OLIVER TWIST

In considering Dickens, as we almost always must consider him, as a man

of rich originality, we may possibly miss the forces from which he drew

even his original energy. It is not well for man to be alone. We, in the

modern world, are ready enough to admit that when it is applied to some

problem of monasticism or of an ecstatic life. But we will not admit

that our modern artistic claim to absolute originality is really a claim

to absolute unsociability; a claim to absolute loneliness. The anarchist

is at least as solitary as the ascetic. And the men of very vivid vigour

in literature, the men such as Dickens, have generally displayed a large

sociability towards the society of letters, always expressed in the

happy pursuit of pre-existent themes, sometimes expressed, as in the

case of Moliere or Sterne, in downright plagiarism. For even theft is a

confession of our dependence on society. In Dickens, however, this

element of the original foundations on which he worked is quite

especially difficult to determine. This is partly due to the fact that

for the present reading public he is practically the only one of his

long line that is read at all. He sums up Smollett and Goldsmith, but he

also destroys them. This one giant, being closest to us, cuts off from

our view even the giants that begat him. But much more is this

difficulty due to the fact that Dickens mixed up with the old material,

materials so subtly modern, so made of the French Revolution, that the

whole is transformed. If we want the best example of this, the best

example is _Oliver Twist_.

Relatively to the other works of Dickens _Oliver Twist_ is not of great

value, but it is of great importance. Some parts of it are so crude and

of so clumsy a melodrama, that one is almost tempted to say that Dickens

would have been greater without it. But even if he had been greater

without it he would still have been incomplete without it. With the

exception of some gorgeous passages, both of humour and horror, the

interest of the book lies not so much in its revelation of Dickens's

literary genius as in its revelation of those moral, personal, and

political instincts which were the make-up of his character and the

permanent support of that literary genius. It is by far the most

depressing of all his books; it is in some ways the most irritating; yet

its ugliness gives the last touch of honesty to all that spontaneous and

splendid output. Without this one discordant note all his merriment

might have seemed like levity.

Dickens had just appeared upon the stage and set the whole world

laughing with his first great story _Pickwick_. _Oliver Twist_ was his

encore. It was the second opportunity given to him by those who had

rolled about with laughter over Tupman and Jingle, Weller and Dowler.

Under such circumstances a stagey reciter will sometimes take care to

give a pathetic piece after his humorous one; and with all his many

moral merits, there was much that was stagey about Dickens. But this

explanation alone is altogether inadequate and unworthy. There was in

Dickens this other kind of energy, horrible, uncanny, barbaric, capable

in another age of coarseness, greedy for the emblems of established

ugliness, the coffin, the gibbet, the bones, the bloody knife. Dickens

liked these things and he was all the more of a man for liking them;

especially he was all the more of a boy. We can all recall with pleasure

the fact that Miss Petowker (afterwards Mrs. Lillyvick) was in the habit

of reciting a poem called "The Blood Drinker's Burial." I cannot express

my regret that the words of this poem are not given; for Dickens would

have been quite as capable of writing "The Blood Drinker's Burial" as

Miss Petowker was of reciting it. This strain existed in Dickens

alongside of his happy laughter; both were allied to the same robust

romance. Here as elsewhere Dickens is close to all the permanent human

things. He is close to religion, which has never allowed the thousand

devils on its churches to stop the dancing of its bells. He is allied to

the people, to the real poor, who love nothing so much as to take a

cheerful glass and to talk about funerals. The extremes of his gloom and

gaiety are the mark of religion and democracy; they mark him off from

the moderate happiness of philosophers, and from that stoicism which is

the virtue and the creed of aristocrats. There is nothing odd in the

fact that the same man who conceived the humane hospitalities of

Pickwick should also have imagined the inhuman laughter of Fagin's den.

They are both genuine and they are both exaggerated. And the whole human

tradition has tied up together in a strange knot these strands of

festivity and fear. It is over the cups of Christmas Eve that men have

always competed in telling ghost stories.

