Early he rose, and looked with many a sigh

On the red light that filled the eastern sky;

Oft had he stood before, alert and gay,

To hail the glories of the new-born day;

But now dejected, languid, listless, low,

He saw the wind upon the water blow,

And the cold stream curled onward as the gale

From the pine-hill blew harshly down the vale;

On the right side the youth a wood surveyed,

With all its dark intensity of shade;

Where the rough wind alone was heard to move

In this, the pause of nature and of love

When now the young are reared, and when the old,

Lost to the tie, grow negligent and cold:

Far to the left he saw the huts of men,

Half hid in mist that hung upon the fen:

Before him swallows gathering for the sea,

Took their short flights and twittered o'er the lea;

And near the bean-sheaf stood, the harvest done,

And slowly blackened in the sickly sun;

All these were sad in nature, or they took

Sadness from him, the likeness of his look

And of his mind--he pondered for a while,

Then met his Fanny with a borrowed smile.

It is good: it is extraordinarily good: it could not be better of its

kind. It is as nearly poetry as anything that Crabbe ever did--but is it

quite? If it is (and I am not careful to deny it) the reason, as it

seems to me, is that the verbal and rhythmical music here, with its

special effect of "transporting" of "making the common as if it were

uncommon," is infinitely better than is usual with Crabbe, that in fact

there is music as well as meaning. Hardly anywhere else, not even in the

best passages of the story of Peter Grimes, shall we find such music;

and in its absence it may be said of Crabbe much more truly than of

Dryden (who carries the true if not the finest poetical undertone with

him even into the rant of Almanzor and Maximin, into the interminable

arguments of "Religio Laici" and "The Hind and the Panther") that he is

a classic of our prose.

Yet the qualities which are so noteworthy in him are all qualities which

are valuable to the poet, and which for the most part are present in

good poets. And I cannot help thinking that this was what actually

deceived some of his contemporaries and made others content for the most

part to acquiesce in an exaggerated estimate of his poetical merits. It

must be remembered that even the latest generation which, as a whole and

unhesitatingly, admired Crabbe, had been brought up on the poets of the

eighteenth century, in the very best of whom the qualities which Crabbe

lacks had been but sparingly and not eminently present. It must be

remembered too, that from the great vice of the poetry of the eighteenth

century, its artificiality and convention, Crabbe is conspicuously free.

The return to nature was not the only secret of the return to poetry;

but it was part of it, and that Crabbe returned to nature no one could

doubt. Moreover he came just between the school of prose fiction which

practically ended with _Evelina_ and the school of prose fiction which

opened its different branches with _Waverley_ and _Sense and

Sensibility_. His contemporaries found nowhere else the narrative power,

the faculty of character-drawing, the genius for description of places

and manners, which they found in Crabbe; and they knew that in almost

all, if not in all the great poets there is narrative power, faculty of

character-drawing, genius for description. Yet again, Crabbe put these

gifts into verse which at its best was excellent in its own way, and at

its worst was a blessed contrast to Darwin or to Hayley. Some readers

may have had an uncomfortable though only half-conscious feeling that if

they had not a poet in Crabbe they had not a poet at all. At all events

they made up their minds that they had a poet in him.

But are we bound to follow their example? I think not. You could play on

Crabbe that odd trick which used, it is said, to be actually played on

some mediæval verse chroniclers and unrhyme him--that is to say, put

him into prose with the least possible changes--and his merits would,

save in rare instances, remain very much as they are now. You could put

other words in the place of his words, keeping the verse, and it would

not as a rule be much the worse. You cannot do either of these things

with poets who are poets. Therefore I shall conclude that save at the

rarest moments, moments of some sudden gust of emotion, some happy

accident, some special grace of the Muses to reward long and blameless

toil in their service, Crabbe was not a poet. But I have not the least

intention of denying that he was great, and all but of the greatest

among English writers.

