And now all eyes were turned toward the Im-jin River where the king and

the people fondly hoped to be able to stop the invading host. Troops had

been coming continually and massing on the northern bank of the stream

at the point where the main road from Seoul to P‘yŭng-yang crosses it by

ferry. Its great strategic importance was due to the fact that it was

the only good place for a large force to cross. The troops massed here

were nominally under the command of Gen. Kim Myŭng-wŭn who had so

promptly deserted the defenses of the Han, upon the arrival of the

Japanese. The Koreans had everything in their favor. The southern bank

where the Japanese must embark is a high bluff pierced only by a narrow

gully which would allow of only a few hundred approaching the immediate

brink of the water at once and consequently the army would have to cross

little by little. The opposite bank, on the other hand, is a long flat

stretch of sand, an ideal place for drawing up a defensive force, and

every boat-load of the enemy would be the mark for a thousand arrows.

The Korean forces were numerous enough, they were brave enough and their

leaders were individually capable enough; but note the sequel. All the

boats had been brought over to the Korean side and so, when the Japanese

arrived on the southern bank and looked down the high bluff upon the

assembled hosts of the Koreans and marked the difficulty of embarkation,

the swiftness of the current and the utter absence of boats or craft of

any kind, they found themselves for the first time completely checked.

An hour’s resistance was all they had ever met before, but here was

evidently a serious obstacle.

For ten long days these great armies sat facing each other across the

waters of the Im-jin. They were ten days of exultation for the Koreans

and every day that passed raised the courage, or rather the

self-confidence, of the Koreans, who forgot that it was nature and not

they who held the foe in check. They did not dream for an instant that

the Japanese were about to make them the instruments of their own

destruction. When the eleventh morning broke something was seen to be

going on among the Japanese, a great running about and the carrying of

bundles from place to place. In a short time the reason became apparent.

The Japanese had given up further advance and were preparing to retreat

toward Seoul. Smoke and flame showed that they were burning their camp

and soon the whole force was seen to be on the move back toward the

south. To imagine the revulsion of feeling in the minds of the Koreans

we should have to realize the deep humiliation to which they had been

subjected, the heaps of slain they had seen, the losses in property, in

homes, in relatives, in friends which they had sustained at the hands of

the ruthless invaders. Instead of being pursued they were to pursue.

They would dog the footsteps of the retreating army, cut off the

stragglers, worry the life out of the “dwarfs,” as they called the

Japanese, and finally give them a farewell kick as they left the port of

Fusan on their ignominious homeward flight. Such must have been the

common thought and purpose of the Koreans, and the thirst for revenge

was simply unbearable. And here again comes to the front the fatal

weakness of the Koreans. We have before remarked that the rise of the

political parties lay at the bottom of the failure of the Korean arms

against the Japanese. It has already been illustrated in the case of

Gen. Sin Kak who was executed through jealousy on the very day of his

great victory. Here again it is to become apparent. While Gen. Kim

Myŭng-sŭn was nominally in charge of the defenses of the Im-jin he was

far from being in full command of the troops massed there. A number of

other generals were there and each held his own troops in hand and each

wished to distinguish himself and so step over the heads of the rest

into the good graces of the king. This would mean preferment and wealth.

There was absolutely no supreme command, there was no common plan, there

was nothing but mutual jealousy and suspicion. A young general, Sin

Kil-i, who knew nothing of war, was sure that the enemy had decamped,

and he wanted to cross immediately in pursuit. But this was so

manifestly absurd that even the common soldiers cried out, “You had

better examine carefully and see whether the enemy has actually gone.”

