[1] Lucian, in his dialogue entitled "Prometheus," or
"Caucasus," has given occasional imitations of passages in
this play, not, however, sufficient to amount to a
paraphrase, as Dr. Blomfield asserted. Besides, as Lucian
lays the scene at Caucasus, he would rather seem to have
had the "Prometheus solutus" in mind. (See Schutz, Argum.)
But the ancients commonly made Caucasus the seat of the
punishment of Prometheus, and, as AEschylus is not over
particular in his geography, it is possible that he may be
not altogether consistent with himself. Lucian makes no
mention of Strength and Force, but brings in Mercury at
the beginning of the dialogue. Moreover, Mercury is
represented in an excellent humor, and rallies Prometheus
good-naturedly upon his tortures. Thus, Sec.6, he says,
[Greek: eu echei. kataptesetai de ede kai ho aetos
apokeron to hepar, hos panta echois anti tes kales kai
eumechanou plastikes.] In regard to the place where
Prometheus was bound, the scene doubtless represented a
ravine between two precipices rent from each other, with a
distant prospect of some of the places mentioned in the
wanderings of Io. (See Schutz, _ibid._) But as the whole
mention of Scythia is an anachronism, the less said on
this point the better. Compare, however, the following
remarks of Humboldt, Cosmos, vol. ii. p. 140, "The legend
of Prometheus, and the unbinding of the chains of the
fire-bringing Titan on the Caucasus by Hercules in
journeying eastward--the ascent of Io from the valley of
the Hybrites--[See Griffiths' note on v. 717, on [Greek:
hybristes potamos], which _must_ be a proper name]--toward
the Caucasus; and the myth of Phryxus and Helle--all point
to the same path on which Phoenician navigators had
earlier adventured."
[2] Dindorf, in his note, rightly approves the elegant
reading [Greek: abroton (=apanthropon)] in lieu of the
frigid [Greek: abaton]. See Blomf. and Burges. As far as
this play is concerned, the tract was not actually
_impassable_, but it was so to _mortals_.
[3] [Greek: leorgos = rhadiourgos, panourgos, kakourgos].
Cf. Liddell and Linwood, s. v. The interpretation and
derivation of the etym. magn. [Greek: ho ton anthropon
plastes], is justly rejected by Dindorf, who remarks that
AEschylus paid no attention to the fable respecting
Prometheus being the maker of mankind.
[4] The epithet [Greek: pantechnou], which might perhaps
be rendered "art-full," is explained by v. 110 and 254.
[5] See Jelf. Gk. Gr. Sec.720, 2d.
[6] There seems little doubt that [Greek: euoriazein] is
the right reading. Its ironical force answers to Terence's
"probe curasti."
[7] I have spelled Sire in all places with a capital
letter, as Jove is evidently meant. See my note on v. 49.
[8] This is not a mere zeugma, but is derived from the
supposition that sight was the chief of the senses, and in
a manner included the rest. (Cf. Plato Tim. p. 533, C. D.)
See the examples adduced by the commentators. Schrader on
Musaeus 5, and Boyes, Illustrations to Sept. c. Th. 98.
Shakespeare has burlesqued this idea in his exquisite
buffoonery, Midsummer Night's Dream, Act v. sc. 1.
_Pyramus._ I see a voice: now will I to the chink,
To spy an I can hear my Thisby's face.
[9] Claudian de rapt. Pros. II. 363. "Stellantes nox picta
sinus." See on Soph. Trach. 94.
[10] _I.e._, having no rest. Soph. OEd. Col. 19. [Greek:
kola kampson toud' ep' axestou petrou].
[11] The difficulties of this passage have been increased
by no one of the commentators perceiving the evident
opposition between [Greek: Theoi] and [Greek: Zeus]. As in
the formula [Greek: o Zeu kai Theoi] (cf. Plato Protag.
p. 193, E.; Aristoph. Plut. I. with Bergler's note; Julian
Caes. p. 51, 59, 76; Dionys. Hal. A. R. II. p. 80, 32-81,
20, ed. Sylb.) so, from the time of Homer downward, we
find [Greek: Zeus] constantly mentioned apart from the
other gods (cf. Il. I. 423, 494), and so also with his
epithet [Greek: pater], as in v. 4, 17, 20, etc.
(Eustath, on Il. T. I., p. 111, 30, [Greek: hoti Zeus
allachou men haplos pater elechthe]). There is evidently,
therefore, the opposition expressed in the text: "'Tis not
for the other gods (_i.e._ [Greek: tois allois theois]) to
rule, but for Jove alone." This view was approved, but not
confirmed, by Paley.
[12] See Dindorf.
[13] Paley well observes that there is no objection to
this interpretation, for if Prometheus could endure the
daily gnawing of his entrails by the vulture, the rivets
wouldn't put him to much trouble. Lucian, Sec. 6, is content
with fastening his hands to the two sides of the chasm.
[14] [Greek: tyches] is retained by Dindorf, but [Greek:
technes] is defended by Griffiths and Paley. I think, with
Burges, that it is a gloss upon [Greek: Prometheos].
[15] So Milton, P. L. iv. 165.
Cheer'd with the grateful smell old Ocean _smiles_.
Lord Byron (opening of the Giaour):
There mildly _dimpling_ Ocean's cheek Reflects the tints
of many a peak, Caught by the _laughing_ tides that lave
Those Edens of the eastern wave.
[16] Literally "filling a rod," [Greek: plerotos] here
being active. Cf. Agam. 361, [Greek: ates panalotou].
Choeph. 296, [Greek: pamphtharto moro]. Pers. 105, [Greek:
polemous pyrgodaiktous]. See also Blomfield, and Porson on
Hes. 1117, [Greek: narthex] is "ferula" or "fennel-giant,"
the pith of which makes excellent fuel. Blomfield quotes
Proclus on Hesiod, Op. 1, 52, "the [Greek: narthex]
preserves flame excellently, having a soft pith inside,
that nourishes, but can not extinguish the flame." For a
strange fable connected with this theft, see AElian Hist.
