MUANG FANG—DESERTED FOR 200 YEARS—PROCLAMATION RESETTLING
THE PROVINCE—POPULATION—SETTLEMENTS OF NGIO OUSTED BY
SIAMESE—LAND YIELDING 250–FOLD—RUINED CITIES—320 RUINED
TEMPLES—PURLOINING IMAGES—MR ARCHER’S REPORT—METHOD OF FORMING NEW
SETTLEMENTS—SEPARATION OF RACES IN THE CITIES—COLONIES OF REFUGEES
AND CAPTIVES—CHINESE SHANS AS LABOURERS—CITY SACKED BY THE
BURMESE—GOVERNOR AND WIFE DROWN THEMSELVES—COST OF CARRIAGE—DR TIGER
THE HUNTER—BARGAIN FOR A DAGGER—SWORN BROTHERS—CAMBODIAN AND KAREN
CEREMONIES—THE AUGURY OF FOWL-BONES—PASSING MERIT BY
COTTON-THREADS—FIRST HAIR-CUTTING IN SIAM—LAO MARRIAGE—VISIT THE
RUINED CITIES—FALLEN IDOLS—PUTTING FUGITIVES IN CHAINS—A
DEER-HUNT—SKETCHING THE HILLS—VISIT TO BAN MEH HANG—OUT OF
PROVISIONS—FEVER AND DYSENTERY—MAHOUT ATTACKED BY VICIOUS
ELEPHANT—SPREADING CATTLE-DISEASE.
The city of Muang Fang, the capital of the province of the same name,
forms part of the ancient city of Viang Fang, and measures 5950 feet
from north to south, and 2700 feet from east to west. It lies 83 miles
from Zimmé, and 1621 feet above the sea, and contained, at the time of
my visit, 250 houses.
The roof of the _sala_ where we put up being out of repair, we sent word
to the governor asking him to have it put to rights, and learned that he
was absent in the district, but that his brother would at once have the
roof seen to. Shortly afterwards, the brother arrived and gave the
necessary instructions. In the course of conversation, he told us that
Muang Fang, after being deserted for over 200 years (according to Mr
Archer’s informant it was destroyed by the Burmese about 1717), was
resettled in 1880 under Chow Rat Sam Pan, a first cousin of the Queen of
Zimmé, who was allowed by the Chow Che Wit to issue the following
proclamation:—
“The Proclamation of Chow Rat Sam Pan Ta Wong, who has received
authority from the Chow Luang (of Zimmé), Chow Oo-Pa Ra-Cha (second
chief), and Wang Na (the whole body of the court or council of
chiefs), proclaims to all people to inform them, that it may be known
everywhere, that on Tuesday of the first month, the seventh of the
waning moon of the civil era 1242, Pee-Ma-Kong, they have given orders
that as Kiang Hsen[17] has already been established, while Muang Fang
is still unpeopled, and the territory is vast for the people to seek a
living, and if they were to think it advisable that the country should
be settled in the same way as Kiang Hsen, it would not be fair, and
because it is undoubtedly proper that it should be settled as our
country; wherefore the Royal authority is granted to me to proclaim
that whosoever wishes, or prefers, to go up and settle at Muang Fang,
there shall be no obstacle thrown in his way. In the case of a serf of
any prince or officer, they, their masters, shall not forbid this;
their lords and officers shall give their consent. The serfs are not
to be hindered from removing, as they will be still engaged in their
country’s service.
“This proclamation does not apply to slaves, temple serfs, the right
and left body-guard of the king, nor to the city watchmen, jailers and
jail-guard, nor to the Ngio-Kolon (the Ngio, or Burmese Shans who
invaded the country with Chow Phya Kolon, and settled there after
being taken prisoners); all which classes are forbidden to leave their
present abodes. But the Ngio who came from Muang Peut, Muang Sat
(Burmese Shan States on the Meh Khoke), in the reign of Chow Luang
Poot-Ta Wong, are not forbidden. Again, when the country is
established, there shall be no restriction thrown in the way of the
people making a living, with the exception of the honey-trees and
forest (teak, &c.), which are to be owned as heretofore. If, however,
fresh honey-trees and forests are met with, they are to be divided
among the rulers.