For answer the young general had a few heads struck off, which shows he

was something of a disciplinarian if nothing more. Then Gen. Yu

Keuk-yang expostulated with the young man, warning him that it was

surely a trick to lure them across, but the young fellow drew his sword

and made a lunge at the old general and charged him with cowardice. This

no one could endure, so the aged general said, “Coward, am I? Well I

speak only for the good of my king; but I will be the first to cross and

fall into this trap, and when you see me fall you will know that my

advice was sound.” So calling his soldiers he ordered them into the

boats and, throwing all caution to the winds and forgetting the best

interests of his king for a petty vindication of his own bravery, he

dashed across the river and up the heights. The young Sin Kil-i could do

no less than follow, and when he had gained the heights beyond he found

the words of the aged general true. A short distance away a half dozen

naked Japanese were dancing on the border of a wood, but when the

Koreans rushed at them a countless multitude of Japanese who had lain

concealed in the wood poured out, and in an instant the Koreans were

surrounded. The aged general having thus proved his claim to bravery, or

rather foolhardiness, sat down and said, “Now has come the time for me

to die.” And die he did. It was only of himself that he thought, and it

was this all-pervading selfishness, bred of party strife, that

neutralised every good quality in the Korean army. It was not because

they were not brave nor because luxury had sapped the vitality of the

noble classes but it was because no one would work with anyone else. It

was because they saw in war nothing but the chance of personal

advancement. And so each one deplored the successes and rejoiced in the

failures of every other.

When the old general fell, the Koreans found themselves again, as in the

battle in which Gen. Sin Yip fell, between the Japanese and the river.

Back they rushed only to find that some of the boats had drifted away

and others, being overcrowded, had sunk. Hundreds were driven into the

water while others, preferring a soldier’s death, presented their necks

to the swords of the Japanese.

But even yet all was not lost. A little wisdom and care might still have

left the day unwon by the Japanese. They had a few boats, to be sure,

but not enough to be of any use in the face of the still large Korean

force on the opposite bank. But here occurred the greatest mistake of

all. The generals on the northern bank, witnessing the terrible

slaughter of their confreres, and not stopping to reckon the chances

still remaining of successful defense, mounted their horses and gave

themselves to flight. This was not only cowardice. It was

thoughtlessness, carelessness in large part, and if there had been one

man in command of the whole defensive force who could witness the loss

of a large fraction of his force without losing his head, the Japanese

would still have been as far from the northern bank as ever. The moment

the soldiers saw the flight of their generals they raised a derisive

shout, “The generals are running away,” and forthwith they followed the

example, as they had a perfect right to do.

The Japanese leaders seeing the defenses of the river broken up by their

successful strategem, immediately crossed with their entire force which

Korean accounts reckon at about a quarter of a million. The Korean

accounts tell us but little about the rivalry of the two Japanese

leaders, Kato and Konishi, but among the Japanese it was notorious. It

was impossible for them to march together for any length of time. It was

this rivalry which had made them take different roads to Seoul and it

was now necessary for them to part again. This jealousy was another of

the potent causes of the final failure of the Japanese. Had these two

men worked together they could have marched straight on to the walls of

Nanking without meeting an enemy worthy of their steel. As it was they

separated and scattered over the country, dissipating their power and

thus frustrating the design of Hideyoshi—the conquest of China. They

cast lots as to their routes and fortune favored the younger man,

Konishi, who drew as his lot the straight path north where glory lay if

anywhere. Kato had to be content with a dash into the province of

Ham-gyŭng in the northeast. Another general, Kuroda, led a force into

the western part of Whang-hă Province. All this took place in the fifth

moon.

The king was resting secure in P‘yŭng-yang, trusting in the defense of

the Im-jin River, when a messenger rushed in breathless, announcing that

the Im-jin had been deserted and that the invaders were coming north by

leaps and bounds. The town was thrown into a panic of fright and, as the

Koreans truly put it, “No man had any color in his face.” Gen. Yi Il

came hurrying in from the seat of war disguised as a coolie and wearing

rough straw shoes. The king put him in command of the forces guarding

the fords of the Ta-dong River which flows by the walls of P‘yŭng-yang.

We must note in passing a trifling success on the part of Captain Wŭn-ho

who had been in charge of the ferry across the Han at Yö-ju. He had been

called away into Kang-wŭn Province but returned just in time to form an

ambush at Yö-ju and spring out upon a company of Japanese whom he

routed, securing some fifty heads. The Koreans say that from that time

the Japanese avoided the Yö-ju ferry.

