully granted forty thousand pounds for
the support of that charity, the growing annual expense of it appeared
worthy of further consideration, and leave was granted to bring in
a bill for obliging all the parishes of England and Wales to keep
registers of all their deaths, births, and marriages, that from these a
fund might be raised towards the support of the said hospital. The bill
was accordingly prepared by a committee appointed for the purpose;
but before the house could take the report into consideration, the
parliament was prorogued.--The proprietors of the privateer called the
Antigallican, which had taken a rich French ship homeward bound from
China, and carried her into Cadiz, where the Spanish government had
wrested her by violence from the captors, and delivered her to the
French owners, now presented a petition to the house of commons,
complaining of this interposition as an act of partiality and injustice;
representing the great expense at which the privateer had been equipped,
the legality of the capture, the loss and hardships which they the
petitioners had sustained, and imploring such relief as the house should
think requisite. Though these allegations were supported by a species
of evidence that seemed strong and convincing, and it might be thought
incumbent on the parliament to vindicate the honour of the nation, when
thus insulted by a foreign power, the house, upon this occasion, treated
the petition with the most mortifying neglect, either giving little
credit to the assertions it contained, or unwilling to take any step
which might at this juncture embroil the nation with the court of Spain
on such a frivolous subject. True it is, the Spanish government alleged,
in their own justification, that the prize was taken under the guns
of Corunna, insomuch that the shot fired by the privateer entered that
place, and damaged some houses; but this allegation was never properly
sustained, and the prize was certainly condemned as legal by the court
of admiralty at Gibraltar.
PROCEEDINGS RELATIVE TO THE AFRICAN COMPANY.
As we have already given a detail of the trial of sir John Mordaunt, it
will be unnecessary to recapitulate any circumstances of that affair,
except such as relate to its connexion with the proceedings of
parliament. In the beginning of this session, lord Barrington, as
secretary at war, informed the house, by his majesty’s command, that
lieutenant-general sir John Mordaunt, a member of that house, was in
arrest for disobedience of his majesty’s orders, while employed on
the late expedition to the coast of France. The commons immediately
resolved, that an address should be presented to his majesty, returning
him the thanks of this house for his gracious message of that day, in
the communication he had been pleased to make of the reason for putting
lieutenant-general sir, John Mordaunt in arrest.--Among the various
objects of commerce that employed the attention of the house, one of
the most considerable was the trade to the coast of Africa, for the
protection of which an annual sum had been granted for some years, to be
expended in the maintenance and repairs of castles and factories. While
a committee was employed in perusing the accounts relating to the sum
granted in the preceding session for this purpose, a petition from the
committee of the African company, recommended in a message from his
majesty, was presented to the house, soliciting further assistance for
the ensuing year. In the meantime, a remonstrance was offered by certain
planters and merchants, interested in trading to the British sugar
colonies in America, alleging, that the price of negroes was greatly
advanced since the forts and settlements on the coast of Africa had been
under the direction of the committee of the company of merchants trading
to that coast; a circumstance that greatly distressed and alarmed the
petitioners, prevented the cultivation of the British colonies, and was
a great detriment to the trade and navigation of the kingdom; that
this misfortune, they believed, was in some measure owing to the
ruinous state and condition of the forts and settlements; that, in their
opinion, the most effectual method for maintaining the interest of
that trade on a respectable footing, next to that of an incorporated
joint-stock company, would be putting those forts and settlements under
the sole direction of the commissioners for trade and plantations; that
the preservation or ruin of the American sugar colonies went hand in
hand with that of the slave trade to Africa; that, by an act passed
in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty, for extending and
improving this trade, the British subjects were debarred from lodging
their slaves and merchandise in the forts and settlements on the coast;
they, therefore, prayed that this part of the act might be repealed;
that all commanders of British and American vessels, free merchants, and
all other his majesty’s subjects, who were settled, or might at any time
thereafter settle in Africa, should have free liberty, from sunrise to
sunset, to enter the forts and settlements, and to deposit their goods
and merchandise in the warehouses thereunto belonging; to secure their
slaves or other purchases without paying any consideration for the same;
but the slaves to be victualled at the proper cost and charge of
their respective owners. The house having taken this petition into
consideration, inquired into the proceedings of the company, and revised
the act for extending and improving the trade to Africa, resolved, that
the committee of the African company had faithfully discharged the trust
reposed in them, and granted ten thousand pounds for maintaining the
British forts and settlements in that part of the world. The enemy were
perfectly well acquainted with the weakness of the British castles on
the coast of Africa; and had they known as well how to execute with
spirit, as to plan with sagacity, the attempt which, in the course of
the preceding year, they made upon the principal British fort in Guinea,
would have succeeded, and all the other settlements would have fallen
into their hands without opposition.*
* Robert Hunter Morris represented, in a petition to the
house, that as no salt was made in the British colonies in
America, they were obliged to depend upon a precarious
supply of that commodity from foreigners; he, therefore,
offered to undertake the making of marine salt at a moderate
price in one of those colonies, at his own risk and charge,
provided he could be secured in the enjoyment of the profits
which the work might produce, for such a term of years as
might seem to the house a proper and adequate compensation
for so great an undertaking. The petition was ordered to lie
upon the table; afterwards read and referred to a committee,
which, however, made no report. A circumstance not easily
accounted for, unless we suppose the house of commons were
of opinion, that such an enterprise might contribute towards
rendering our colonies too independent of their mother-
country.--Equally unaccountable was the miscarriage of
another bill, brought in for regulating the manner of
licensing alehouses, which was read for the first time; but
when a motion was made for a second reading, the question
was put, and it passed in the negative.
SESSION CLOSED.
The longest and warmest debate which was maintained in the course of
this session, arose from a motion for leave to bring in a bill for
shortening the term and duration of future parliaments; a measure truly
patriotic, against which no substantial argument could be produced,
although the motion was rejected by the majority, on pretence, that
whilst the nation was engaged in such a dangerous and expensive war, it
would be improper to think of introducing such an alteration in the
form of government. Reasons of equal strength and solidity will never
be wanting to the patrons and ministers of corruption and venality.