An. VI. 51.
[17] On the preternatural scent supposed to attend the
presence of a deity, cf Eur. Hippol. 1391, with Monk's
note, Virg. AEn. I. 403, and La Cerda. See also Boyes's
Illustrations.
[18] On [Greek: de] cf. Jelf, Gk. Gr. Sec. 723, 2.
[19] Elmsley's reading, [Greek: petra ... tade], is
preferred by Dindorf, and seems more suitable to the
passage. But if we read [Greek: taisde], it will come to
the same thing, retaining [Greek: petrais].
[20] Surely we should read this sentence interrogatively,
as in v. 99, [Greek: pe pote mochthon Chre termata tond'
epiteilai;] although the editions do not agree as to that
passage. So Burges.
[21] Nominativus Pendens. Soph, Antig. 259, [Greek: logoi
d' en alleloisin errothoun kakoi, phylax elenchon
phylaka], where see Wunder, and Elmsley on Eur. Heracl.
40. But it is probably only the [Greek: schema kath' holon
kai meros], on which see Jelf, Gk. Gr. Sec. 478, and the same
thing takes place with the accusative, as in Antig. 21,
sq. 561. See Erfurdt on 21.
[22] See Linwood's Lexicon, s. v. [Greek: ameibo], whose
construing I have followed.
[23] Cf. Virg. AEn. I. 167, "Intus aquae dulces, vivoque
sedilia saxo."
"The rudest habitation, ye might think
That it had sprung from earth self-raised, or grown
Out of the living rock."--Wordsworth's Excursion,
Book vi.
Compare a most picturesque description of Diana's cave, in
Apul. Met. II. p. 116; Elm. Telemachus, Book I.; Undine,
ch. viii.; Lane's Arabian Nights, vol. iii. p. 385.
[24] Although Dindorf has left [Greek: OKEANOS] before the
lines beginning with [Greek: ou deta], yet as he in his
notes, p. 54, approves of the opinion of Elmsley (to which
the majority of critics assent), I have continued them to
Prometheus. Dindorf (after Burges) remarks that the
particles [Greek: ou deta] deceived the copyists, who
thought that they pointed to the commencement of a new
speaker's address. He quotes Soph. OEd. C. 433; Eur.
Alcest. 555; Heracl. 507, sqq., where it is used as a
continuation of a previous argument, as in the present
passage.
[25] It has been remarked that AEschylus had Pindar in
mind, see Pyth. I. 31, and VIII. 20. On this fate of
Enceladus cf. Philostrat. de V. Apoll. V. 6; Apollodorus
I.; Hygin. Fab. 152; and for poetical descriptions,
Cornel. Severus AEtna, 70, "Gurgite Trinacrio morientem
Jupiter AEtna Obruit Enceladum, vasti qui pondere montis
AEstuat, et patulis exspirat faucibus ignes." Virg. AEn.
III. 578; Valer. Flacc. II. 24; Ovid. Met. V. Fab. V. 6;
Claudian, de raptu Pros. I. 155; Orph. Arg. 1256. Strabo,
I. p. 42, makes Hesiod acquainted with these eruptions.
(See Goettling on Theog. 821.) But Prometheus here utters
a prophecy concerning an eruption that really took place
during the life of AEschylus, Ol. 75, 2, B.C. 479. Cf.
Thucydides III. 116; Cluver, Sicil. Antig. p. 104, and
Dindorf's clear and learned note. There can be little
doubt but Enceladus and Typhon are only different names
for the same monster. Burges has well remarked the
resemblance between the Egyptian Typho and the Grecian,
and considers them both as "two outward forms of one
internal idea, representing the destructive principle of
matter opposed to the creative." I shall refer the reader
to Plutarch's entertaining treatise on Isis and Osiris;
but to quote authorities from Herodotus down to the
Apologetic Fathers, would be endless.
[26] I think, notwithstanding the arguments of Dindorf,
that [Greek: orges nosouses] means "a mind distempered,"
and that [Greek: logoi] mean "arguments, reasonings."
Boyes, who always shows a _poetical_ appreciation of his
author, aptly quotes Spenser's Fairy Queen, b. 2, c. 8,
st. 26.
"Words well dispost,
Have secrete powre t' appease inflamed rage."
And Samson Agonistes:
"Apt words have power to swage
The tumors of a troubled mind."
The reading of Plutarch, [Greek: psyches] appears to be a
mere gloss.
[27] Intellige _audaciam prudentia
conjunctam_.--Blomfield.
[28] [Greek: aichma] is rendered "indoles" by Paley (see
on Ag. 467). Linwood by "authority," which is much nearer
the truth, as the spear was anciently used for the
sceptre. Mr. Burges opportunely suggests Pindar's [Greek:
enchos zakoton], which he gives to Jupiter, Nem. vi. 90.
[29] Asia is here personified.
[30] All commentators, from the scholiast downward, are
naturally surprised at this mention of Arabia, when
Prometheus is occupied in describing the countries
bordering on the Euxine. Burges conjectures [Greek:
Abarios], which he supports with considerable learning.
But although the name [Greek: Abarides] (mentioned by
Suidas) might well be given to those who dwelt in unknown
parts of the earth, from the legendary travels of Abaris
with his arrow, yet the epithet [Greek: areion anthos]
seems to point to some really existing nation, while
[Greek: Abaries] would rather seem proverbial. Till, then,
we are more certain, AEschylus must still stand chargeable
with geographical inconsistency.
[31] I have followed Burges and Dindorf, although the
latter retains [Greek: akamantodetois] in his text.
[32] Why Dindorf should have adopted Hermann's frigid
[Greek: hypostegazei], is not easily seen. The reader
will, however, find Griffiths' foot-note well deserving of
inspection.
[33] On [Greek: prouseloumenon], see Dindorf.