Chapter VIII.

A great council.... the king decides to move to Ham-heung.... the news

in China.... the king finds difficulty in leaving P‘yŭng-yang.... a

parley in the channel of the Ta-dong.... the king leaves the

city.... the Koreans reveal the position of the ford.... the

Japanese enter P‘yŭng-yang.... the Crown Prince goes to Kang-wŭn

Province.... the king pushes north.... Koreans in despair.... the

indefatigable Yu Sŭng-nyong.... Song Ta-ŭp brings the queen to the

king.... Kato pushes into Ham-gyŭng Province.... fight at the

granaries.... Korean reverses.... a Korean betrays the two

Princes.... a traitor punished.... brave defenders of Yŭn-an.... the

king goes to Eui-ju.... conclave in the south.... “General of the

Red Robe”.... his prowess.... he retires.... disaster at Köm-san....

a long chase.... Japanese defeated at Keum-nyŭng.

On the second day of the sixth moon the king called a great council to

discuss the advisability of his staying longer in P‘yŭng-yang or of

moving further north. One said, “If someone is left to guard this city

it will be well for the king to move north,” but another said,

“P‘yŭng-yang is a natural fortress. We have 10,000 soldiers and plenty

of provisions. If the king goes a step from here it will mean the

destruction of the dynasty.” Another voice urged a different course; “We

have now lost half the kingdom. Only this province and that of Ham-gyŭng

remain to us. In the latter there are soldiers and provisions in

abundance and the king had better find there a retreat.” All applauded

this advice excepting Yun Tu-su who said, “No, this will not do. The

Japanese will surely visit that province too. Ham-heung is not nearly so

easy of defense as P‘yŭng-yang. If the king is to leave this place there

are just three courses open to him. First, he can retire to Yung-byŭn in

this province and call about him the border guard. If he cannot hold

that place he can go to Eui-ju on the border and ask speedy help from

China. If necessary he can go up the Yalu to Kang-gye, still on Korean

soil. And if worse comes to worst he can cross into Chinese territory

and find asylum at Kwan-jun-bo although it is sure that he could hold

out for a few months at Kang-gye before this would be necessary. I know

all about Ham-heung. Its walls are of great extent but they are not high

and it is open to attack from every side. Besides if he retreats

northward from that place he will find nothing but savage tribes. Here

he must stay.” But all cried out as with one voice that the king must go

to Ham-heung. Gen. Yi Hang-bok insisted upon the necessity of going

north to the Yalu and imploring aid from China even if it became

necessary for the king to find asylum on Chinese soil. But in spite of

all this advice the king on the sixth of the month sent the queen on

toward Ham-heung and gave orders to Yun To-su to hold P‘yŭng-yang

against the Japanese. His Majesty came out and seated himself in the

Ta-dong summerhouse and addressed the people saying, “I am about to

start for Ham-heung but I shall leave the Crown Prince here and you must

all aid him loyally.” At this the people raised a great outcry. It

looked as if they would all follow the king from the city. They did not

want the Prince to stay, they wanted the king.

By this time the rumors of these things had gone ahead into Liao-tung.

The form which the news assumed across the border was that the king had

fled north to P‘yŭng-yang, but that it was only a blind, as the Japanese

and Koreans had formed an agreement to invade China together and the

king had made a pretense of flight so as to keep the Chinese

unsuspecting until the Japanese should reach the Yalu. This report

caused a great deal of anxiety in the Chinese capital and the Emperor

sent Gen. In Se-dŭk, who was stationed in Liao-tung, to investigate. He

immediately set out for P‘yŭng-yang, and on his arrival sought an

audience with the king. It was granted, and the general, having learned

the exact state of affairs, started post haste back toward Nanking to

report to the Emperor.