The alteration proposed was nothing less than removing and annulling an
encroachment which had been made on the constitution; it might have
been effected without the least pang or convulsion, to the general
satisfaction of the nation; far from being unreasonable at this
juncture, it would have enhanced the national reputation abroad, and
rendered the war more formidable to the enemies of Great Britain, by
convincing them that it was supported by a ministry and parliament who
stood upon such good terms with the people. Indeed, a quick succession
of parliaments might have disconcerted, and perhaps expelled that
spirit of confidence and generosity which now so remarkably espoused
and gratified the sovereign’s predilection for the interest of
Hanover.--Other committees were established, to enquire into the expense
incurred by new lines and fortifications raised at Gibraltar; to examine
the original standards of weights and measures used in England; consider
the laws relating to them, and report their observations, together with
their opinion of the most effectual means for ascertaining and enforcing
uniform standards to be used for the future. The commons were perfectly
satisfied with the new works which had been raised at Gibraltar; and
with respect to the weights and measures, the committee agreed to
certain resolutions, but no further progress was made in this inquiry,
except an order for printing these resolutions, with the appendix;
however, as the boxes containing the standards were ordered to be locked
up by the clerk of the house, in all probability their intention was to
proceed on this subject in some future session. On the ninth day of June
sundry bills received the royal assent by commission, his majesty
being indisposed; and on the twentieth day of the same month, the
lords commissioners closed the session with a speech to both houses,
expressing his majesty’s deep sense of their loyalty and good affection,
demonstrated in their late proceedings, in their zeal for his honour
and real interest in all parts, in their earnestness to surmount every
difficulty, in their ardour to maintain the war with the utmost vigour;
proofs which must convince mankind that the ancient spirit of the
British nation still subsisted in its full force. They were given to
understand that the king had taken all such measures as appeared the
most conducive to the accomplishment of their public-spirited views and
wishes; that with their assistance, crowned by the blessing of God
upon the conduct and bravery of the combined army, his majesty had
been enabled, not only to deliver his dominions in Germany from the
oppressions and devastations of the French, but also to push his
advantages on this side the Rhine; that he had cemented the union
between him and his good brother the king of Prussia, by new
engagements; that the British fleets and armies were now actually
employed in such expeditions as appeared likely to annoy the enemy in
the most sensible manner, and to promote the welfare and prosperity
of these kingdoms; in particular, to preserve the British rights and
possessions in America, and to make France feel, in those parts, the
real strength and importance of Great Britain. The commons were thanked
for the ample supplies which they had so freely and unanimously given,
and assured on the part of his majesty that they should be managed with
the most frugal economy. They were desired, in consequence of the king’s
earnest recommendation, to promote harmony and good agreement amongst
his faithful subjects; to make the people acquainted with the rectitude
and purity of his intentions and measures, and to exert themselves
in maintaining the peace and good order of the country, by enforcing
obedience to the laws and Lawful authority.
VIGOROUS PREPARATIONS FOR WAR, &c.
Never, surely, had any sovereign more reason to be pleased with the
conduct of his ministers, and the spirit of his people. The whole nation
reposed the most unbounded confidence in the courage and discretion,
as well as in the integrity of the minister, who seemed eager upon
prosecuting the war with such vigour and activity as appeared almost
unexampled in the annals of Great Britain. New levies were made,
new ships put in commission, fresh expeditions undertaken, and fresh
conquests projected. Such was the credit of the administration, that
people subscribed to the government loans with surprising eagerness. An
unusual spirit of enterprise and resolution seemed to inspire all the
individuals that constituted the army and navy; and the passion for
military fame diffused itself through all ranks in the civil departments
of life, even to the very dregs of the populace; such a remarkable
change from indolence to activity, from indifference to zeal, from
timorous caution to fearless execution, was effected by the influence
and example of an intelligent and intrepid minister, who, chagrined at
the inactivity and disgraces of the preceding campaign, had on a very
solemn occasion, lately declared his belief that there was a determined
resolution, both in the naval and military commanders, against any
vigorous exertion of the national power in the service of the country.
He affirmed, that though his majesty appeared ready to embrace every
measure proposed by his ministers for the honour and interest of
his British dominions, yet scarce a man could be found with whom the
execution of any one plan in which there was the least appearance of
any danger could with confidence be trusted. He particularised the
inactivity of one general in North America, from whose abilities
and personal bravery the nation had conceived great expectations;
he complained, that this noble commander had expressed the most
contemptuous disregard for the civil power, from which he derived his
authority, by neglecting to transmit, for a considerable length of time,
any other advice of his proceedings but what appeared on a written scrap
of paper; he observed, that with a force by land and sea greater than
ever the nation had heretofore maintained, with a king and ministry
ardently desirous of redeeming her glory, succouring her allies,
and promoting her true interest, a shameful dislike to the service
everywhere prevailed, and few seemed affected with any other zeal
than that of aspiring to the highest posts, and grasping the largest
salaries. The censure levelled at the commander in America was founded
on mistake; the inactivity of that noble lord was not more disappointing
to the ministry than disagreeable to his own inclination. He used his
utmost endeavours to answer the expectation of the public, but his hands
were effectually tied by an absolute impossibility of success, and his
conduct stood justified in the eyes of his sovereign. A particular and
accurate detail of his proceedings he transmitted through a channel,
which he imagined would have directly conveyed it to the foot of the
throne; but the packet was said to have been purposely intercepted
and suppressed. Perhaps he was not altogether excusable for having
corresponded so slightly with the secretary of state; but he was said to
have gone abroad in full persuasion that the ministry would be changed,
and therefore his assiduities were principally directed to the great
personage, who, in that case, would have superintended and directed
all the operations of the army. All sorts of military preparations
in founderies, docks, arsenals, raising and exercising troops, and
victualling transports, were now carried on with such diligence and
despatch as seemed to promise an exertion that would soon obliterate
the disagreeable remembrance of past disgrace. The beginning of the year
was, however, a little clouded by a general concern for the death of
his majesty’s third daughter, the princess Caroline, a lady of the
most exemplary virtue and amiable character, who died at the age of
forty-five, sincerely regretted as a pattern of unaffected piety, and
unbounded benevolence.
The British cruisers kept the sea during all the severity of winter,
in order to protect the commerce of the kingdom, and annoy that of the
enemy. They exerted themselves with such activity, and their vigilance
was attended with such success, that a great number of prizes were
taken, and the trade of France almost totally extinguished. A very
gallant exploit was achieved by one captain Bray, commander of the
Adventure, a small armed vessel in the government’s service: falling in
with the Machault, a large privateer of Dunkirk, near Dungenness, he
ran her aboard, fastened her boltsprit to his capstan, and, after a
warm engagement, compelled her commander to submit. A French frigate
of thirty-six guns was taken by captain Parker, in a new fire-ship of
inferior force. Divers privateers of the enemy were sunk, burned, or
taken, and a great number of merchant ships fell into the hands of the
English. Nor was the success of the British ships of war confined to
the English channel. At this period the board of admiralty received
information from admiral Coats, in Jamaica, of an action which happened
off the island of Hispaniola, in the month of October of the preceding
year, between three English ships of war and a French squadron. Captain
Forrest, an officer of distinguished merit in the service, had, in the
ship Augusta, sailed from Port Eoyal in Jamaica, accompanied by the
Dreadnought and Edinburgh, under the command of the captains Suckling
and Langdon. He was ordered to cruise off Cape François, and this
service he literally performed in the face of the French squadron under
Kersin, lately arrived at that place from the coast of Africa. This
commander, piqued at seeing himself thus insulted by an inferior
armament, resolved to come forth and give them battle; and that he
might either take them, or at least drive them out of the seas, so as to
afford a free passage to a great number of merchant ships then lying at
the Cape, bound for Europe, he took every precaution which he thought
necessary to ensure success. He reinforced his squadron with some store
ships, mounted with guns, and armed for the occasion, and supplied
the deficiency in his complements, by taking on board seamen from
the merchant ships, and soldiers from the garrison. Thus prepared, he
weighed anchor, and stood out to sea, having under his command four
large ships of the line, and three stout frigates. They were no sooner
perceived advancing, than captain Forrest held a short council with his
two captains. “Gentlemen,” said he, “you know your own strength, and
see that of the enemy; shall we give them battle?” They replying in the
affirmative, he added, “Then fight them we will: there is no time to be
lost; return to your ships, and get them ready for engaging.” After this
laconic consultation among these three gallant officers, they bore down
upon the French squadron without further hesitation, and between three
and four in tire afternoon the action began with great impetuosity.