[34] Among the mythographi discovered by Maii, and
subsequently edited by Bode, the reader will find some
allegorical explanations of these benefits given by
Prometheus. See Myth. primus I. 1, and tertius 3, 10, 9.
They are, however, little else than compilations from the
commentary of Servius on Virgil, and the silly, but
amusing, mythology of Fulgentius. On the endowment of
speech and reason to men by Prometheus, cf. Themist. Or.
xxxvi. p. 323, C. D. and xxvi. p. 338, C. ed. Hard.; and
for general illustrations, the notes of Wasse on Sallust,
Cat. sub init.
[35] Brick-building is first ascribed to Euryalus and
Hyperbius, two brothers at Athens, by Pliny, H. N. vii.
56, quoted by Stanley. After caves, huts of beams, filled
in with turf-clods, were probably the first dwellings of
men. See Mallet's Northern Antiquities, p. 217, ed. Bohn.
This whole passage has been imitated by Moschion apud
Stob. Ecl. Phys. I. 11, while the early reformation of men
has ever been a favorite theme for poets. Cf. Eurip.
Suppl. 200 sqq.; Manilius I. 41, sqq.; and Bronkhus, on
Tibull. I. 3, 35.
[36] Cf. Apul de Deo Socr. Sec. II. ed. meae, "quos probe
callet, qui signorum ortus et obitus comprehendit,"
Catullus (in a poem imitated from Callimachus) carm. 67,
1. "Omnia qui magni dispexit lumina mundi, Qui stellarum
ortus comperit atque obitus." See on Agam. 7.
[37] On the following discoveries consult the learned and
entertaining notes of Stanley.
[38] [Greek: egagon philenious], i.e. [Greek: hoste
philenious einai].
[39] See the elaborate notes of Blomfield and Burges, from
whence all the other commentators have derived their
information. [Greek: Krasis] is what Scribonius Largus
calls "compositio." Cf. Rhodii Lexicon Scribon, p. 364-5;
Serenus Sammonicus "synthesis." The former writer observes
in his preface, p. 2, "est enim haec pars (compositio,
scilicet) medicinae ut maxime necessaria, ita certe
antiquissima, et ob hoc primum celebrata atque illustrata.
Siquidem verum est, antiquos herbis ac radicibus earum
corporis vitia curasse."
[40] Apul. de Deo Socr. Sec. 20, ed. meae, "ut videmus
plerisque usu venire, qui nimia ominum superstitione, non
suopte corde, sed alterius verbo, reguntur: et per
angiporta reptantes, consilia ex alienis vocibus
colligunt." Such was the voice that appeared to Socrates.
See Plato Theog. p. 11. A. Xenoph. Apol. 12; Proclus in
Alcib. Prim. 13, p. 41. Creuz. See also Stanley's note.
[41] On these augurial terms see Abresch.
[42] Although the Vatican mythologist above quoted
observes of Prometheus, "deprehendit praeterea rationem
fulminum, et hominibus indicavit--" I should nevertheless
follow Stanley and Blomfield, in understanding these words
to apply to the omens derived from the flame and smoke
ascending from the sacrifices.
[43] Cf. Herodot. I. 91, quoted by Blomfield: [Greek: ten
pepromenen moiren adynata esti apophygeein kai to theo].
On this Pythagorean notion of AEschylus see Stanley.
[44] Or, "in pleasure at the nuptials." See Linwood.
Burges: "for the one-ness of marriage."
[45] No clew is given as to the form in which Io was
represented on the stage. In v. 848, the promise [Greek:
entautha de se Zeus tithesin emphrona] does not imply any
bodily change, but that Io labored under a mental
delusion. Still the mythologists are against us, who agree
in making her transformation complete. Perhaps she was
represented with horns, like the Egyptian figures of Isis,
but in other respects as a virgin, which is somewhat
confirmed by v. 592, [Greek: klyeis phthegma tas boukero
parthenou].
[46] "Gad-fly" or "brize." See the commentators.
[47] On the discrepancies of reading, see Dind. With the
whole passage compare Nonnus, Dionys. III. p. 62,2.
[Greek: taurophyes hote portis ameibomenoio prosopou
eis agelen agraulos elauneto synnomos Io.
kai damales agrypnon ethekato boukolon Here
poikilon aplaneessi kekasmenon Argon opopais
Zenos opipeutera bookrairon hymenaion.
Zenos atheetoio kai es nomon eie koure,
ophthalmous tromeousa polyglenoio nomeos.
gyioboro de myopi charassomene demas Io
Ionies [halos] oidma kategraphe phoitadi chele.
elthe kai eis Aigypton]--
This writer, who constantly has the Athenian dramatists in
view, pursues the narrative of Io's wanderings with an
evident reference to AEschylus. See other illustrations
from the poets in Stanley's notes.
[48] The ghost of Argus was doubtless whimsically
represented, but probably without the waste of flour that
is peculiar to modern stage spectres. Perhaps, as Burges
describes, "a mute in a dress resembling a peacock's tail
expanded, and with a Pan's pipe slung to his side, which
ever and anon he seems to sound; and with a goad in his
hand, mounted at one end with a representation of a hornet
or gad-fly." But this phantom, like Macbeth's dagger, is
supposed to be in the mind only. With a similar idea
Apuleius, Apol. p. 315, ed. Elm. invokes upon AEmilianus in
the following mild terms: "At ... semper obvias species
mortuorum, quidquid umbrarum est usquam, quidquid lemurum,
quidquid manium, quidquid larvarum oculis tuis oggerat:
omnia noctium occursacula, omnia bustorum formidamina,
omnia sepulchrorum terriculamenta, a quibus tamen aevo
emerito haud longe abes."
[49] I have followed Dindorf's elegant emendation. See his
note, and Blomf. on Ag. 1.