On the eighth day of the sixth moon the van of the Japanese army arrived

on the southern bank of the Ta-dong River opposite P‘yŭng-yang, but

there were no boats and no way of crossing; so they went into camp to

await the arrival of the main body of the army. No Chik was ordered by

the king to take the Ancestral tablets and start north. The people were

enraged at this, for they thought it would mean the immediate pillage of

the city by the Japanese, and consequent hardships and dangers for

themselves. So the crowd armed itself with clubs and stones and as the

tablets were being carried out of the gate they struck the bearers down

and loudly insulted No Chik, who was in charge. They cried “In times of

peace you are ready enough to steal the government revenues, and it is

for this reason that all these troubles have arisen. You call upon us to

protect the city and then you run away yourself when danger approaches.”

Lashing themselves into a fury by their own words, they threw off their

clothes and prepared to strike down every man who should try to escape

from the city. Meanwhile the old people and children besieged the palace

with their prayers, saying, “We are all here to protect the city, and if

the king leaves it will be the same as handing us over to slaughter.” In

the eagerness of their importunity they even pressed into the outer

court yard and were stopped only by the statement that the king was not

about to leave. Yu Sŭng-nyong came out and sat before the crowd and

addressing an old man said, “You say that you desire to protect the city

and the king’s person and you say well, but how is it that you so far

forget your duty as to come in this bold manner into the king’s

apartments and raise this disturbance?” The people, partly because it

seemed evident the king was not about to leave, returned to their homes.

That night the Japanese caught a Korean and sent him across the river

with a letter to the king, in which they said “We wish to meet Yi

Tŭk-hyŭng and have a parley with him.” This seemed to be a proper thing

to do, so Yi entered a small boat and was sculled out to the middle of

the river where he met Konishi. Without wasting any words in mere

formalities the latter said, “The cause of all this trouble is that

Korea would not give a safe conduct to our envoys to Nanking, but if you

will now give us an open road into China all the trouble for you will be

at an end.” To this Yi replied, “If you will send this army back to

Japan we can confer about the matter, but we will listen to nothing so

long as you are on Korean soil.” Konishi continued, “We have no desire

to harm you. We have wished such a conference as this before, but have

not had a single opportunity until today.” But the only answer the

Korean made was, “Turn about and take your troops back to Japan.” The

Japanese general thereupon lost his temper and cried, “Our soldiers

always go ahead, and they know nothing about going backwards.” And so

the conference was broken up, each returning to his own side of the

stream.

The next day the king succeeded in getting away from the city and made

his way towards Yŭng-byŭn, generals Yun Tu-su, Kim Myŭng-wŭn and Yi

Wŭn-ik being left to guard the city and oppose the passage of the enemy.

The Japanese camped beside the Ta-dong and waited, as they had waited

beside the Im-jin, “for something to turn up.” They did not have to wait

as long as they did beside the Im-jin. The Korean generals, Kim

Myŭng-wŭn and Yun Tu-su were not without courage and skill, and they

conceived the scheme of crossing the river at night at the fords of

Neung-na-do a little above the city and falling upon the enemy with a

picked body of troops. It would be difficult to disprove that in the

face of such odds and such a vast disparity in equipment this plan

showed the highest courage not only in the generals but in the common

soldiers. The fact that the attempt failed and failed disastrously may

reflect upon the judgment of the leaders but it can never impeach their

bravery. The fording of the river, always a difficult and slow operation

at night, consumed more time than had been anticipated and by the time

the devoted men reached the Japanese outposts it was already dawn. They

were now in a desperate situation. There was nothing to do but to

retreat, but the retreat was itself a cause of disaster, for it revealed

to the foe the position of the fords; and thus it happened that a

miscalculation as to time made the Koreans the instrument of their own

destruction, even as they had been at the Im-jin.

The Japanese now knew that they had everything their own way. After a

hearty breakfast they shouldered their arms and made for the ford. They

swarmed across in such crowds that the defenders were driven back before

they had shot a dozen arrows. The two Korean generals, making a virtue

of necessity, opened the Ta-dong Gate on the river side of the town and

told the people to escape for their lives. The soldiers threw all their

heavier arms into the pond called P‘ung-wŭl-su and fled by way of the

Po-dong Gate. The Japanese did not pursue, but took quiet possession of

the town and settled down. Here again they made a grand mistake. Their

only hope lay in pushing on at full speed into China, for even now the

force that was to crush them was being collected, and every day of delay

was lessening their chances of success.