The enemy exerted themselves with uncommon spirit, conscious that their
honour was peculiarly at stake, and that they fought in sight, as it
were, of their own coast, which was lined with people, expecting to see
them return in triumph. But, notwithstanding all their endeavours, their
commodore, after having sustained a severe engagement, that lasted two
hours and a half, found his ship in such a shattered condition, that he
made signal for one of his frigates to come and tow him out of the line.
His example was followed by the rest of his squadron, which, by this
assistance, with the favour of the land breeze and the approach of
night, made shift to accomplish their escape from the three British
ships, which were too much disabled in their masts and rigging to
prosecute their victory. One of the French squadron was rendered
altogether unserviceable for action. Their loss in men amounted to three
hundred killed, and as many wounded; whereas that of the English did not
much exceed one-third of this number. Nevertheless, they were so much
damaged, that, being unable to keep the sea, they returned to Jamaica,
and the French commodore seized the opportunity of sailing with a
great convoy for Europe. The courage of captain Forrest was not more
conspicuous in this engagement with the French squadron near Cape
Francois, than his conduct and sagacity in a subsequent adventure near
Port-au-Prince, a French harbour, situated at the bottom of a bay on the
western part of Hispaniola, behind the small island of Gonave. After M.
de Kersin had taken his departure from Cape François for Europe, admiral
Coats, beating up to windward from Port-Royal in Jamaica with three
ships of the line, received intelligence that there was a French fleet
at Port-au-Prince, ready to sail on their return to Europe. Captain
Forrest then presented the admiral with a plan for an attack on this
place, and urged it earnestly. This, however, was declined, and captain
Forrest directed to cruise off the island Gonave for two days only,
the admiral enjoining him to return at the expiration of the time, and
rejoin the squadron at Cape Nicholas. Accordingly captain Forrest,
in the Augusta, proceeded up the bay, between the island Gonave
and Hispaniola, with a view to execute a plan which he had himself
projected. Next day, in the afternoon, though he perceived two sloops,
he forbore chasing, that he might not risk a discovery; for the
same purpose he hoisted Dutch colours, and disguised his ship with
tarpaulins. At five in the afternoon he discovered seven sail of ships
steering to the westward, and hauled from them to avoid suspicion; but
at the approach of night gave chase with all the sail he could carry.
About ten he perceived two sail, one of which fired a gun, and the other
made the best of her way for Leoganne, another harbour in the bay. At
this period captain Forrest reckoned eight sail to leeward, near another
port called Petit Goave. Coming up with the ship which had fired the
gun, she submitted without opposition, after he had hailed and told her
captain what he was, produced two of his largest cannon, and threatened
to sink her if she should give the least alarm. He forthwith shifted the
prisoners from this prize, and placed on board of her five-and-thirty of
his own crew, with orders to stand for Petit Goave, and intercept any
of the fleet that might attempt to reach that harbour. Then he made sail
after the rest, and in the dawn of the morning, finding himself in the
middle of their fleet, he began to fire at them all in their turns, as
he could bring his guns to bear. They returned the fire for sometime;
at length the Marguerite, the Solide, and the Theodore struck their
colours. These being secured, were afterwards used in taking the
Maurice, Le Grand, and La Flore; the Brilliant also submitted, and the
Mars made sail, in hopes of escaping, but the Augusta coming up with her
about noon, she likewise fell into the hands of the victor. Thus, by
a well-conducted stratagem, a whole fleet of nine sail were taken by a
single ship, in the neighbourhood of four or five harbours, in any
one of which they would have found immediate shelter and security.
The prizes, which happened to be richly laden, were safely conveyed
to Jamaica, and there sold at public auction, for the benefit of the
captors, who may safely challenge history to produce such another
instance of success.
{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}
THE FRENCH EVACUATE EMBDEN.
The ministry having determined to make vigorous efforts against the
enemy in North America, admiral Boscawen was vested with the command of
the fleet destined for that service, and sailed from St. Helen’s on the
nineteenth day of February, when the Invincible, of seventy-four guns,
one of the best ships that constituted his squadron, ran aground, and
perished; but her men, stores, and artillery were saved. In the course
of the succeeding month, sir Edward Hawke steered into the bay of Biscay
with another squadron, in order to intercept any supplies from France
designed for Cape Breton or Canada; and about the same time the town
of Embden, belonging to his Prussian majesty, which had fallen into the
hands of the enemy, was suddenly retrieved by the conduct of commodore
Holmes, stationed on that coast, who sent up two of his small ships to
anchor in the river between Knok and the city. The garrison, amounting
to three thousand seven hundred men, finding themselves thus cut off
from all communication with the country below, abandoned the place with
great precipitation, and some of their baggage being sent off by water,
was taken by the boats which the commodore armed for that purpose. It
was in the same month that the admiralty received advice of another
advantage by sea, which had been gained by admiral Osborne, while he
cruised between Cape de Gatt and Carthagena, on the coast of Spain.
On the twenty-eighth day of March he fell in with a French squadron,
commanded by the marquis du Quesne, consisting of four ships, namely,
the Foudroyant, of eighty guns, the Orphée, of sixty-four, the
Oriflamme, of fifty, and the Pléiade frigate, of twenty-four, in their
passage from Toulon to reinforce M. de la Clue, who had for some time
been blocked up by admiral Osborne in the harbour of Carthagena. The
enemy no sooner perceived the English squadron than they dispersed, and
steered different courses: then Mr. Osborne detached divers ships in
pursuit of each, while he himself, with the body of his fleet, stood off
for the bay of Carthagena, to watch the motions of the French squadron
which lay there at anchor. About seven in the evening, the Orphée,
having on board five hundred men, struck to captain Storr, in the
Revenge, who lost the calf of one leg in the engagement, during which
he was sustained by the ships Berwick and Preston. The Monmouth, of
sixty-four guns, commanded by captain Gardener, engaged the Foudroyant,
one of the largest ships in the French navy, mounted with fourscore
cannon, and containing eight hundred men, under the direction of the
marquis du Quesne. The action was maintained with great fury on both
sides, and the gallant captain Gardener lost his life; nevertheless,
the fight was continued with unabating vigour by his lieutenant,
Mr. Carkett, and the Foudroyant disabled in such a manner, that her
commander struck, as soon as the other English ships, the Swiftsure and
the Hampton-court, appeared. This mortifying step, however, he did not
take until he saw his ship lie like a wreck upon the water, and the
decks covered with carnage. The Oriflamme was driven on shore under the
castle of Aiglos, by the ships Montague and Monarque, commanded by the
captains Rowley and Montague, who could not complete their destruction
without violating the neutrality of Spain. As for the Pléiade frigate,
she made her escape by being a prime sailer. This was a severe stroke
upon the enemy, who not only lost two of her capital ships, but saw them
added to the navy of Great Britain; and the disaster was followed close
by another, which they could not help feeling with equal sensibility of
mortification and chagrin. In the beginning of April, sir Edward Hawke,
steering with his squadron into Basque-road, on the coast of Poictou,
discovered, off the isle of Aix, a French fleet at anchor, consisting of
five ships of the line, with six frigates, and forty transports, having
on board three thousand troops, and a large quantity of stores and
provisions intended as a supply for their settlements in North America.