This first element was present in Dickens, and it is very powerfully

present in _Oliver Twist_. It had not been present with sufficient

consistency or continuity in _Pickwick_ to make it remain on the

reader's memory at all, for the tale of "Gabriel Grubb" is grotesque

rather than horrible, and the two gloomy stories of the "Madman" and the

"Queer Client" are so utterly irrelevant to the tale, that even if the

reader remember them he probably does not remember that they occur in

_Pickwick_. Critics have complained of Shakespeare and others for

putting comic episodes into a tragedy. It required a man with the

courage and coarseness of Dickens actually to put tragic episodes into a

farce. But they are not caught up into the story at all. In _Oliver

Twist_, however, the thing broke out with an almost brutal inspiration,

and those who had fallen in love with Dickens for his generous

buffoonery may very likely have been startled at receiving such very

different fare at the next helping. When you have bought a man's book

because you like his writing about Mr. Wardle's punch-bowl and Mr.

Winkle's skates, it may very well be surprising to open it and read

about the sickening thuds that beat out the life of Nancy, or that

mysterious villain whose face was blasted with disease.

As a nightmare, the work is really admirable. Characters which are not

very clearly conceived as regards their own psychology are yet, at

certain moments, managed so as to shake to its foundations our own

psychology. Bill Sikes is not exactly a real man, but for all that he is

a real murderer. Nancy is not really impressive as a living woman; but

(as the phrase goes) she makes a lovely corpse. Something quite childish

and eternal in us, something which is shocked with the mere simplicity

of death, quivers when we read of those repeated blows or see Sikes

cursing the tell-tale cur who will follow his bloody foot-prints. And

this strange, sublime, vulgar melodrama, which is melodrama and yet is

painfully real, reaches its hideous height in that fine scene of the

death of Sikes, the besieged house, the boy screaming within, the crowd

screaming without, the murderer turned almost a maniac and dragging his

victim uselessly up and down the room, the escape over the roof, the

rope swiftly running taut, and death sudden, startling and symbolic; a

man hanged. There is in this and similar scenes something of the quality

of Hogarth and many other English moralists of the early eighteenth

century. It is not easy to define this Hogarthian quality in words,

beyond saying that it is a sort of alphabetical realism, like the cruel

candour of children. But it has about it these two special principles

which separate it from all that we call realism in our time. First, that

with us a moral story means a story about moral people; with them a

moral story meant more often a story about immoral people. Second, that

with us realism is always associated with some subtle view of morals;

with them realism was always associated with some simple view of morals.

The end of Bill Sikes exactly in the way that the law would have killed

him--this is a Hogarthian incident; it carries on that tradition of

startling and shocking platitude.

All this element in the book was a sincere thing in the author, but none

the less it came from old soils, from the graveyard and the gallows, and

the lane where the ghost walked. Dickens was always attracted to such

things, and (as Forster says with inimitable simplicity) "but for his

strong sense might have fallen into the follies of spiritualism." As a

matter of fact, like most of the men of strong sense in his tradition,

Dickens was left with a half belief in spirits which became in practice

a belief in bad spirits. The great disadvantage of those who have too

much strong sense to believe in supernaturalism is that they keep last

the low and little forms of the supernatural, such as omens, curses,

spectres, and retributions, but find a high and happy supernaturalism

quite incredible. Thus the Puritans denied the sacraments, but went on

burning witches. This shadow does rest, to some extent, upon the

rational English writers like Dickens; supernaturalism was dying, but

its ugliest roots died last. Dickens would have found it easier to

believe in a ghost than in a vision of the Virgin with angels. There,

for good or evil, however, was the root of the old _diablerie_ in

Dickens, and there it is in _Oliver Twist_. But this was only the first

of the new Dickens elements, which must have surprised those Dickensians

who eagerly bought his second book. The second of the new Dickens

elements is equally indisputable and separate. It swelled afterwards to

enormous proportions in Dickens's work; but it really has its rise here.