[50] After the remarks of Dindorf and Paley, it seems that
the above must be the sense, whether we read [Greek: hon]
with Hermann, or take [Greek: hos] for [Greek: e hos] with
the above mentioned editor.
[51] Paley remarks that [Greek: tas pol. tychas] is used in
the same manner as in Pers. 453, [Greek:
phtharentes]="shipwrecked" (see his note), or "wandering."
He renders the present passage "the adventures of her long
wanderings."
[52] With the earlier circumstances of this narrative
compare the beautiful story of Psyche in Apuleius, Met.
IV. p. 157, sqq. Elm.
[53] Cf Ag. 217, [Greek: epei d' anankas edy lepadnon].
[54] [Greek: krenen] is the elegant conjecture of Canter,
approved by Dindorf. In addition to the remarks of the
commentators, the tradition preserved by Pausanias II. 15,
greatly confirms this emendation. He remarks, [Greek:
therous de aua sphisin esti ta rheumata plen ton en
Lerne]. It was probably somewhat proverbial.
[55] I shall not attempt to enter into the much-disputed
geography of Io's wanderings. So much has been said, and
to so little purpose, on this perplexing subject, that to
write additional notes would be only to furnish more
reasons for doubting.
[56] Probably the Kurban. Schutz well observes that the
words [Greek: ou pseudonymon] could not be applied to an
epithet of the poet's own creation. Such, too, was
Humboldt's idea. See my first note on this play.
[57] See Schutz and Griffiths.
[58] Wrapped in mystery as the liberation of Prometheus is
in this drama, it may be amusing to compare the following
extracts from the Short Chronicle prefixed to Sir I.
Newton's Chronology.
"968. B.C. Sesak, having carried on his victories to Mount
Caucasus, leaves his nephew Prometheus there, to guard the
pass, etc.
"937. The Argonautic expedition. Prometheus leaves Mount
Caucasus, being set at liberty by Hercules," etc.--Old
Translator.
[59] Stanley compares Pindar, Isth. vii. 33.
----[Greek: pepromenon en pherteron
gonon [hoi] anakta patros tekein].
And Apoll. Rhod. iv. 201. Also the words of Thetis herself
in Nonnus, Dionys. xxxiii. 356.
[Greek: Zeus me pater edioke kai ethelen es gamon helkein,
ei me min potheonta geron anekopte Prometheus,
thespizon Kronionos areiona paida phyteusai].
[60] "These were; 1. Epaphus; 2. Lybia; 3. Belus; 4.
Danaus; 5. Hypermnestra; 6. Abas; 7. Proetus; 8.
Acrisius; 9. Danae; 10. Perseus; 11. Electryon; 12.
Alcmena; 13. Hercules."--Blomfield.
[61] For two ways of supplying the lacuna in this
description of Io's travels, see Dindorf and Paley.
[62] Being turned into stone. Such was the punishment of
the fire-worshipers in the story of the first Lady of
Baghdad. See Arabian Nights, Vol. I., p. 198. The
mythico-geographical allusions in the following lines have
been so fully and so learnedly illustrated, that I shall
content myself with referring to the commentators.
[63] See Linwood's Lexicon and Griffiths' note.
[64] There is still much doubt about the elision [Greek:
esesth', ei]. Others read the passage interrogatively. See
Griffiths and Dindorf.
[65] This pun upon the name of Epaphus is preserved by
Moschus II. 50.
[Greek: en d' en Zeus, epaphomenos erema cheiri theeie
portios Inachies. ten heptaporo para Neilo
ek boos eukeraoio palin metameibe gynaika.]
and Nonnus, III. p. 62, 20:
[Greek: enth' Epaphon dii tikten akerasion hoti kolpon
Inachies damales epaphesato theios akoites
chersin erosaneessi--]
[66] There is much difficulty in this passage. Dindorf
understands [Greek: ekeinon] (AEgypti filiorum), and so
Paley, referring to his notes on Ag. 938, Suppl. 437. Mr.
Jelf, Gk. Gr., Sec. 696, Obs. 3, appears to take the same
view. There does not, therefore, seem any need of
alteration. On the other interpretation sometimes given to
[Greek: phthonon hixei somaton], see Linwood, v. [Greek:
phthonos].
[67] [Greek: sphagaisi] is rightly rendered "in jugulo" by
Blomfield, after Ruhnk. Ep. Crit. I. p. 71. To the
examples quoted add Apul. Met. I. p. 108, "per jugulum
sinistrum capulotenus gladium totum ei demergit," and p.
110, "jugulo ejus vulnus dehiscit in patorem," The
expression [Greek: nyktiphroureto thrasei] is well
illustrated by the words of Nonnus, I. c. p. 64, 17.
[Greek: kai kryphiois xipheessi siderophoron epi lektron
arsena gymnon Area kateunase thelys Enyo].
[68] See Nonnus I. c. Ovid, ep. xiv. 51, sqq.
"Sed timor, et pietas crudelibus obstitit ausis:
Castaque mandatum dextra refugit opus."
[69] On [Greek: sphakelos] see Ruhnk. Tim. p. 123, and
Blomfield.
[70] See Paley. [Greek: a] is never intensive.
[71] On this admonition, generally attributed to Pittacus,
see Griffiths, and for a modern illustration in the
miseries of Sir John Anvil (or Enville), Knt., the
Spectator, No. 299.
[72] Paley would supply [Greek: potniai] to complete the
metre.
[73] I have followed Griffiths.
[74] Dindorf would throw out [Greek: aphobos], Paley
[Greek: ou dedia], remarking that the sense appears to
require [Greek: hote].
[75] _I.e._ possessing resources even among
impossibilities. Cf. Antig. 360. [Greek: aporos ep' ouden
erchetai], and for the construction, Jelf, Gk. Gr. Sec.
581, 2. obs.
[76] I think Elmsley has settled the question in favor of
[Greek: toion] for [Greek: hoion].