The king was at Pak-ch‘ŭn when the news of the fall of P‘yŭng-yang

reached him, and he was in feverish haste to get on to Eui-ju, saying

that if worst came to worst he would cross into Chinese territory. But

he added, “As I am told that by leaving Korean soil I shall abdicate my

royal right I wish the Crown Prince, in care of Gen. Ch‘oe Heung-wŭn, to

go to Yi-ch‘ŭn in Kang-wŭn Province and there gather about him an army

and hold the fortress as long as he can.” This order was immediately

carried out and the Prince started for Kang-wŭn Province, while the king

pushed on northward to Ka-san. He arrived at that place in the middle of

the night. It was pitchy dark and there were no lights and the rain was

falling in torrents. The royal escort had dwindled to less than twenty

men. Here the report was received that a Chinese force was to cross the

Ya-lu, and so the king stopped at Ka-san waiting their approach. Yu

Sŭng-nyong was hurrying from town to town trying to get together

provisions for the Chinese army that was coming to Korea’s aid, but as

fast as he got them together the people rose in revolt and stole them

all. Some days passed and still the expected army did not appear, so Yi

Tŭk-hyŭng was despatched as envoy to China to solicit aid from the

Emperor, and His Majesty called together his little court and said, “If

necessary I shall cross the Ya-lu and find asylum on Chinese soil. If

so, which of you will go with me?” For some moments there was a dead

silence and then Yi Hang-bok, the same who had aided the Queen in her

flight from the palace, spoke up and said, “I will go with you.” The

truth of the matter is that when the king left P‘yŭng-yang the courtiers

all gave up the kingdom for lost and were ready to desert the king the

moment there was a more favorable opening.

With tremendous toil Yu Sŭng-nyong succeeded in getting some provisions

together and transported them all to Chöng-ju, but when he arrived at

that place he found a crowd of people assembled in front of the royal

granary armed with clubs. He charged the mob and scattered it, caught

eight of the leaders and beheaded them on the spot. He then went to

Kwak-san and secured further supplies, and also at Kwi sŭng, and held

them in readiness for the Chinese army when it should appear.

We will remember that the king had fully determined to go across into

Ham-gyŭng Province, but at the last moment he had been dissuaded because

of the difficulties that might arise if he were compelled to retreat

further still. Being now urged to go on to Eui-ju he replied, “Yes, I

must do so, but what about the queen whom I sent forward into Ham-gyŭng

Province?” The brave Prefect of Un-san made answer, “I will go and bring

her to Your Majesty.” So he set out across the country to find the

queen, and all the records tell us is that he brought her faithfully to

him at Pak-ch‘ŭn. This short mention does this brave man scant justice,

for even in these days a journey across the northern part of the

peninsula is an arduous undertaking especially in summer. But not only

so; he was to find a queen, beset perhaps by enemies, and bring her

safely across that wilderness to the king, who by that time might be far

across the Chinese border, while the country behind him swarmed with a

half-savage enemy. This prefect, whose name is Song Ta-ŭp, must have

been a brave, energetic, tactful man whose will was as strong as his

patriotism was deep.

The Japanese were now settled in P‘yŭng-yang and as they were destined

to remain there some time it may be well for us to leave them there and

follow the fortunes of Kato, who, as we will remember, had branched off

eastward into Ham-gyŭng Province after casting lots. He pushed on

rapidly across the country toward Wŭn-sin, but as he was not on one of

the main thoroughfares of the country he found it difficult to keep to

the road; so he captured a Korean and forced him to act as guide.

Arriving at the town of Kok-san in the eastern part of Whang-hă Province

they crossed the mountains by the No-ri-hyŭn Pass and pushed on until

they struck the Seoul-Wünsan road not far from the latter place.