Again, as in the case of the element of _diablerie_, it would be

possible to make technical exceptions in favour of _Pickwick_. Just as

there were quite inappropriate scraps of the gruesome element in

_Pickwick_, so there are quite inappropriate allusions to this other

topic in _Pickwick_. But nobody by merely reading _Pickwick_ would even

remember this topic; no one by merely reading _Pickwick_ would know what

this topic is; this third great subject of Dickens; this second great

subject of the Dickens of _Oliver Twist_.

This subject is social oppression. It is surely fair to say that no one

could have gathered from _Pickwick_ how this question boiled in the

blood of the author of _Pickwick_. There are, indeed, passages,

particularly in connection with Mr. Pickwick in the debtor's prison,

which prove to us, looking back on a whole public career, that Dickens

had been from the beginning bitter and inquisitive about the problem of

our civilisation. No one could have imagined at the time that this

bitterness ran in an unbroken river under all the surges of that superb

gaiety and exuberance. With _Oliver Twist_ this sterner side of Dickens

was suddenly revealed. For the very first pages of _Oliver Twist_ are

stern even when they are funny. They amuse, but they cannot be enjoyed,

as can the passages about the follies of Mr. Snodgrass or the

humiliations of Mr. Winkle. The difference between the old easy humour

and this new harsh humour is a difference not of degree but of kind.

Dickens makes game of Mr. Bumble because he wants to kill Mr. Bumble; he

made game of Mr. Winkle because he wanted him to live for ever. Dickens

has taken the sword in hand; against what is he declaring war?

It is just here that the greatness of Dickens comes in; it is just here

that the difference lies between the pedant and the poet. Dickens enters

the social and political war, and the first stroke he deals is not only

significant but even startling. Fully to see this we must appreciate the

national situation. It was an age of reform, and even of radical reform;

the world was full of radicals and reformers; but only too many of them

took the line of attacking everything and anything that was opposed to

some particular theory among the many political theories that possessed

the end of the eighteenth century. Some had so much perfected the

perfect theory of republicanism that they almost lay awake at night

because Queen Victoria had a crown on her head. Others were so certain

that mankind had hitherto been merely strangled in the bonds of the

State that they saw truth only in the destruction of tariffs or of

by-laws. The greater part of that generation held that clearness,

economy, and a hard common-sense, would soon destroy the errors that had

been erected by the superstitions and sentimentalities of the past. In

pursuance of this idea many of the new men of the new century, quite

confident that they were invigorating the new age, sought to destroy the

old sentimental clericalism, the old sentimental feudalism, the

old-world belief in priests, the old-world belief in patrons, and among

other things the old-world belief in beggars. They sought among other

things to clear away the old visionary kindliness on the subject of

vagrants. Hence those reformers enacted not only a new reform bill but

also a new poor law. In creating many other modern things they created

the modern workhouse, and when Dickens came out to fight it was the

first thing that he broke with his battle-axe.