They no sooner saw the English Admiral advancing, than they began to
slip their cables, and fly in the utmost confusion. Some of them escaped
by sea, but a great number ran into shoal water, where they could not
be pursued; and next morning they appeared aground, lying on their
broadsides. Sir Edward Hawke, who had rode all night at anchor abreast
of the isle of Aix, furnished the ships Intrepid and Medway with trusty
pilots, and sent them farther in when the flood began to make, with
orders to sound ahead, that he might know whether there was any
possibility of attacking the enemy; but the want of a sufficient depth
of water rendered the scheme impracticable. In the meantime, the
French threw overboard their cannon, stores, and ballast; and boats and
launches from Rochefort were employed in carrying out warps, to drag
their ships through the soft mud, as soon as they should be water-borne
by the flowing tide. By these means their large ships of war, and many
of their transports, escaped into the river Charente; but their loading
was lost, and the end of their equipment totally defeated. Another
convoy of merchant ships under the protection of three frigates, sir
Edward Hawke, a few days before, had chased into the harbour of Saint
Martin’s, in the isle of Rhé, where they still remained, waiting an
opportunity for hazarding a second departure. A third, consisting of
twelve sail, bound from Bourdeaux to Quebec, under convoy of a frigate
and armed vessel, was encountered at sea by one British ship of the line
and two fire-ships, which took the frigate and armed vessel, and two
of the convoy afterwards met with the same fate; but this advantage was
overbalanced by the loss of captain James Hume, commander of the Pluto
fire-ship, a brave accomplished officer, who, in an unequal combat with
the enemy, refused to quit the deck even when he was disabled, and fell
gloriously, covered with wounds, exhorting the people, with his latest
breath, to continue the engagement while the ship could swim, and acquit
themselves with honour in the service of their country.
ADMIRAL BRODERICK’S SHIP BURNT.
On the twenty-ninth day of May, the Raisonable, a French ship of the
line, mounted with sixty-four cannon, having on board six hundred and
thirty men, commanded by the prince de Mombazon, chevalier de Rohan,
was, in her passage from Port l’Orient to Brest, attacked by captain
Dennis, in the Dorsetshire, of seventy guns, and taken after an
obstinate engagement, in which one hundred and sixty men of the prince’s
complement were killed or wounded, and he sustained great damage in his
hull, sails, and rigging. These successes were, moreover, chequered by
the tidings of a lamentable disaster that befel the ship Prince George,
of eighty guns, commanded by rear-admiral Broderick, in his passage to
the Mediterranean. On the thirteenth day of April, between one and two
in the afternoon, a dreadful fire broke out in the fore part of the
ship, and raged with such fury, that notwithstanding all the efforts of
the officers and men for several hours, the flames increased, and the
ship being consumed to the water’s edge, the remnant sunk about six
o’clock in the evening. The horror and consternation of such a scene are
not easily described. When all endeavours proved fruitless, and no
hope of preserving the ship remained, the barge was hoisted out for
the preservation of the admiral, who entered it accordingly; but all
distinction of persons being now abolished, the seamen rushed into it in
such crowds, that in a few moments it overset. The admiral, foreseeing
that this would be the case, stripped off his clothes, and committing
himself to the mercy of the waves, was saved by the boat of a merchant
ship, after he had sustained himself in the sea a full hour by swimming.
Captain Payton, who was the second in command, remained upon the
quarter-deck as long as it was possible to keep that station, and then
descending by the stern ladder, had the good fortune to be taken into a
boat belonging to the Aklerney sloop. The hull of the ship, masts, and
rigging, were now in a blaze, bursting tremendously in several parts
through horrid clouds of smoke; nothing was heard but the crackling of
the flames, mingled with the dismal cries of terror and distraction;
nothing was seen but acts of frenzy and desperation. The miserable
wretches, affrighted at the horrors of such a conflagration, sought a
fate less dreadful by plunging into the sea, and about three hundred men
were preserved by the boats belonging to some ships that accompanied the
admiral in his voyage, but five hundred perished in the ocean.
DESCENT AT CANCALLE BAY.
The king of Great Britain being determined to renew his attempt upon the
coast of France, ordered a very formidable armament to be equipped
for that purpose. Two powerful squadrons by sea were destined for the
service of this expedition: the first, consisting of eleven great ships,
was commanded by lord Anson and sir Edward Hawke; the other, composed of
four ships of the line, seven frigates, six sloops, two fire-ships, two
bombs, ten cutters, twenty tenders, ten store-ships, and one hundred
transports, was put under the direction of commodore Howe, who had
signalized himself by his gallantry and conduct in the course of the
last fruitless expedition. The plan of a descent upon France having
been adopted by the ministry, a body of troops, consisting of sixteen
regiments, nine troops of light horse, and six thousand marines, was
assembled for the execution of this design, and embarked under the
command of the duke of Marlborough; a nobleman, who though he did not
inherit all the military genius of his grandfather, yet far excelled him
in the amiable and social qualities of the heart: he was brave beyond
all question, generous to profusion, and good-natured to excess. On
this occasion he was assisted by the councils of lord George Sackville,
second in command, son to the duke of Dorset; an officer of experience
and reputation, who had, in the civil departments of government,
exhibited proofs of extraordinary genius and uncommon application. The
troops, having been encamped for some time upon the Isle of Wight, were
embarked in the latter end of May, and the two fleets sailed in the
beginning of June for the coast of Bretagne, leaving the people of
England flushed with the gayest hopes of victory and conquest. The two
fleets parted at sea: lord Anson, with his squadron, proceeded to the
bay of Biscay, in order to watch the motions of the enemy’s ships, and
harass their navigation; while commodore Howe, with the land-forces,
steered directly towards St. Maloes, a strong place of considerable
commerce, situated on the coast of Bretagne, against which the purposed
invasion seemed to be chiefly intended. The town, however, was found too
well fortified, both by art and nature, to admit of an attempt by sea
with any prospect of success; and, therefore, it was resolved to make
a descent in the neighbourhood. After the fleet had been, by contrary
winds, detained several days in sight of the French coast, it arrived
in the bay of Cancalle, about two leagues to the eastward of St.
Maloes; and Mr. Howe having silenced a small battery which the enemy
had occasionally raised upon the beach, the troops were landed without
further opposition on the sixth day of June. The duke of Marlborough
immediately began his march towards St. Servan, with a view to destroy
such shipping and magazines as might be in any accessible parts of the
river; and this scheme was executed with success. A great quantity of
naval stores, two ships of war, several privateers, and about fourscore
vessels of different sorts, were set on fire and reduced to ashes,
almost under the cannon of the place, which, however, they could not
pretend to besiege in form. His grace having received repeated advices
that the enemy were busily employed in assembling forces to march
against him, returned to Cancalle, where Mr. Howe had made such
a masterly disposition of the boats and transports, that the
re-embarkation of the troops was performed with surprising ease and
expedition. The forces, while they remained on shore were restrained
from all outrage by the most severe discipline; and the French houses,
which their inhabitants had abandoned, were left untouched. Immediately
after their landing, the duke of Marlborough, as commander-in-chief,
published and distributed a manifesto, addressed to the people of
Bretagne, giving them to understand, that his descent upon the coast was
not effected with a design to make war on the inhabitants of the open
country, except such as should be found in arms, or otherwise opposing
the operations of his Britannic majesty; that all who were willing
to continue in peaceable possession of their effects, might remain
unmolested in their respective dwellings, and follow their usual
occupations; that, besides the customs and taxes they used to pay
to their own king, nothing should be required of them but what was
absolutely necessary for the subsistence of the army; and that, for all
provisions brought in, they should be paid in ready money. He concluded
this notice with declaring, that if, notwithstanding these assurances
of protection, they should carry off their effects and provisions, and
abandon the places of their habitation, he would treat them as enemies,
and destroy their houses with fire and sword. To the magistracy of St.