[77] "In AEschylus we seem to read the vehement language of
an old servant of exploded Titanism: with him Jupiter and
the Olympians are but a new dynasty, fresh and exulting,
insolent and capricious, the victory just gained and yet
but imperfectly secured over the mysterious and venerable
beings who had preceded, TIME, HEAVEN, OCEAN, EARTH and
her gigantic progeny: Jupiter is still but half the
monarch of the world; his future fall is not obscurely
predicted, and even while he reigns, a gloomy irresistible
destiny controls his power."--Quart. Rev. xxviii, 416.
[79] Milton, Samson Agon.
_Dalilah._ "I see thou art implacable, more deaf
To prayers than winds or seas."
Merchant of Venice, Act 4, sc. 1.
"You may as well go stand upon the beach
And bid the main flood bate his usual height."
See Schrader on Musaeus, 320.
[80] See Linwood's Lexicon. Cf. Nonnus, Dionys. II. p. 45,
22.
[Greek: desma phygon dolometis homarteseie Prometheus,
hepatos heboontos apheidea daitymonea
ouranies thrasyn ornin echon pompea keleuthou].
[81] I have adopted Dindorf's emendation. See his note.
[82] How the cosmoramic effects here described were
represented on the stage, it is difficult to say, but such
descriptions are by no means rare in the poets. Compare
Musaeus, 314, sqq. Lucan, I. 75 sqq. and a multitude in the
notes of La Cerda on Virgil, AEn. I. 107, and Barthius on
Claudian. Gigant. 31, sqq. Nonnus, Dionys. I. p. 12.
[83] Or, "of which may Jove the Averter be what his name
imports." See Paley and Linwood's Lex.
[84] This interpretation is now fully established, See
Paley. Thus Caesar, B. G. I. 29, "qui arma ferre possent:
et item separatius pueri, senes;" II. 28, Eteocles wishes
even the [Greek: achreioi] to assist in the common
defense.
[85] [Greek: pistoi] is to be supplied with [Greek:
genoisthe].
[86] Although [Greek: boter] may be compared with the
Roman _pullarius_, yet the phrase is here probably only
equivalent to [Greek: despotes manteumaton] soon after.
[87] Paley prefers "nocturno concilio agitari," comparing
Rhes. 88, [Greek: tas sas pros eunas phylakes
elthontes phobo nyktegorousi]. On the authority of
Griffiths, I have supplied [Greek: tous Achaious] before
[Greek: epibouleuein].
[88] See my note on Prom. 863.
[89] See commentators.
[90] Cf. Jelf. Gk. Gr. Sec. 566, 2.
[91] See Linwood, s.v. [Greek: stephein]. Paley compares
v. 267, [Greek: Laphyra daon douriplechth' hagnois domois
Stepso pro naon]. Adrastus alone had been promised a safe
return home.
[92] Cf. Eum. 515, [Greek: oikton oiktisaito], _would
utter cries of pity_. Suppl. 59, [Greek: oikton oiktron
aion], _hearing one mournful piteous cry_. The old
translations rendered it, "no regret was expressed on
their countenance."
[93] Perhaps we might render [Greek: phraxai], _dam_, in
order to keep up the metaphor of the ship. Cf. Hom. Od. V.
346, [Greek: phraxe de min rhipessi diamperes oisyinesi].
The closing the ports of a vessel to keep out the water
will best convey the meaning to modern readers.
[94] This seems the true meaning of [Greek: ephestios],
_indigenous in Greece_, as Blomfield interprets, quoting
Hesych, [Greek: ephestios, autochthon, enoikos], II. B.
125, etc. An Athenian audience, with their political
jealousy of Asiatic influence, and pride of indigenous
origin, would have appreciated this prayer as heartily as
the one below, v. 158, [Greek: polin doriponon me prodoth'
Heterophono strato], which their minds would connect with
more powerful associations than the mere provincial
differences of Boeotia and Argos. How great a stress was
laid upon the ridicule of foreign dialect, may be seen
from the reception of Pseudartabas in the Acharnians.
[95] Cf. Arist. Rhet. II. 17, 6. The same sentiment,
though expressed the contrary way, occurs in Eur. Troad.
26, [Greek: Eremia gar polin hotan labe kake, Nosei ta ton
theon oude timasthai thelei].
[96] The chorus survey the surrounding plains from a high
part of the Acropolis of Thebes, as Antigone from the top
of the palace in the Phoenissae of Euripides, v. 103,
sqq.
[97] [Greek: prodromos]=_so as to be foremost_. Cf. Soph.
Antig. 108, [Greek: phygada prodromon oxytero kinesasa
chalino].
[98] This passage is undoubtedly corrupt, but Dindorf's
conjecture [Greek: hele d' emas phrenas deos; hoplon ktypos
potichrimptetai, dia pedon boa potatai, bremei d']--,
although ingenious, differs too much from the _ductus
literarum_, to be considered safe. Paley from the
interpretation of the Medicean MS. and the reading of
Robortelli, [Greek: eDIDemnas], has conjectured [Greek:
DIA de gas emas pedi' hoploktypou], which seems
preferable. Perhaps we might read [Greek: epi de gas
pedioploktypou osin chrimp. boa], by tmesis, for [Greek:
epichrimptetai]. AEschylus used the compound, [Greek:
enchriptesthai], Suppl. 790, and nothing is more common
than such a tmesis. I doubt whether [Greek:
pedioploktypon] is not one of AEschylus' own "high-crested"
compounds. Mr. Burges has kindly suggested a parallel
passage of an anonymous author, quoted by Suidas, s. v.
[Greek: hyparattomenes: hippon chremetizonton, tes ges
tois posin auton hyparattomenes, oulon synkrouomenon].
[99] Cf. Soph. Antig. 106.