This is where Dickens's social revolt is of more value than mere

politics and avoids the vulgarity of the novel with a purpose. His

revolt is not a revolt of the commercialist against the feudalist, of

the Nonconformist against the Churchman, of the Free-trader against the

Protectionist, of the Liberal against the Tory. If he were among us now

his revolt would not be the revolt of the Socialist against the

Individualist, or of the Anarchist against the Socialist. His revolt was

simply and solely the eternal revolt; it was the revolt of the weak

against the strong. He did not dislike this or that argument for

oppression; he disliked oppression. He disliked a certain look on the

face of a man when he looks down on another man. And that look on the

face is, indeed, the only thing in the world that we have really to

fight between here and the fires of Hell. That which pedants of that

time and this time would have called the sentimentalism of Dickens was

really simply the detached sanity of Dickens. He cared nothing for the

fugitive explanations of the Constitutional Conservatives; he cared

nothing for the fugitive explanations of the Manchester School. He would

have cared quite as little for the fugitive explanations of the Fabian

Society or of the modern scientific Socialist. He saw that under many

forms there was one fact, the tyranny of man over man; and he struck at

it when he saw it, whether it was old or new. When he found that footmen

and rustics were too much afraid of Sir Leicester Dedlock, he attacked

Sir Leicester Dedlock; he did not care whether Sir Leicester Dedlock

said he was attacking England or whether Mr. Rouncewell, the

Ironmaster, said he was attacking an effete oligarchy. In that case he

pleased Mr. Rouncewell, the Iron-master, and displeased Sir Leicester

Dedlock, the Aristocrat. But when he found that Mr. Rouncewell's workmen

were much too frightened of Mr. Rouncewell, then he displeased Mr.

Rouncewell in turn; he displeased Mr. Rouncewell very much by calling

him Mr. Bounderby. When he imagined himself to be fighting old laws he

gave a sort of vague and general approval to new laws. But when he came

to the new laws they had a bad time. When Dickens found that after a

hundred economic arguments and granting a hundred economic

considerations, the fact remained that paupers in modern workhouses were

much too afraid of the beadle, just as vassals in ancient castles were

much too afraid of the Dedlocks, then he struck suddenly and at once.

This is what makes the opening chapters of _Oliver Twist_ so curious and

important. The very fact of Dickens's distance from, and independence

of, the elaborate financial arguments of his time, makes more definite

and dazzling his sudden assertion that he sees the old human tyranny in

front of him as plain as the sun at noon-day. Dickens attacks the modern

workhouse with a sort of inspired simplicity as of a boy in a fairy tale

who had wandered about, sword in hand, looking for ogres and who had

found an indisputable ogre. All the other people of his time are

attacking things because they are bad economics or because they are bad

politics, or because they are bad science; he alone is attacking things

because they are bad. All the others are Radicals with a large R; he

alone is radical with a small one. He encounters evil with that

beautiful surprise which, as it is the beginning of all real pleasure,

is also the beginning of all righteous indignation. He enters the

workhouse just as Oliver Twist enters it, as a little child.

This is the real power and pathos of that celebrated passage in the book

which has passed into a proverb; but which has not lost its terrible

humour even in being hackneyed. I mean, of course, the everlasting

quotation about Oliver Twist asking for more. The real poignancy that

there is in this idea is a very good study in that strong school of

social criticism which Dickens represented. A modern realist describing

the dreary workhouse would have made all the children utterly crushed,

not daring to speak at all, not expecting anything, not hoping anything,

past all possibility of affording even an ironical contrast or a protest

of despair. A modern, in short, would have made all the boys in the

workhouse pathetic by making them all pessimists. But Oliver Twist is

not pathetic because he is a pessimist. Oliver Twist is pathetic because

he is an optimist. The whole tragedy of that incident is in the fact

that he does expect the universe to be kind to him, that he does believe

that he is living in a just world. He comes before the Guardians as the

ragged peasants of the French Revolution came before the Kings and

Parliaments of Europe. That is to say, he comes, indeed, with gloomy

experiences, but he comes with a happy philosophy. He knows that there

are wrongs of man to be reviled; but he believes also that there are

rights of man to be demanded. It has often been remarked as a singular

fact that the French poor, who stand in historic tradition as typical

of all the desperate men who have dragged down tyranny, were, as a

matter of fact, by no means worse off than the poor of many other

European countries before the Revolution. The truth is that the French

were tragic because they were better off. The others had known the

sorrowful experiences; but they alone had known the splendid expectation

and the original claims. It was just here that Dickens was so true a

child of them and of that happy theory so bitterly applied. They were

the one oppressed people that simply asked for justice; they were the

one Parish Boy who innocently asked for more.

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