FOOTNOTES:

[2] In 1834, after Crabbe's death, Wordsworth wrote to his son: "Your

father's works ... will last, from their combined merit as poetry and

truth, full as long as anything that has been expressed in verse since

the date of their first appearance." A very different estimate by

Wordsworth of Crabbe has been published in Mr. Clayden's _Rogers and his

Contemporaries_. Here he argues at great length that "Crabbe's verses

can in no sense be called poetry," and that "nineteen out of twenty of

his pictures are mere matter of fact." It is fair to say that this was

in 1808, before the appearance of "The Borough" and of almost all

Crabbe's best work.

[3] _Great Writers; Crabbe_: by T. E. Kebbel. London, 1888.

[4] Although constantly patronised by the Rutland family in successive

generations, and honoured by the attentions of "Old Q." and others, his

poems are full of growls at patrons. These cannot be mere echoes of

Oldham and Johnson, but their exact reason is unknown. His son's

reference to it is so extremely cautious that it has been read as a

confession that Crabbe was prone to his cups, and quarrelsome in them--a

signal instance of the unwisdom of not speaking out.

[5] Rogers told Ticknor in 1838 that "Crabbe was nearly ruined by grief

and vexation at the conduct of his wife for above seven years, at the

end of which time she proved to be insane." But this was long after her

death and Crabbe's, and it is not clear that while she was alive Rogers

knew Crabbe at all. Nor is there the slightest reason for attaching to

the phrase "vexation at the conduct" the sense which it would usually

have. A quatrain found after Crabbe's death wrapped round his wife's

wedding-ring is touching, and graceful in its old-fashioned way.

The ring so worn, as you behold,

So thin, so pale, is yet of gold:

The passion such it was to prove;

Worn with life's cares, love yet was love.

[6] See below, Essay on Hazlitt.

II

HOGG

"What on earth," it was once asked "will you make of Hogg?" I think that

there is something to be made of Hogg, and that it is something worth

the making. In the first place, it is hardly possible, without studying

"the Shepherd" pretty close, fully to appreciate three other persons,

all greater, and one infinitely greater, than himself; namely, Wilson,

Lockhart, and Scott. To the two first he was a client in the Roman

sense, a plaything, something of a butt, and an invaluable source of

inspiration or at least suggestion. Towards the last he occupied a very

curious position, never I think quite paralleled elsewhere--the position

of a Boswell who would fain be a Boswell and is not allowed to be, who

has wild notions that he is really a greater man than Johnson and

occasionally blasphemes against his idol, but who in the intervals is

truly Boswellian. In the second place, he has usually hitherto been not

criticised at all, but either somewhat sneered at or else absurdly

over-praised. In the third place, as both Scott and Byron recognised, he

is probably the most remarkable example we have of absolute

self-education, or of no education: for Burns was an academically

instructed student in comparison with Hogg. In the fourth, he produced,

amid a mass of rubbish, some charming verse and one prose-story which,

though it is almost overlooked by the general, some good judges are, I

believe, agreed with me in regarding as one of the very best things of

its kind, while it is also a very curious literary puzzle.

The anecdotic history, more or less authentic, of the Ettrick Shepherd

would fill volumes, and I must try to give some of the cream of it

presently. The non-anecdotic part may be despatched in a few sentences.