“If anybody wishes to settle in Muang Fang, let him be enrolled in my
list of names; and let no one forbid them, until they number 1000
fighting-men (freemen between twenty years and sixty years of age). If
more than 1000 apply, the Government has power to restrain them. This
proclamation is made on Sunday, the fifth day of the waning of the
fourth moon in Pee-Ma-Kong 1242, and is submitted to Tow Tun Nun Chai
to carry out.”
This Tow at the time of my visit had become Chow Phya Chai, the head
judge and district officer of Muang Fang. On asking the Chow the
population of the province, he said he could not tell exactly, because
they did not count the women and children, but there were 630
fighting-men upon the list. There were 250 houses in the city, and 411
in the Muang, and each house contained on an average from 7 to 8 people.
This would give a gross population of over 3000 souls.
[Illustration:
_View looking south-west from Muang Fang._
]
He said that the Ngio (Burmese Shans) had held possession of, and
settled in, the upper valley of the Meh Teng ever since 1870; and that
up to the year before, there were some of their villages in the lower
part of the valley of the Meh Fang, but the Zimmé Shans had forced them
to retire from Muang Fang, and meant ultimately to drive them out of
Muang Nyon and Muang Ngam. As these two provinces form part of the
Burmese Shan State of Muang Sat, and have never been included in the
Zimmé possessions, the talk of this Chow must have been either sheer
brag, or the Zimmé Shans intended at that time to provoke and commence
hostilities with their Burmese Shan neighbours.
The land in the province, according to our informant, was very fertile,
yielding fully 250-fold what was sown. The inundation that occurs near
the banks of the river will probably cease when the land nearer the
hills is brought under cultivation, and the water is spread over the
fields by means of irrigation-channels. When giving us the names of the
three ancient cities, Viang Fang, Viang Soop Tho, and Viang Prah, built
touching each other at Muang Fang, he said that the country contained
many ruined cities, and at one time must have been very populous.
Mr Archer, who journeyed through the province in 1887 when on his way to
Kiang Hsen, was of the same opinion as the Chow. In his report he
states:—
“That the valley of the Meh Fang formerly contained a large population
is proved by the most reliable evidence—the number of temples in ruins
strewn close to both banks down to the junction of the Mé Khok (Meh
Khoke); and that the country was well cultivated is shown by the present
stunted vegetation. But the land close to the river is said to be at
present so subject to high floods that no cultivation is possible: this
curious fact may be due to some impediment of recent formation in the
lower course of the river (perhaps fishing-dams). There is, however,
still a large extent of country well suitable to cultivation, and labour
alone is required to bring the province to its former state of
prosperity. I was informed that 320 ruined temples have been counted
within the province, and this number probably includes all; innumerable
figures of Buddha strewn about these ruins are left undisturbed. I may,
by the way, mention as an instance of the wrong impression made on an
important people by unscrupulous travellers, that I was told by some of
the earlier settlers and by officials of the province, that a ‘former
British consul’ had purloined a number of Buddhas from the temples. This
remark referred to a European traveller (Mr Carl Bock), who several
years ago attempted to take away some of these images.
In reference to the reoccupation of States that have been deserted for a
long period of years, Mr Archer makes some interesting remarks. In his
report he says:—
“It is interesting to notice how these settlements are effected by the
Laos (the Siamese call the Shans in their dominions outside Siam proper,
Lao or Lau, which is given in the plural only by Europeans as Laos), as
it may illustrate the manner in which the present capitals of these
States were founded within recent times. The site generally chosen for
the future capital is close to or on the banks of the principal river,
and it is of primary importance that the surrounding country should be a
fertile plain well suitable for rice cultivation. The capitals of these
provinces are, therefore, almost always situated in the midst of a flat
low country, but on ground sufficiently elevated to secure them from
high floods. In the case of Muang Fang, however, the city lies at the
foot of the hills on the Meh Chan, and at a little distance from the Meh
Fang: this position was probably chosen in order to avoid the too heavy
inundations of this river.