Maloes he likewise sent a letter, importing, that as all the inhabitants
of the towns and villages between Dinant, Rennes, and Doll, now in
his possession, had deserted their habitations, probably to avoid the
payment of the usual contributions; and he being informed that the
magistrates had compelled the people of the country to retire into
the town of St. Maloes; he now gave them notice, that if they did not
immediately send them back to their houses, and come themselves to his
head-quarters, to settle the contributions, he should think himself
obliged to proceed to military execution. These threats, however, were
not put in force, although the magistrates of St. Maloes did not think
proper to comply with his injunction. But it was found altogether
impossible to prevent irregularities among troops that were naturally
licentious. Some houses were pillaged, and not without acts of
barbarity; but the offenders were brought to immediate justice; and it
must be owned, as an incontestable proof of the general’s humanity, that
in destroying the magazines of the enemy at St. Servan, which may be
termed the suburbs of St. Maloes, he ordered one small-store house to
be spared, because it could not be set on fire without endangering the
whole district. The British forces being re-embarked, including about
five hundred light-horse, which had been disciplined and carried over
with a view to scour the country, the fleet was detained by contrary
winds in the bay of Cancalle for several days, during which a design
seems to have been formed for attacking Granville, which had been
reconnoitred by some of the engineers; but, in consequence of their
report, the scheme was laid aside, and the fleet stood out to sea, where
it was exposed to some rough weather. In a few days, the wind blowing in
a northern direction, they steered again towards the French coast, and
ran in with the land near Havre-de-Grace, where the flat-bottomed boats,
provided for landing, were hoisted out, and a second disembarkation
expected. But the wind blowing violently towards the evening, the boats
were re-shipped, and the fleet obliged to quit the land in order to
avoid the dangers of a lee-shore. Next day, the weather being more
moderate, they returned to the same station, and orders were given to
prepare for a descent; but the duke of Marlborough having taken a view
of the coast in an open cutter, accompanied by commodore Howe, thought
proper to waive the attempt. Their next step was to bear away before the
wind for Cherbourg, in the neighbourhood of which place the fleet
came to anchor. Here some of the transports received the fire of six
different batteries; and a considerable body of troops appeared in arms
to dispute the landing; nevertheless, the general resolved that the
forts Querqueville, l’Hommet, and Gallet, should be attacked in the
night by the first regiment of guards. The soldiers were actually
distributed in the flat-bottomed boats, and every preparation made for
this enterprise, when the wind began to blow with such violence, that
the troops could not be landed without the most imminent danger and
difficulty, nor properly sustained in case of a repulse, even if the
disembarkation could have been effected. This attempt, therefore, was
laid aside, but at the same time a resolution taken to stand in
towards the shore with the whole fleet, to cover a general landing.
A disposition was made accordingly; but the storm increasing, the
transports ran foul of each other, and the ships were exposed to all
the perils of a lee-shore, for the gale blew directly upon the coast;
besides, the provisions began to fail, and the hay for the horses was
almost consumed. These concurring reasons induced the commanders to
postpone the disembarkation to a more favourable opportunity. The fleet
stood out to sea, and the tempest abating, they steered for the Isle of
Wight, and next day anchored at St. Helen’s. Such was the issue of an
enterprise achieved with considerable success, if we consider the damage
done to the enemy’s shipping, and the other objects which the minister
had in view; namely, to secure the navigation of the channel, and make
a diversion in favour of the German allies, by alarming the French king,
and obliging him to employ a great number of troops to defend his
coast from insult and invasion; but whether such a mighty armament was
necessary for the accomplishment of these petty aims, and whether the
same armament might not have been employed in executing schemes of
infinitely greater advantage to the nation, we shall leave to the
judicious reader’s own reflection.
EXPEDITION AGAINST CHERBOURG.
The designs upon the coast of France, though interrupted by tempestuous
weather, were not as yet laid aside for the whole season; but, in the
meantime, the troops were disembarked on the Isle of Wight; and one
brigade marched to the northward, to join a body of troops, with which
the government resolved to augment the army of the allies in Germany,
commanded by prince Ferdinand of Brunswick. The duke of Marlborough and
lord George Sackville being appointed to conduct this British corps
upon the continent, the command of the marine expeditions devolved to
lieutenant-general Bligh, an old experienced officer, who had served
with reputation; and his royal highness prince Edward, afterwards
created duke of York, entered as a volunteer with commodore Howe, in
order to learn the rudiments of the sea-service. The remainder of
the troops being re-embarked, and everything prepared for the second
expedition, the fleet sailed from St. Helen’s on the first of August;
and after a tedious passage, from calms and contrary winds, anchored
on the seventh in the bay of Cherbourg. By this time the enemy
had intrenched themselves within a line, extending from the fort
Ecoeurdeville, which stands about two miles to the westward of
Cherbourg, along the coast for the space of four miles, fortified with
several batteries at proper distances. Behind this retrenchment a body
of horse and infantry appeared in red and blue uniforms; but as they
did not advance to the open beach, the less risk was run in landing the
British forces. At first a bomb-ketch had been sent to anchor near the
town, and throw some shells into the place, as a feint to amuse the
enemy, and deceive them with regard to the place of disembarkation,
while the general had determined to land about a league to the
westward of Querqueville, the most western fort in the bay. The other
bomb-ketches, being posted along shore, did considerable execution upon
the intrench-ments, not only by throwing shells in the usual way, but
also by using ball-mortars, filled with great quantities of balls, which
may be thrown to a great distance, and, by scattering as they fly, do
abundance of mischief. While the ketches fired without ceasing, the
grenadiers and guards were rowed regularly ashore in the flat-bottomed
boats, and, landing without opposition, instantly formed on a small open
portion of the beach, with a natural breast-work in their front, having
on the other side a hollow way, and a village rising beyond it with a
sudden ascent; on the left, the ground was intersected by hedges, and
covered with orchards, and from this quarter the enemy advanced in
order. The British troops immediately quitted the breast-work, in order
to meet them half way, and a straggling fire began; but the French
edging to the left, took possession of the hill, from whence they
piqueered with the advanced posts of the English. In the meantime, the
rest of the infantry were disembarked, and the enemy at night retired.