The exact date of his birth is not known, but he was baptized on 9th

December 1770. His father was a good shepherd and a bad farmer--a

combination of characteristics which Hogg himself inherited unimpaired

and unimproved. If he had any early education at all, he forgot it so

completely that he had, as a grown-up man, to teach himself writing if

not reading a second time. He pursued his proper vocation for about

thirty years, during the latter part of which time he became known as a

composer of very good songs, "Donald Macdonald" being ranked as the

best. He printed a few as a pamphlet in the first year of the century,

but met with little success. Then he fell in with Scott, to whom he had

been introduced as a purveyor of ballads, not a few of which his

mother, Margaret Laidlaw, knew by heart. This old lady it was who gave

Scott the true enough warning that the ballads were "made for singing

and no for reading." Scott in his turn set Hogg on the track of making

some money by his literary work, and Constable published _The Mountain

Bard_ together with a treatise called _Hogg on Sheep_, which I have not

read, and of which I am not sure that I should be a good critic if I

had. The two books brought Hogg three hundred pounds. This sum he poured

into the usual Danaids' vessel of the Scotch peasant--the taking and

stocking of a farm, which he had neither judgment to select, capital to

work, nor skill to manage; and he went on doing very much the same thing

for the rest of his life. The exact dates of that life are very sparely

given in his own _Autobiography_, in his daughter's _Memorials_, and in

the other notices of him that I have seen. He would appear to have spent

four or five years in the promising attempt to run, not one but two

large stock-farms. Then he tried shepherding again, without much

success; and finally in 1810, being forty years old and able to write,

he went to Edinburgh and "commenced," as the good old academic phrase

has it, literary man. He brought out a new book of songs called _The

Forest Minstrel_, and then he started a periodical, _The Spy_. On this,

as he tells us, Scott very wisely remonstrated with him, asking him

whether he thought he could be more elegant than Addison or Mackenzie.

Hogg replied with his usual modesty that at any rate he would be "mair

original." The originality appears to have consisted in personality; for

Hogg acknowledges one exceedingly insolent attack on Scott himself,

which Scott seems, after at first resenting it (and yet Hogg tells us

elsewhere that he never resented any such thing), to have forgiven. He

had also some not clearly known employments of the factorship or

surveyorship kind; he was much patronised by two worthy hatters, Messrs.

Grieve and Scott, and in 1813 the book which contains all his best

verse, _The Queen's Wake_, was published. It was deservedly successful;

but, by a species of bad luck which pursued Hogg with extraordinary

assiduity, the two first editions yielded nothing, as his publisher was

not solvent. The third, which Blackwood issued, brought him in good

profit. Two years later he became in a way a made man. He had very

diligently sought the patronage of Harriet, Duchess of Buccleuch, and,

his claims being warmly supported by Scott and specially recommended by

the Duchess on her deathbed to her husband, Hogg received rent free, or

at a peppercorn, the farm of Mossend, Eltrive or Altrive. It is agreed

even by Hogg's least judicious admirers that if he had been satisfied

with this endowment and had then devoted himself, as he actually did, to

writing, he might have lived and died in comfort, even though his

singular luck in not being paid continued to haunt him. But he must

needs repeat his old mistake and take the adjacent farm of Mount Benger,

which, with a certain reckless hospitable way of living for which he is

not so blamable, kept him in difficulties all the rest of his life and

made him die in them. He lived twenty years longer; married a

good-looking girl much his superior in rank and twenty years his junior,

who seems to have made him an excellent wife; engaged in infinite

magazine- and book-writing, of which more presently; became the

inspirer, model and butt of _Blackwood's Magazine_; constantly

threatened to quarrel with it for traducing him, and once did so; loved

Edinburgh convivialities more well than wisely; had the very ill luck to

survive Scott and to commit the folly of writing a pamphlet (more silly

than anything else) on the "domestic manners" of that great man, which

estranged Lockhart, hitherto his fast friend; paid a visit to London in

1832, whereby hang tales; and died himself on 21st November 1835.

Such, briefly but not I think insufficiently given, is the Hogg of

history. The Hogg of anecdote is a much more considerable and difficult

person. He mixes himself up with or becomes by turns (whichever phrase

may be preferred) the Shepherd of the _Noctes_ and the Hogg who is

revealed to us, say his panegyrists, with "uncalled-for malignity" in

Lockhart's _Life of Scott_. But these panegyrists seem to forget that

there are two documents which happen not to be signed either "John

Gibson Lockhart" or "Christopher North," and that these documents are

Hogg's _Autobiography_, published by himself, and the _Domestic Manners

of Sir Walter Scott_, likewise authenticated. In these two we have the

Hogg of the _ana_ put forward pretty vividly. For instance, Hogg tells

us how, late in Sir Walter's life, he and his wife called upon Scott.