“Where the new settlement is on the site of a former city, the old
embankment or wall, if any such remain, is kept as the boundary of the
new town, and in time a wooden palisade, perhaps about 12 feet high, is
put up; later, if the new city has greater pretensions, this is replaced
by a high brick wall, either entirely, as in the case of Nan, or partly,
as in Chiengmai (Zimmé) and Lakhon. The site having been fixed upon, the
laborious task of clearing the jungle is begun; all, or nearly all, the
trees are felled, the roads are marked out, and alongside the settlers
are allowed to choose a piece of the ground. A rough shanty is generally
put up at first, and round it are planted bananas and other
quick-growing plants; the grounds of the old temples are not encroached
upon, and the principal _wats_ (monasteries) are often reoccupied by
priests.
“Many of the new-comers first reside in the capital, but as by degrees
they have opportunities of becoming better acquainted with the
surrounding country, they begin by cultivating the most promising land
in the neighbourhood; others join them, and thus villages are founded;
and when a longer residence and increased population have given a
feeling of greater confidence and security, settlements are gradually
formed farther from the capital. A large body of immigrants, or a number
of families from the same locality, generally form a separate
settlement—especially if they are of different race from the original
settlers; and if they settle in the capital, they usually have a
separate quarter allotted to them.
“This is characteristic of all the settlements in Siam, both in the
larger cities and in the provinces. In Bangkok the inhabitants of the
different quarters have gradually become amalgamated; but not far from
the capital the colonies of former captives of war still retain their
language and customs, and keep up little intercourse with their
conquerors. In the northern country the separation is as complete, and
the town of Chiengmai (Zimmé), for instance, is divided into numerous
quarters, inhabited almost exclusively by people of a different race;
and many of the villages in the province are also colonies of refugees
or captives.
“A settlement of this description entails considerable labour, and it is
curious to note from what a distant source Muang Fang draws its
labour-supply. At the time of my visit (early in 1887) to the province,
most of the hard work of clearing the jungle was done by a band of
several hundred hired labourers. These men belong to a people called by
the Laos, Thai Yai, or Thai Lueng (Chinese Shans from the Chinese Shan
States lying to the east of Bhamo), the inhabitants of the country
tributary to China lying north of the (Burmese) Shan States, close to
Yunnan and Burmah. They had followed the course of the Salween as far as
Mehongson (Muang Houngson on the Meh Pai), the western frontier province
of Chiengmai, and thence had come across country to Muang Fang. Some of
them return to their country with only a year’s earnings, but they are
soon replaced by fresh arrivals. They are said to be better and hardier
labourers than either the Ngios or Laos, and they will probably be
employed with advantage in the construction of public works in Burmah.”
Returning to my conversation with the Chow, he said that the city was
sacked by the Burmese general Soo Too after a siege of three years and
three months—the people escaping to Zimmé. At that time Phya Pim-ma-san
was the Chow Luang (governing chief), and his wife was named Nang Lo
Cha. The night the city was taken, the governor climbed up a tree,
hoping to escape detection; but being espied, was made prisoner, and
fastened up with his wife and two favourite officers. When morning came
they were all missing, and were found drowned in a well which is still
pointed out. This seems to be an adaptation of the story of the Mongol
Prince of Yunnan, who, when the army sent by Hungwu, the first Emperor
of the Ming Dynasty, in A.D. 1381 captured Yunnan-Fu, with his family
and minister drowned themselves in the neighbouring lake.
He told me, with reference to the cost of carriage, that the charge for
bringing each bucket (25 lb.) of rice from Viang Pow to Muang Fang—a
distance of 40 miles—varied between 8 annas in the dry season and 10
annas in the rainy season, which gives an average of 1¼ rupee a ton per
mile, or forty times as much as is charged for conveyance by rail in
Burmah.