[100] Cf. Virg. _AEn._ I. 479;
"Interea ad templum non aequae Palladis ibant
Crinibus Iliades passis, peplumque ferebant
Suppliciter tristes"--
Statius, Theb. x. 50:
----"et ad patrias fusae Pelopeides aras
Sceptriferae Junonis opem, reditumque suorum
Exposcunt, pictasque fores, et frigida vultu
Saxa terunt, parvosque docent procumbere natos
* * * * *
Peplum etiam dono, cujus mirabile textum," etc.
[101] Here there is a gap in the metre. See Dindorf.
[102] "pro vitanda servitute."--Paley.
[103] Not "at the seven gates," as Valckenaer has clearly
shown.
[104] The paronomasia can only be kept up by rendering,
"do thou, king of wolves, fall with wolf-like fierceness,"
etc. Mueller, Dorians, vol. i. p. 325, considers that
[Greek: Lykeios] is connected with [Greek: lyke], _light_,
not with [Greek: lykos], _a wolf_.
[105] I follow Paley's emendation, [Greek: auetais].
[106] See a judicious note of Paley's.
[107] I have borrowed Griffiths' translation. It seems
impossible that [Greek: hagnon telos] could ever be a
personal appeal, while [Greek: sy te] evidently shows that
the address to Pallas Onca was unconnected with the
preceding line. As there is probably a lacuna after
[Greek: Diothen], it is impossible to arrive at any
certain meaning.
[108] See Stanley. [Greek: Onka] is a Phoenician word,
and epithet of Minerva.
[109] The boys, girls, etc.
[110] Cf. Eur. Hippol. 1219, sqq.
[Greek: kai despotes men hippikois en ethesi
polys xynoikon herpas' henias cheroin,
helkei de kopen hoste naubates aner].
[111] _I.e._ to adore the images placed at the head of the
vessel. See Griffiths.
[112] This far-fetched interpretation of an absurd text is
rightly condemned by W. Dindorf in his note, who elegantly
reads with Lud. Dindorf [Greek: hydasi t' Ismenou]. Paley
has clearly shown the origin of the corruption. Linwood is
equally disinclined to support the common reading.
[113] Blomfield reads [Greek: ego de g' andras], the
change of [Greek: DEG] to [Greek: DEP] being by no means a
difficult one. Linwood agrees with this alteration, and
Dindorf in his notes. But Paley still defends the common
reading, thinking that [Greek: ep' echthrois] is to be
taken from the following line. I do not think the poet
would have hazarded a construction so doubtful, that we
might take [Greek: epi] either with [Greek: andras],
[Greek: echthrois], or by tmesis, with [Greek: axo].
[114] The construction of the exegetical accusative is
well illustrated in Jelf's Gk. Gr. Sec. 580, 3.
[115] I have followed Blomfield, and Dindorf in his notes,
in reading [Greek: kydos toisde politais].
[116] This is perhaps the sense required; but, with
Dindorf, I can not see how it can be elicited from the
common reading. Perhaps Schneider's [Greek: artitrophois]
is right, which is approved by Dindorf, Linwood, and
Paley.
[117] There is the same irregular antithesis between
[Greek: allon agei] and [Greek: ta de (=ta de) pyrphorei];
as in Soph. Ant. 138, [Greek: eiche d' alla ta men, alla d'
ep' allois epenoma--Ares].
[118] See Elmsl. on Eur. Bacch. 611. I follow Griffiths
and Paley.
[119] There is much difficulty in the double participle
[Greek: peson-kyresas]. Dindorf would
altogether omit [Greek: kyresas], as a gloss. But surely
[Greek: peson] was more likely to be added as a gloss,
than [Greek: kyresas]. I think that the fault probably
lies in [Greek: peson].
[120] This passage is scarcely satisfactory, but I have
followed Paley. Perhaps if we place a comma after [Greek:
hyperterou], and treat [Greek: hos andr. d. hyp. eutych.]
as a genitive absolute, there will be less abruptness,
[Greek: elpis esti] standing for [Greek: elpizousi], by a
frequent enallage.
[121] The turgidity of this metaphor is almost too much
even for AEschylus!
[122] The multitude of interpretations of the common
reading are from their uniform absurdity sufficient to
show that it is corrupt. I have chosen the least
offensive, but am still certain that [Greek: apartizei] is
indefensible. Hermann (who, strange to say, is followed by
Wellauer) reads [Greek: katargizei], Blomfield [Greek:
katartizei].
[123] Besides Stanley's illustrations, see Pricaeus on
Apul. Apol. p. 58. Pelagonius in the Geoponica, XVI. 2,
observes [Greek: agathou de hippou kai touto tekmerion,
hotan hestekos me anechetai, alla kroton ten gen hosper
trechein epithyme]. St. Macarius Hom. XXIII. 2, [Greek:
epan de mathe (ho hippos) kai synethisthe eis ton polemon,
hotan osphranthe kai akouse phonen polemou, autos hetoimos
erchetai epi tous echthrous, hoste kai ap' autes tes phones
ptoesin empoiein tois polemiois]. Marmion, Canto V.,
"Marmion, like charger in the stall,
That hears without the trumpet's call,
Began to chafe and swear."
[124] See Boyes' Illustrations, p. 11.
[125] This seems to be the sense of [Greek: mantis
ennoia]. Blomfield would add [Greek: ennoia] to the
dative, which is easier.
[126] So Linwood. Justice is styled the near relation of
Melanippus, because he was [Greek: aischron argos], v.
406. The scholiast however interprets it [Greek: to tes
xyngeneias dikaion].
[127] Dindorf's substitution of [Greek: dikaias] for
[Greek: dikaios] is no improvement. Paley's [Greek:
dikaios] is more elegant, but there seems little reason
for alteration.
[128] Probably nothing more than the lightning is meant,
as Blomfield supposes. Paley quotes Eur. Cycl. 328,
[Greek: peplon krouei, Dios brontaisin eis erin ktypon].
And this agrees with the fate of Capaneus as described in
Soph. Antig. 131, sqq.; Nonnus, XXVIII. p. 480; Eur.