"In we went and were received with all the affection of old friends. But

his whole discourse was addressed to my wife, while I was left to shift

for myself.... In order to attract his attention from my wife to one who

I thought as well deserved it, I went close up to him with a

scrutinising look and said, 'Gudeness guide us, Sir Walter, but ye hae

gotten a braw gown.'" The rest of the story is not bad, but less

characteristic. Immediately afterwards Hogg tells his own speech about

being "not sae yelegant but mair original" than Addison. Then there is

the other capital legend, also self-told, how he said to Scott, "Dear

Sir Walter, ye can never suppose that I belang to your school of

chivalry! Ye are the king of that school, but I'm the king of the

mountain and fairy school, which is a far higher ane than yours!"

"This," says Professor Veitch, a philosopher, a scholar, and a man of

letters, "though put with an almost sublime egotism, is in the main

true." Almost equally characteristic is the fact that, after beginning

his pamphlet by calling Lockhart "the only man thoroughly qualified for

the task" of writing Scott's life, Hogg elsewhere, in one of the

extraordinary flings that distinguish him, writes: "Of Lockhart's genius

and capabilities Sir Walter always spoke with the greatest enthusiasm:

more than I thought he deserved. For I knew him a great deal better than

Sir Walter did, and, whatever Lockhart may pretend, I knew Sir Walter a

thousand times better than he did."

Now be it remembered that these passages are descriptive of Hogg's Hogg,

to use the always useful classification of Dr. Holmes. To complete them

(the actual texts are too long to give here) it is only necessary to

compare the accounts of a certain dinner at Bowhill given respectively

by Hogg in the _Domestic Manners_ and by Lockhart in his biography, and

also those given in the same places of the one-sided quarrel between

Scott and Hogg, because the former, according to his almost invariable

habit, refused to collaborate in Hogg's _Poetic Mirror_. In all this we

have the man's own testimony about himself. It is not in the least

incompatible with his having been, as his panegyrists contend, an

affectionate friend, husband, and father; a very good fellow when his

vanity or his whims were not touched; and inexhaustibly fertile in the

kind of rough profusion of flower and weed that uncultivated soil

frequently produces. But it most certainly is also not inconsistent, but

on the contrary highly consistent, with the picture drawn by Lockhart in

his great book; and it shows how, to say the least and mildest, the

faults and foibles of the curious personage known as "the Shepherd of

the _Noctes_" were not the parts of the character on which Wilson need

have spent, or did spend, most of his invention. Even if the "boozing

buffoon" had been a boozing buffoon and nothing more, Hogg, who

confesses with a little affected remorse, but with evident pride, that

he once got regularly drunk every night for some six weeks running, till

"an inflammatory fever" kindly pulled him up, could not have greatly

objected to this part of the matter. The wildest excesses of the

_Eidolon_-Shepherd's vanity do not exceed that speech to Scott which

Professor Veitch thinks so true; and the quaintest pranks played by the

same shadow do not exceed in quaintness the immortal story of Hogg being

introduced to Mrs. Scott for the first time, extending himself on a sofa

at full length (on the excuse that he "thought he could never do wrong

to copy the lady of the house," who happened at the time to be in a

delicate state of health), and ending by addressing her as "Charlotte."

This is the story that Mrs. Garden, Hogg's daughter, without attempting

to contest its truth, describes as told by Lockhart with "uncalled-for

malignity." Now when anybody who knows something of Lockhart comes

across "malignant," "scorpion," or any term of the kind, he, if he is

wise, merely shrugs his shoulders. All the literary copy-books have got

it that Lockhart was malignant, and there is of course no more to be

said.[7] But something may be done by a little industrious clearing

away of fiction in particulars. It may be most assuredly and confidently

asserted that no one reading the _Life of Scott_ without knowing what

Hogg's friends have said of it would dream of seeing malignity in the

notices which it contains of the Shepherd. Before writing this paper I

gave myself the trouble, or indulged myself in the pleasure (for perhaps

that is the more appropriate phrase in reference to the most delightful

of biographies, if not of books), of marking with slips of paper all the

passages in Lockhart referring to Hogg, and reading them consecutively.