As the light troops were not yet landed, general Bligh encamped that
night at the village of Erville, on a piece of ground that did not
extend above four hundred paces; so that the tents were pitched in a
crowded and irregular manner. Next morning, the general having received
intelligence that no parties of the enemy were seen moving on the hill,
or in the plain, and that fort Querqueville was entirely abandoned,
made a disposition for marching in two columns to Cherbourg. An advanced
party took immediate possession of Querqueville; and the lines and
batteries along the shore were now deserted by the enemy. The British
forces marching behind St. Aulne, Ecoeurdeville, Hommet, and La Galet,
found the town of Cherbourg likewise abandoned, and the gates being
open, entered it without opposition. The citizens, encouraged by a
manifesto containing a promise of protection, which had been published
and distributed in order to quiet their apprehensions, received their
new guests with a good grace, overwhelming them with civilities, for
which they met with a very ungrateful return; for as the bulk of the
army was not regularly encamped and superintended, the soldiers were at
liberty to indulge themselves in riot and licentiousness. All night long
they ravaged the adjacent country without restraint; and as no guards
had been regularly placed in the streets and avenues of Cherbourg, to
prevent disorders, the town itself was not exempted from pillage and
brutality. These outrages, however, were no sooner known, than the
general took immediate steps for putting a stop to them for the present,
and preventing all irregularities for the future. Next morning, the
place being reconnoitred, he determined to destroy, without delay, all
the forts and the basin; and the execution of this design was left to
the engineers, assisted by the officers of the fleet and artillery.
Great sums of money had been expended upon the harbour and basin of
Cherbourg, which at one time was considered by the French court as an
object of great importance, from its situation respecting the river
Seine, as well as the opposite coast of England; but as the works
were left unfinished, in all appearance the plan had grown into
disreputation. The enemy had raised several unconnected batteries along
the bay; but the town itself was quite open and defenceless While
the engineers were employed in demolishing the works, the light horse
scoured the country, and detachments were every day sent out towards
Walloign, at the distance of four leagues from Cherbourg, where the
enemy were encamped, and every hour received reinforcements. Several
skirmishes were fought by the out-parties of each army, in one of
which captain Lindsay, a gallant young officer, who had been very
instrumental in training the light horse, was mortally wounded. The
harbour and basin of Cherbourg being destroyed, together with all the
forts in the neighbourhood, and about twenty pieces of brass cannon
secured on board the English ships, a contribution, amounting to about
three thousand pounds sterling, was exacted upon the town, and a plan
of re-embarkation concerted; as it appeared from the reports of peasants
and deserters, that the enemy were already increased to a formidable
number. A slight intrench-ment being raised, sufficient to defend the
last division that should be re-embarked, the stores and artillery
were shipped, and the light horses conveyed on board their respective
transports, by means of platforms laid in the flat-bottomed vessels. On
the sixteenth day of August, at three o’clock in the morning, the forces
marched from Cherbourg down to the beach, and re-embarked at fort Galet,
without the least disturbance from the enemy.
DESCENT AT ST. MALOES.
This service being happily performed, the fleet set sail for the coast
of England, and anchored in the road of Weymouth, under the high land of
Portland. In two days it weighed and stood again to the southward; but
was obliged by contrary winds to return to the same riding. The second
effort, however, was more effectual. The fleet with some difficulty kept
the sea, and steering to the French coast, came to anchor in the bay of
St. Lunaire, two leagues to the westward of St. Maloes, against which
it was determined to make another attempt. The sloops and ketches being
ranged along shore to cover the disembarkation, the troops landed on a
fair open beach, and a detachment of grenadiers was sent to the harbour
of St. Briac, above the town of St. Maloes, where they destroyed about
fifteen small vessels; but St. Maloes itself being properly surveyed,
appeared to be above insult, either from the land-forces or the
shipping. The mouth of the river that forms its basin extends above two
miles in breadth at its narrowest part, so as to be out of the reach of
land batteries, and the entrance is defended by such forts and batteries
as the ships of war could not pretend to silence, considering the
difficult navigation of the channels; besides fifty pieces of large
cannon planted on these forts and batteries, the enemy had mounted forty
on the west side of the town; and the basin was, moreover, strengthened
by seven frigates or armed vessels, whose guns might have been brought
to bear upon any batteries that could be raised on shore, as well as
upon ships entering by the usual channel. For these substantial reasons
the design against St. Maloes was dropped; but the general being
unwilling to re-embark, without having taken some step for the further
annoyance of the enemy, resolved to penetrate into the country;
conducting his motions, however, so as to be near the fleet, which had
by this time quitted the bay of St. Lunaire, where it could not ride
with any safety, and anchored in the bay of St. Cas, about three leagues
to the westward.
{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}
ENGLISH DEFEATED AT ST. CAS.
On Friday the eighth of September, general Bligh, with his little army,
began his march for Guildo, at the distance of nine miles, which he
reached in the evening; next day he crossed a little gut or inlet of the
sea, at low water, and his troops being incommoded by the peasants, who
fired at them from hedges and houses, he sent a priest with a message,
intimating, that if they would not desist, he would reduce their houses
to ashes. No regard being paid to this intimation, the houses were
actually set on fire as soon as the troops had formed their camp about
two miles on the other side of the inlet. Next morning he proceeded to
the village of Matignon, where, after some smart skirmishing, the French
piquets appeared, drawn up in order, to the number of two battalions;
but having sustained a few shots from the English field-pieces, and
seeing the grenadiers advance, they suddenly dispersed. General Bligh
continuing his route through the village, encamped in the open
ground, about three miles from the bay of St. Cas, which was this
day reconnoitred for re-embarkation; for he now received undoubted
intelligence, that the duke d’Aiguillon had advanced from Brest to
Lambale, within six miles of the English camp, at the head of twelve
regular battalions, six squadrons, two regiments of militia, eight
mortars, and ten pieces of cannon. The bay of St. Cas was covered by
an intrenchment which the enemy had thrown up, to prevent or oppose any
disembarkation; and on the outside of this work there was a range of
sand hills extending along shore, which could have served as a cover
to the enemy, from whence they might have annoyed the troops in
re-embarking; for this reason a proposal was made to the general, that
the forces should be re-embarked from a fair open beach on the left,
between St. Cas and Guildo; but this advice was rejected, and, indeed,
the subsequent operations of the army savoured strongly of blind
security and rash presumption. Had the troops decamped in the night
without noise, in all probability they would have arrived at the beach
before the French had received the least intelligence of their motion;
and in that case, the whole army, consisting of about six thousand men,
might have been re-embarked without the least interruption; but instead
of this cautious manner of proceeding, the drums were beaten at two
o’clock in the morning, as if with intention to give notice to the
enemy, who forthwith repeated the same signal. The troops were in motion
before three, and though the length of the march did not exceed three
miles, the halts and interruptions were so numerous and frequent,
that they did not arrive on the beach of St. Cas till nine. Then the
embarkation was begun, and might have been happily finished, had the
transports lain near the shore and received the men as fast as the boats
could have conveyed them on board, without distinction; but many ships
rode at a considerable distance, and every boat carried the men on
board the respective transports to which they belonged; a punctilio of
disposition by which a great deal of time was unnecessarily consumed.