As my companions wished to have a hunt after big game, the Chow sent for
a celebrated hunter called Mau Sau, or Dr Tiger. Whilst awaiting his
arrival, Mr Martin noticed that the man who had been sent as a guide
with us from Bau Meh Soon, carried a knife with a handsomely carved
ivory handle. On asking what he would sell it for, the man said that he
had made it himself, and that Mr Martin might have it for 5 salungs (1
rupee and 12 annas). On Mr Martin drawing out several from his pocket,
the man reflected for a while, and then remarked that the Nai was rich,
and yet had only given him 5 salungs; but when Mr Martin remarked he had
given him all he had bargained for, he had nothing to say, and took his
departure.
The hunter gave me a good deal of information about the country, and
indicated the position of the sources of the various rivers. He said he
would gladly take my companions the following day to a place in the
hills where game was plentiful, if Dr M‘Gilvary would arrange with the
governor—who would be back later in the afternoon—for beaters.
On my noticing that several of the men wore pieces of cotton-thread tied
round their wrists, Dr M‘Gilvary told me that it was a bond of
friendship showing that the wearer was a sworn companion to another man.
It is the custom in many parts of Indo-China for men to enter into these
solemn friendships. It exists in Cambodia, and likewise amongst the
Karens and other people. Amongst the Koui, in Cambodia, the ceremony is
performed before the village elders. Five taper candles and five sticks
of incense are lighted to call the spirits to witness the act;
cotton-threads are wound about the wrists of the young men to produce a
mystical tie between them. Holy water is then imbibed by each of the
oath-takers, and the ceremony is concluded. In Forbes’s ‘British Burma’
he gives an account of this ceremony amongst the Karens, which runs as
follows: “There exists a singular institution of brotherhood among them,
and to a certain extent among the Burmans, although I believe the latter
have borrowed it from their wilder neighbours. When two Karens wish to
become brothers, one kills a fowl, cutting off its beak, and rubs the
blood on the front of the other’s legs, sticking on them some of the
feathers. The augury of the fowl’s bones is then consulted, and, if
favourable, the same ceremony is repeated by the other party; if the
omens are still auspicious they say, ‘We will be brothers—we will grow
old together—we will visit each other.’”
The practice of passing merit and mystical influence by the means of
thread from one person to another seems to be of Brahmin origin, and
enters into many ceremonies in Siam. In describing the ceremony of the
first hair-cutting, Dr House says: “The ceremonies begin with the
priests (monks) chanting in chorus their prayers, seated cross-legged on
mats on an elevated platform, a thread of white cotton yarn passing from
their hands around the clasped hands of the kneeling child and back to
them again, serving as a sort of electric conductor to the child of the
benefits their prayers evoke.” Amongst the Lao branch of the Shans, the
passing of cotton round the wrists forms the sole marriage ceremony.
In the afternoon we strolled about the old cities, which covered a great
extent of ground. Numerous ruins of religious buildings testified to the
wealth of the inhabitants in former days. Thousands of costly images,
generally of bronze, representing Buddha sitting, standing, and
recumbent, from life-size to a few inches in height, lay about in all
directions. Some were minus their heads, some had fallen on their faces,
some were half buried in the debris, all were without worshippers and
utterly neglected. The broken fragments showed that the bronze was a
mere shell, for the images were filled with a core of black sand. The
walls and gateways of the ancient cities are fast being destroyed by the
ravages of the pipal tree, and large trees are now growing in the moats.
On returning from our ramble, we found Dr Tiger waiting to conduct my
companions to the Chow Phya, who had now returned. On their return they
said arrangements were being made for a great deer-drive the next day,
when they hoped to get a big bag of game. The Chow Phya had told them
that any settlers at Muang Fang who deserted the place and returned to
their old quarters would certainly be put in chains, as they were now
part and parcel of Muang Fang.