Phoen. 1187, sqq.
[129] Blomfield compares Eur. Bacch. 733, [Greek: thyrsois
dia cheroin hoplismenas]. But the present construction is
harsher.
[130] See Blomfield.
[131] I follow Blomfield and Paley.
[132] "We embrace this opportunity of making a grammatical
observation with respect to the older poets, which, to the
best of our knowledge, has not hitherto been noticed by
any grammarian or critic. Wherever a wish or a prayer is
expressed, either by the single optative mood of the verb,
or with [Greek: me, eithe, ei gar, eithe gar], the verb is
in the second aorist, if it have a distinct second aorist;
otherwise it may be in the present tense, but is more
frequently in the first aorist."--Edinb. Rev. xix. 485.
[133] _I.e._ not bearing a braggart inscription, but
putting confidence in his own valor. [Greek: ou] was
rightly thrown out by Erfurdt. See Paley.
[134] _I.e._ from the dragon's teeth sown by Cadmus.
[135] Eteoclus and the figure on his
shield.
[136] Like a Bacchic devotee. See Virg. AEn. IV. 301, sqq.
So in the Agamemnon, v. 477.
[Greek: martyrei de moi kasis
pelou xynouros, dipsia konis, tade].
[137] Cf. Ag. 174. [Greek: Zena de tis epinikia klazon,
Teuxetai phrenon to pan]. Dindorf would omit all the
following lines. There is some difficulty about the sense
of [Greek: prosphileia], which I think Pauw best explains
as meaning "such is the god that respectively befriends
each of these champions."
[138] Cf. Apollon. Rhod. I. 466, [Greek: Isto nyn dory
thouron hoto periosion allon kydos eni ptolemoisin
aeiromai, oude m' ophellei Zeus toson, hossation per emon
dory]. Statius Theb. ix. 649--"ades o mihi dextera tantum
Tu praesens bellis, et inevitable numen, Te voco, te solam
superum contemptor adoro." See Cerda on Virg. AEn. X. 773.
[139] So Catullus, iii. 4, 5.
Passer, deliciae meae puellae,
Quem plus illa oculis suis amabat.
And Vathek, p. 124 (of the English version), "Nouronihar
loved her cousin more than her own beautiful eyes."--OLD
TRANSLATOR. See Valcken. on Theocrit. xi. 53.
[140] A pun upon the word [Greek: parthenos] in the
composition of Parthenopaeus's name.
[141] The figure on the shield is undoubtedly the one
meant.
[142] _I.e._ "he will fight by wholesale." See comm.
Perhaps the English phrase to "deal a blow," to "lend a
blow," is the nearest approximation to this curious idiom.
Boyes quotes some neat illustrations.
[143] This passage is a fair instance of the impossibility
of construing certain portions of AEschylus as they are
edited. Dindorf in his notes approves of Dobree's
emendation, [Greek: kai ton son aut' adelphou es patros
moron Exyptiazon onoma], and so Paley, except that he
reads [Greek: omma] with Schutz, and renders it "_oculo in
patrio OEdipi fatum religiose sublato_." Blomfield's
[Greek: prosmolon homosporon] seems simpler, and in better
taste. [Greek: homosporon] was doubtless obliterated by the
gloss [Greek: adelpheon] (an Ionic form ill suited to the
senarius), and the [Greek: homoioteleuton] caused the
remainder of the error. Burges first proposed [Greek:
homosporon] in Troad. Append. p. 134, D. As to Paley's idea
that OEdipus' death was caused "_per contentiorim filii
indolem_," I can not find either authority for the fact,
or reason for its mention here, and I have therefore
followed Blomfield. Dindorf's translation I can not
understand. The explanations of [Greek: exyptiazon onoma]
are amusing, and that is all.
[144] _I.e._ saying [Greek: Polyneikes polyneikes]. Paley
ingeniously remarks that [Greek: endateisthai] is here
used in a double sense, both of _dividing_ and
_reproaching_. See his note, and cf. Phoen. 636. [Greek:
alethos onoma Polyneike pater etheto soi theia, pronoia,
neikeon eponymon].
[145] See Griffiths.
[146] Porson, and all the subsequent editors have
bracketed this verse, as spurious, but the chief objection
to this sense of [Greek: karpizesthai] seems to be
obviated by Paley. See his note.
[147] Either with [Greek: palin] or [Greek: polin] there
is much difficulty, as without an epithet [Greek: polis]
seems harshly applied to Hades. Paley thinks that [Greek:
ten makran] refers both to [Greek: pompen] and [Greek:
polin]. Dindorf adopts his usual plan when a difficulty
occurs, and proposes to omit the line. Fritzsche truly
said of this learned critic, that if he had the privilege
of omitting every thing he could not understand, the plays
of the Grecian dramatists would speedily be reduced to a
collection of fragments.
[148] When the spear was not in use, it was held in the
left hand, under the shield. See Blomfield.
[149] Sc. king, or victor. Blomfield adopts the former.
[150] This passage is not satisfactory. Paley reads
[Greek: andrelaton], but I am doubtful about [Greek: tos
... tonde ... tropon].
[151] In the original there is, perhaps, a slight mixture
of construction, [Greek: haimatos] partly depending upon
[Greek: karpos] implied in [Greek: pikrokarpon], and
partly upon [Greek: androktasian], [Greek: androkt..
haim.] being _the slaughter of a man, by which his blood
is shed_.
[152] Wellauer: _denuntians lucrum, quod prius erit morte
posteriore_: _i.e._ victoriam quam sequetur mors. And so
Griffiths and Paley.
[153] Shakespeare uses this name in the opening speech of
King Henry, in part I.:
No more the thirsty Erinnys of this soil
Shall daub her lips with her own children's blood.
OLD TRANSLATOR.
[154] See above, v. 383.
[155] Somewhat to the same effect is the dream of Atossa
in the Persae.