The small ships and bomb-ketches were brought near the shore, to
cover the embarkation; and a considerable number of sea-officers were
stationed on the beach, to superintend the boats’ crews, and regulate
the service; but notwithstanding all their attention and authority,
some of the boats were otherwise employed than in conveying the unhappy
soldiers. Had all the cutters and small craft belonging to the fleet
been properly occupied in this service, the disgrace and disaster of
the day would scarce have happened. The British forces had skirmished
a little on the march, but no considerable body of the enemy appeared
until the embarkation was begun; then they took possession of an
eminence by a windmill, and forthwith opened a battery of ten cannon and
eight mortars, from whence they fired with considerable effect upon
the soldiers on the beach, and on the boats in their passage. They
afterwards began to march down the hill, partly covered by a hollow way
on their left, with a design to gain a wood, where they might form and
extend themselves along the front of the English, and advance against
them under shelter of the sand-hills: but in their descent they suffered
extremely from the cannon and mortars of the shipping, which made great
havock and threw them into confusion. Their line of march down the hill
was staggered, and for some time continued in suspense; then they turned
off to one side, extended themselves along a hill to their left, and
advanced in a hollow way, from whence they suddenly rushed out to the
attack. Though the greater part of the British troops were already
embarked, the rear-guard, consisting of all the grenadiers and half of
the first regiment of guards, remained on the shore, to the number of
fifteen hundred, under the command of major-general Dury. This
officer, seeing the French advance, ordered his troops to form in grand
divisions, and march from behind the bank that covered them, in order to
charge the enemy before they could be formed on the plain. Had this step
been taken when it was first suggested to Mr. Dury, before the French
were disengaged from the hollow way, perhaps it might have so far
succeeded as to disconcert and throw them into confusion; but by this
time they had extended themselves into a very formidable front, and no
hope remained of being able to withstand such a superior number. Instead
of attempting to fight against such odds in an open field of battle,
they might have retreated along the beach to a rock on the left,
in which progress their right flank would have been secured by the
in-trenchment; and the enemy could not have pursued them along the
shore, without being exposed to such a fire from the shipping, as in
all probability they could not have sustained. This scheme was likewise
proposed to Mr. Dury; but he seemed to be actuated by a spirit of
infatuation. The English line being drawn up in uneven ground, began
the action with an irregular fire from right to left, which the enemy
returned; but their usual fortitude and resolution seemed to forsake
them on this occasion. They saw themselves in danger of being surrounded
and cut in pieces; their officers dropped on every side; and all hope
of retreat was now intercepted. In this cruel dilemma, their spirits
failed; they were seized with a panic; they faultered, they broke; and
in less than five minutes after the engagement began, they fled in the
utmost confusion, pursued by the enemy, who no sooner saw them give way
than they fell in among them with their bayonets fixed, and made a great
carnage. General Dury being dangerously wounded, ran into the sea, where
he perished; and this was the fate of a great number, officers as well
as soldiers. Many swam towards the boats and vessels, which were ordered
to give them all manner of assistance; but by far the greater number
were either butchered on the beach, or drowned in the water: a small
body, however, instead of throwing themselves into the sea, retired to
the rock on the left, where they made a stand, until they had exhausted
their ammunition, and then surrendered at discretion The havock was
moreover increased by the shot and shells discharged from the battery
which the enemy had raised on the hill. The slaughter would not have
been so great, had not the French soldiers been exasperated by the fire
from the frigates, which was still maintained even after the English
troops were routed; but this was no sooner silenced by a signal from the
commodore, than the enemy exhibited a noble example of moderation
and humanity, in granting immediate quarter and protection to the
vanquished. About one thousand chosen men of the English army were
killed and taken prisoners on this occasion: nor was the advantage
cheaply purchased by the French troops, among whom the shot and shells
from the frigates and ketches had done great execution. The clemency
of the victors was the more remarkable, as the British troops in this
expedition had been shamefully guilty of marauding, pillaging, burning,
and other excesses. War is so dreadful in itself, and so severe in its
consequences, that the exercise of generosity and compassion, by which
its horrors are mitigated, ought ever to be applauded, encouraged,
and imitated. We ought also to use our best endeavours to deserve this
treatment at the hands of a civilised enemy. Let us be humane in our
turn to those whom the fate of war has subjected to our power: let
us, in prosecuting our military operations, maintain the most rigid
discipline among the troops, and religiously abstain from all acts of
violence and oppression. Thus a laudable emulation will undoubtedly
ensue, and the powers at war vie with each other in humanity and
politeness. In other respects the commander of an invading armament
will always find his account in being well with the common people of the
country in which the descent is made. By civil treatment and seasonable
gratifications, they will be encouraged to bring into the camp regular
supplies of provision and refreshment; they will mingle with the
soldiers, and even form friendships among them; serve as guides,
messengers, and interpreters; let out their cattle for hire as
draft-horses; work with their own persons as day-labourers; discover
proper fords, bridges, roads, passes, and defiles; and, if artfully
managed, communicate many useful hints of intelligence. If great
care and circumspection be not exerted in maintaining discipline, and
bridling the licentious dispositions of the soldiers, such invasions
will be productive of nothing but miscarriage and disgrace: for this at
best is but a piratical way of carrying on war; and the troops engaged
in it are, in some measure, debauched by the nature of the service.
They are crowded together in transports, where the minute particulars of
military order cannot be observed, even though the good of the service
greatly depends upon a due observance of these forms. The soldiers grow
negligent, and inattentive to cleanness and the exterior ornaments of
dress: they become slovenly, slothful, and altogether unfit for a return
of duty: they are tumbled about occasionally in ships and boats, landed
and re-embarked in a tumultuous manner, under a divided and disorderly
command: they are accustomed to retire at the first report of an
approaching enemy, and to take shelter on another element; nay,
their small pillaging parties are often obliged to fly before unarmed
peasants. Their duty on such occasions is the most unmanly part of a
soldier’s office; namely, to ruin, ravage, and destroy. They soon yield
to the temptation of pillage, and are habituated to rapine: they
give loose to intemperance, riot, and intoxication; commit a thousand
excesses; and, when the enemy appears, run on board the ships with their
booty. Thus the dignity of the service is debased; they lose all sense
of honour and of shame; they are no longer restricted by military laws,
nor overawed by the authority of officers; in a word, they degenerate
into a species of lawless buccaneers. From such a total relaxation of
morals and discipline, what can ensue but riot, confusion, dishonour,
and defeat? All the advantage that can be expected from these sudden
starts of invasion, will scarce overbalance the evils we have mentioned,
together with the extraordinary expense of equipping armaments of this
nature. True it is, these descents oblige the French king to employ
a considerable number of his troops for the defence of his maritime
places: they serve to ruin the trade of his subjects, protect the
navigation of Great Britain, and secure its coast from invasion; but
these purposes might be as effectually answered, at a much smaller
expense, by the shipping alone. Should it be judged expedient, however,
to prosecute this desultory kind of war, the commanders employed in it
will do well to consider, that a descent ought never to be hazarded in
an enemy’s country, without having taken proper precautions to secure a
retreat; that the severest discipline ought to be preserved during all
the operations of the campaign; that a general ought never to disembark
but upon a well-concerted plan, nor commence his military transactions
without some immediate point or object in view; that a re-embarkation
ought never to be attempted, except from a clear open beach, where the
approaches of an enemy may be seen, and the troops covered by the fire
of their shipping. Those who presume to reflect upon the particulars
of this last expedition, owned themselves at a loss to account for the
conduct of the general, in remaining on shore after the design upon St.
Maloes was laid aside; in penetrating so far into the country without
any visible object; neglecting the repeated intelligence which he
received; communicating, by beat of drum, his midnight motions to an
enemy of double his force; loitering near seven hours in a march of
three miles; and, lastly, attempting the re-embarkation of the troops
at a place where no proper measures had been taken for their cover
and defence. After the action of St. Cas, some civilities, by message,
passed between the duke d’Aiguillon and the English commanders, who were
favoured with a list of the prisoners, including four sea captains;
and assured that the wounded should receive all possible comfort and
assistance. These matters being adjusted, commodore Howe returned with
the fleet to Spithead, and the soldiers were disembarked.