Next morning the beaters came, numbering twenty men, and carrying
thirteen guns. My companions were eager for the sport, and became nearly
tempestuous because they were detained for two or three hours after
daybreak before the whole party was together. At last they were off; Dr
M‘Gilvary and Mr Martin on elephants, and the remainder on foot. For two
hours they journeyed to the north-east, and then left the path. A few
minutes later they came upon an unsavoury odour, and Dr Tiger cocked his
gun and looked sharply about; and then, rummaging in the grass, drew out
the carcass of a deer on which a tiger had been breakfasting. This was
encouraging. A few steps farther, one of the men spied a deer standing
close by in the grass. He took careful aim, but his wretched flint-lock
missed fire, and the deer was off. At the same moment another sprang
from under the feet of Mr Martin’s elephant, and got away unshot at.
[Illustration:
_Junction of the Meh Fang and Meh Khoke valleys._
]
The missionaries then dismounted, and sent the elephants a short
distance away, and took up the stations assigned to them by the hunter.
The drivers then approached in a big semicircle, but nothing appeared,
and my friends again mounted their elephants, to cross some damp low
ground to another part of the plain. Suddenly a deer sprang up close to
Mr Martin, and he fired and missed. Meanwhile the men started another,
which likewise escaped. The projecting hood of the howdah, together with
the presence of the mahout on the elephant’s head, doubtless helped to
spoil the aim of the mounted sportsmen, particularly as the elephants
got excited with the sport. In the next drive one of the men got a shot,
but when he went to pick up his deer it started up and disappeared in
the long grass. After lunch they made tracks homeward. On the way the
hunter got one shot, Dr M‘Gilvary four, and Mr Martin two more, and at
least half-a-dozen deer got away without being fired at. They arrived
tired and hungry, with a good many empty cartridges, but with no game.
In the meantime I had stayed behind to sketch the hills, fix their
positions, and take the diurnal curve from the aneroid barometer and
boiling-point thermometer, and had not the heart to chaff my companions
when they returned with empty bags. The plain of Muang Fang averages 7
or 8 miles in width, and is over 30 miles long.
The next day being Sunday, Dr M‘Gilvary and Mr Martin made it a day of
rest, and stayed behind visiting and preaching to the people, whilst I
journeyed five miles to the north-east to sketch the country from Ban
Meh Hang, where I obtained capital views of the junction of the valleys
of the Meh Khoke and the Meh Fang, the rivers meeting about 15 miles to
the east-north-east. At the same time I got a view of the Loi Tum Tap
Tow, now 22 miles distant, and two other limestone bluffs that jutted up
in the plain.
On my return I proposed to my companions to visit Muang Hang, which was
said to be about three days’ journey due east from Muang Fang, and the
sources of the Meh Ping and Meh Hang, and see where the latter passed
under the hills; but circumstances were against us—our oatmeal,
biscuits, sugar, tea, cocoa, chocolate, kitchen-salt, treacle, and milk,
had all been consumed or appropriated by the nimble-fingered
elephant-men, who seemed to consider that they had a right to feed
themselves surreptitiously at our expense on the route. Vayloo and Jewan
had fever, and Loogalay had dysentery. To put a finishing touch to our
disasters, the driver of the vicious elephant had somehow provoked its
anger, and the animal had knocked him down and tried to kill him with
his tusks. Luckily he had escaped with a few bruises, a damaged hand,
and a grazed side. So we had to give up the extra journey, and settled
to return by Viang Pow and Muang Ken.
[Illustration:
_View up the Meh Fang valley from Ban Meh Hang._
]
A large caravan of cattle was encamped close to us during our stay at
Muang Fang, and had been spreading foot-and-mouth disease through the
country by contaminating every camping-place it halted at. Several of
the animals died of the disease during our stay at the city. There is no
Contagious Diseases Act in force outside our possessions in the East, so
the fell plague would be further spread as the caravan proceeded.