I am quite sure that any one who does this, even knowing little or

nothing of the circumstances, will wonder where on earth the "ungenerous

assaults," the "virulent detraction," the "bitter words," the "false

friendship," and so forth, with which Lockhart has been charged, are to

be found. But any one who knows that Hogg had, just before his own

death, and while the sorrow of Sir Walter's end was fresh, published the

possibly not ill-intentioned but certainly ill-mannered pamphlet

referred to--a pamphlet which contains among other things, besides the

grossest impertinences about Lady Scott's origin, at least one

insinuation that Scott wrote Lockhart's books for him--if any one

further knows (I think the late Mr. Scott Douglas was the first to point

out the fact) that Hogg had calmly looted Lockhart's biography of Burns,

then he will think that the "scorpion," instead of using his sting,

showed most uncommon forbearance. This false friend, virulent detractor

and ungenerous assailant describes Hogg as "a true son of nature and

genius with a naturally kind and simple character." He does indeed

remark that Hogg's "notions of literary honesty were exceedingly loose."

But (not to mention the Burns affair, which gave me some years ago a

clue to this sentence) the remark is subjoined to a letter in which Hogg

placidly suggests that he shall write an autobiographic sketch, and that

Scott, transcribing it and substituting the third person for the first,

shall father it as his own. The other offence I suppose was the remark

that "the Shepherd's nerves were not heroically strung." This perhaps

might have been left out, but if it was the fact (and Hogg's defenders

never seem to have traversed it) it suggested itself naturally enough in

the context, which deals with Hogg's extraordinary desire, when nearly

forty, to enter the militia as an ensign. Moreover the same passage

contains plenty of kindly description of the Shepherd. Perhaps there is

"false friendship" in quoting a letter from Scott to Byron which

describes Hogg as "a wonderful creature," or in describing the

Shepherd's greeting to Wilkie, "Thank God for it! I did not know you

were so young a man" as "graceful," or in the citation of Jeffrey's

famous blunder in selecting for special praise a fabrication of Hogg's

among the "Jacobite Ballads," or in the genial description, without a

touch of ridicule, of Hogg at the St. Ronan's Games. The sentence on

Hogg's death is indeed severe: "It had been better for his memory had

his end been of earlier date; for he did not follow his benefactor until

he had insulted his dust." It is even perhaps a little too severe,

considering Hogg's irresponsible and childlike nature. But Lockhart

might justly have retorted that men of sixty-four have no business to be

irresponsible children; and it is certainly true that in this unlucky

pamphlet Hogg distinctly accuses Scott of anonymously puffing himself at

his, Hogg's, expense, of being over and over again jealous of him, of

plagiarising his plots, of sneering at him, and, if the passage has any

meaning, of joining a conspiracy of "the whole of the aristocracy and

literature of the country" to keep Hogg down and "crush him to a

nonentity." Neither could Lockhart have been exactly pleased at the

passage where Scott is represented as afraid to clear the character of

an innocent friend to the boy Duke of Buccleuch.

He told me that which I never knew nor suspected before; that a

certain gamekeeper, on whom he bestowed his maledictions without

reserve, had prejudiced my best friend, the young Duke of

Buccleuch, against me by a story; and though he himself knew it

to be a malicious and invidious lie, yet seeing his grace so

much irritated, he durst not open his lips on the subject,

further than by saying, "But, my lord duke, you must always

remember that Hogg is no ordinary man, although he may have shot

a stray moorcock." And then turning to me he said, "Before you

had ventured to give any saucy language to a low scoundrel of an

English gamekeeper, you should have thought of Fielding's tale

of Black George."

"I never saw that tale," said I, "and dinna ken ought about it.

But never trouble your head about that matter, Sir Walter, for

it is awthegither out o' nature for our young chief to entertain

ony animosity against me. The thing will never mair be heard of,

an' the chap that tauld the lees on me will gang to hell, that's

aye some comfort."

Part of my reason for quoting this last passage is to recall to those

who are familiar with the _Noctes Ambrosianæ_ the extraordinary felicity

of the imitation. This, which Hogg with his own pen represents himself

as speaking with his own mouth, might be found textually in any page of

the _Noctes_ without seeming in the least out of keeping with the ideal

Hogg.

Essays in English Literature, 1780-1860 · 第 3 / 27 段