The success of the attempt upon Cherbourg had elevated the people to a
degree of childish triumph; and the government thought proper to indulge
this petulant spirit of exultation, by exposing twenty-one pieces of
French cannon in Hyde-park, from whence they were drawn in procession to
the Tower, amidst the acclamations of the populace. From this pinnacle
of elation and pride they were precipitated to the abyss of despondence
or dejection, by the account of the miscarriage at St. Cas, which buoyed
up the spirits of the French in the same proportion. The people of that
nation began to stand in need of some such cordial after the losses they
had sustained, and the ministry of Versailles did not fail to make the
most of this advantage: they published a pompous narrative of the battle
of St. Cas, and magnified into a mighty victory the puny check which
they had given to the rear-guard of an inconsiderable detachment. The
people received it with implicit belief, because it was agreeable to
their passions, and congratulated themselves upon their success in
hyperboles, dictated by that vivacity so peculiar to the French nation.
Indeed, these are artifices which the ministers of every nation find it
necessary to use at certain conjunctures, in governing the turbulent and
capricious multitude. After the misfortune at St. Cas, nothing further
was attempted by that armament; nor was any enterprise of importance
achieved by the British ships in Europe during the course of this
summer. The cruisers, however, still continued active and alert. Captain
Hervey, in the ship Monmouth, destroyed a French ship of forty guns in
the island of Malta; an exploit of which the Maltese loudly complained,
as a violation of their neutrality. About twenty sail of small French
vessels were driven ashore on the rocks of Bretagne, by some cruisers
belonging to the fleet commanded by lord Anson, after a smart engagement
with two frigates, under whose convoy they sailed. In the month of
November, the Belliqueux, a French ship of war mounted with sixty-four
guns, having by mistake run up St. George’s channel, and anchored in
Lundy-road, captain Saumarez of the Antelope, then lying in King-road,
immediately weighed and went in quest of her, according to the advice he
had received. When he appeared, the French captain heaved up his anchor,
and made a show of preparing for an engagement; but soon hauled down his
colours, and, without firing a shot, surrendered, with a complement
of four hundred and seventeen men, to a ship of inferior force both in
number of hands and weight of metal. By this time the English privateers
swarmed to such a degree in the channel, that scarce a French vessel
durst quit the harbour, and consequently there was little or no booty
to be obtained. In this dearth of legal prizes, some of the adventurers
were tempted to commit acts of piracy, and actually rifled the ships
of neutral nations. A Dutch vessel, having on board the baggage and
domestics belonging to the marquis de Pignatelli, ambassador from
the court of Spain to the king of Denmark, was boarded three times
successively by the crews of three different privateers, who forced the
hatches, rummaged the hold, broke open and rifled the trunks and boxes
of the ambassador, insulted and even cruelly bruised his officers,
stripped his domestics, and carried off his effects, together with
letters of credit, and a bill of exchange. Complaints of these outrages
being made to the court of London, the lords of the admiralty promised,
in the gazette, a reward of five hundred pounds, without deduction, to
any person who should discover the offenders concerned in these acts of
piracy. Some of them were detected accordingly, and brought to condign
punishment.
CLAMOURS OF THE DUTCH MERCHANTS, &c.
The Dutch had for some time carried on a very considerable traffic,
not only in taking the fair advantages of their neutrality, but also in
supplying the French with naval stores, and transporting the produce
of the French sugar-colonies to Europe, as carriers hired by the
proprietors. The English government, incensed at this unfair commerce,
prosecuted with such flagrant partiality for their enemies, issued
orders for the cruisers to arrest all ships of neutral powers that
should have French property on board; and these orders were executed
with rigour and severity. A great number of Dutch ships were taken and
condemned as legal prizes, both in England and Jamaica: sometimes
the owners met with hard measures, and some crews were treated with
insolence and barbarity. The subjects of the United Provinces raised
a loud clamour against the English, for having, by these captures,
violated the law of nations and the particular treaty of commerce
subsisting between Great Britain and the republic. Remonstrances were
made to the English ministry, who expostulated, in their turn, with
the deputies of the states-general; and the two nations were inflamed
against each other with the most bitter animosity. The British resident
at the Hague, in a conference with the states, represented that the king
his master could not hope to see peace speedily re-established, if the
neutral princes should assume a right of carrying on the trade of his
enemies; that he expected, from their known justice, and the alliance
by which they were so nearly connected with his subjects, they would
honestly abandon this fraudulent commerce, and agree that naval stores
should be comprehended in the class of contraband commodities.
He answered some articles of the complaints they had made with an
appearance of candour and moderation; declared his majesty’s abhorrence
of the violences which had been committed upon the subjects of the
United Provinces; explained the steps which had been taken by the
English government to bring the offenders to justice, as well as
to prevent such outrages for the future; and assured them that his
Britannic majesty had nothing more at heart, than to renew and maintain,
in full force, the mutual confidence and friendship by which the
maritime powers of England and Holland had been so long united.
These professions of esteem and affection were not sufficient to quiet
the minds and appease the resentment of the Dutch merchants; and the
French party, which was both numerous and powerful, employed all their
art and influence to exasperate their passions, and widen the breach
between the two nations. The court of Versailles did not fail to seize
this opportunity of insinuation: while, on one hand, their ministers and
emissaries in Holland exaggerated the indignities and injuries which
the states had sustained from the insolence and rapacity of the
English; they, on the other hand, flattered and cajoled them with little
advantages in trade, and formal professions of respect.--Such was
the memorial delivered by the count d’Affry, intimating that the
empress-queen being under an absolute necessity of employing all her
forces to defend her hereditary dominions in Germany, she had been
obliged to withdraw her troops from Ostend and Nieuport, and applied
to the French king, as her ally nearest at hand, to garrison these two
places; which, however, should be restored at the peace, or sooner,
should her imperial majesty think proper. The spirit of the Dutch
merchants, at this juncture, and their sentiments with respect to
England, appeared with very high colouring in a memorial to the
states-general, subscribed by two hundred and sixty-nine traders,
composed and presented with equal secrecy and circumspection. In this
famous remonstrance they complained, that the violences and unjust
depredations committed by the English ships of war and privateers, on
the vessels and effects of them and their fellow-subjects, were not only
continued, but daily multiplied; and cruelty and excess carried to such
a pitch of wanton barbarity, that the petitioners were forced to implore
the assistance of their high mightinesses to protect, in the most
efficacious manner, the commerce and navigation, which were the two
sinews of the republic. For this necessary purpose they offered to
contribute each his contingent, and to arm at their own charge; and
other propositions were made for an immediate augmentation of the
marine. While this party industriously exerted all their power and
credit to effect a rupture with England, the princess-gouvernante
employed all her interest and address to divert them from this object,
and alarm them with respect to the power and designs of France; against
which she earnestly exhorted them to augment their military forces
by land, that they might be prepared to defend themselves against all
invasion. At the same time she spared no pains to adjust the differences
between her husband’s country and her father’s kingdom; and without
doubt, her healing councils were of great efficacy in preventing matters
from coming to a very dangerous extremity.