[156] I prefer Blomfield's transposition to Dindorf's
correction, [Greek: blapsiphronos], which, though
repudiated in the notes, is still adopted by Paley.
[157] A noble impersonation of the sword.
[158] Shakespeare, King John, Act 4, sc. 2:
That blood, which own'd the breadth of all this isle,
Three foot of it doth hold.
King Henry IV. part I. Act 5, sc. 5:
Fare thee well, great heart!
Ill-weav'd ambition, how much art thou shrunk!
When that this body did contain a spirit,
A kingdom for it was too small a bound;
But now, two paces of the vilest earth
Is room enough.
[159] Surely the full stop after [Greek: polin] in v. 749
should be removed, and a colon, or mark of hyperbaton
substituted. On looking at Paley's edition, I find myself
anticipated.
[160] This is Griffiths' version of this awkward passage.
I should prefer reading [Greek: alkan] with Paley, from
one MS. So also Burges.
[161] See my note on Soph. Philoct. 708, ed. Bohn.
[162] This seems the best way of rendering the bold
periphrase, [Greek: ho polybotos aion broton]. See
Griffiths.
[163] I follow Paley. Dindorf, in his notes, agrees in
reading [Greek: trophas], but the metre seems to require
[Greek: epikotos]. Griffiths defends the common reading,
but against the ancient authority of the schol. on OEd.
Col. 1375. See Blomfield.
[164] Blomfield with reason thinks that a verse has been
lost.
[165] The care which the Messenger takes to show the
bright side of the picture first, reminds us of
Northumberland's speech, Shakespeare, King Henry IV. part
II. Act 1, sc. 1:
This thou would'st say--Your son did thus and thus;
Your brother, thus; so fought the noble Douglas;
Stopping my greedy ear with their bold deeds;
But in the end, to stop mine ear indeed,
Thou hast a sigh to blow away this praise,
Ending with--brother, son, and all are dead.
--OLD TRANSL.
[166] This is a good example of the figure chiasmus, the
force of which I have expressed by the bracketed words
repeated from the two infinities. See Latin examples in
the notes of Arntzenius on Mamertin. Geneth. 8, p. 27;
Pang. Vett. t. i.
[167] The Messenger retires to dress for the Herald's
part.
Horace's rule, "Nec quarta loqui persona laboret," seems
to have been drawn from the practice of the Greek stage.
Only three actors were allowed to each of the
competitor-dramatists, and these were assigned to them by
lot. (Hesychius, [Greek: Nemesis hypokriton].) Thus, for
instance, as is remarked by a writer in the Quarterly
Review, in the OEdipus at Colonus, v. 509, Ismene goes
to offer sacrifice, and, after about forty lines, returns
in the character of Theseus. Soon afterward, v. 847,
Antigone is carried off by Creon's attendants, and returns
as Theseus after about the same interval as before.--OLD
TRANSLATION. The translator had misquoted the gloss of
Hesychius.
[168] This is the tragic account. See Soph. Antig. 170,
sqq.; Eurip. Phaen. 757, sqq. But other authors mention
descendants of both.
[169] Another pun on [Greek: Polyneikes].
[170] Cf. Romeo and Juliet, Act 4, sec. 3:
"I have a faint cold fear thrills through my veins."
[171] This passage is confessedly corrupt. Paley seems to
have rightly restored [Greek: astolon] from the [Greek:
astolon theorida] in Robertelli's edition. This ship, as
he remarks, would truly be [Greek: astolos], in opposition
to the one sent to Delphi, which was properly said [Greek:
stellesthai epi theorian]. The words [Greek: astibe
Apolloni] confirm this opinion. In regard to the allusions,
see Stanley and Blomfield, also Wyttenbach on Plato
Phaedon. sub. init.
[172] This repetition of [Greek: di' hon] is not altogether
otiose. Their contention for estate was the cause both of
their being [Greek: ainomoroi] and of the [Greek: neikos]
that ensued.
[173] _I.e._ the sword. Cf. v. 885.
[174] This epithet applied to their ancestral tombs
doubtless alludes to the violent deaths of Laius and
OEdipus.
[175] On the enallage [Greek: somati] for [Greek: somasi]
see Griffiths. The poet means to say that this will be all
their possession after death. Still Blomfield's reading,
[Greek: chomati], seems more elegant and satisfactory.
[176] Pauw remarks that Polynices is the chief subject of
Antigone's mourning, while Ismene bewails Eteocles. This
may illustrate much of the following dialogue, as well as
explain whence Sophocles derived his master-piece of
character, the Theban martyr-heroine, Antigone.
[177] Throughout this scene I have followed Dindorf's
text, although many improvements have been made in the
disposition of the dramatis personae. Every one will
confess that the length of [Greek: io io] commonplaces in
this scene would be much against the play, but for the
animated conclusion, a conclusion, however, that must lose
all its finest interest to the reader who is unacquainted
with the Antigone of Sophocles!
[178] Wellauer (not Scholfield, as Griffiths says) defends
the common reading from Herodot. V. 49.
[179] [Greek: trachyne] But T. Burgess' emendation [Greek:
trachys ge] seems better, and is approved by Blomfield.
[180] Soph. Ant. 44. [Greek: e gar noeis thaptein sph'
aporreton polei].
[181] I have taken Griffiths' translation of what Dindorf
rightly calls "lectio vitiosa," and of stuff that no sane
person can believe came from the hand of AEschylus. Paley,
who has often seen the truth where all others have failed,
ingeniously supposes that [Greek: ou] is a mistaken
insertion, and, omitting it, takes [Greek: diatetimetai]
in this sense: "_jam hic non amplius a diis honoratur;
ergo ego eum honorabo._" See his highly satisfactory note,
to which I will only add that the reasoning of the
Antigone of Sophocles, vss. 515, sqq. gives ample
confirmation to his view of this passage.
[182] Blomfield would either omit this verse, or assign it
to the chorus.
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