Gen. Han Keuk-sŭng was in charge of the government forces in Ham-gyŭng

Province. He advanced immediately to engage the Japanese, and a fierce

fight took place at the government storehouses at Ha-jong. At first the

Japanese had decidedly the worst of it but at last they retired to the

shelter of the granaries and barricaded themselves behind bags of rice

from which position they poured a destructive fire upon the Korean

troops who were drawn up four deep, and who therefore suffered the more

severely. Not being able to dislodge the enemy the Koreans decided to

withdraw and fortify the passes both in front and behind the Japanese,

supposing that in this way they would be entrapped. The Japanese learned

of this and when night came they knew they must make a bold strike for

liberty. So they scaled the mountains in the darkness and succeeded in

completely surrounding the defenders of one of the passes. When morning

came there was a heavy fog and the Koreans were utterly unsuspicious of

danger. Suddenly the surrounding party of Japanese opened fire on them

and it took but a few moments to have them on the run. It came on to

rain and the roads were heavy with mud. The Koreans who were entirely

unused to such a prolonged strain, fell exhausted along the way and were

butchered by the pursuing enemy. Gen. Han made his escape to Kyŭng-săng

but was there captured by the Japanese. The governor of the province, to

the disgust of the people, fled and hid among the hills, but the

populace arose and dragged him out and forced him to resume his duties.

Gen. Yi Hon also fled northward toward Kap-san, and the people

consequently seized him and took off his head. It was hard work for

generals in that province, for they had the Japanese on the one hand and

the people on the other. The people of the north are made of sterner

stuff than those of the south and the punishment they meted out to these

cravens is a good indication of their quality.

While these events were happening the two princes who had taken refuge

in this province fled northward and stopped not till they reached the

border town of Whe-ryŭng on the Tu-man River. As it proved, this was the

worst thing they could have done, for the _ajun_ or constable of that

district was either in the pay of the Japanese or was so terrified by

their approach that he was willing to go to any extreme to gain their

favor. So he seized the two young princes and carried them to the

Japanese camp. The latter received them gladly, unbound them, placed

them in their midst and carried them wherever they went. They were a

prize worth watching. To the traitor, Kuk Kyŭng-in, who had betrayed the

two princes, they gave a position equivalent to the governorship of the

province, and he was formally installed in that office. But justice soon

overtook him. A loyal general, Chöng Mun-bu, in the northern part of the

province, arranged a plan to effect the capture of the traitor. But in

some way the news got out and the pseudo-governor sent and seized Gen.

Chöng, intending to take his head off the next morning; but during the

night another loyal man named Sin Se-jun, gathered a band of men, armed

them as best he could and addressed them thus: “Our district has become

disloyal through the treachery of this villain. If we do not hasten to

make it right we will all have to suffer for it in the end. If you do

not agree with me, take your swords and strike me down.” They answered

as one man, “We will listen to you and obey you.” They immediately

sallied out, broke into the governor’s house and beat him to death. The

Japanese knew that it was Gen. Chöng who had originated the plot and

they searched for him everywhere, but he hid in private houses in

different places and so they failed to apprehend him.

Chi Tal-wŭn of Kyŭng-sang gathered a band of men and tried to make head

against the Japanese but not being a soldier he could make but little

impression; so Gen. Chöng was hunted up and put in command. There were

only two hundred soldiers in all, but soon they were joined by the

prefects of Chöng-sŭng and Kyŭng-wŭn and their contingents, and the

little army made its headquarters at Kyŭng-sŭng.

As the Japanese were overrunning the country, many events of interest

happened, many episodes that history will probably never record, scenes

of cruelty and rapine that are perhaps better left undiscovered; but a

few of the more important of these events are necessary to a correct

understanding of the way in which the Koreans met their fate at the

hands of the invaders.

When the Koreans fled from Seoul a high official by the name of Yi

Chong-ŭm fled to the walled town of Yŭn-an in Whang-hă Province. Its

prefect had fled, and when a Japanese force of 3000 men under Nagamasa

approached, the people besought this Yi to take charge of the defense of

the town. He consented and made proclamation, “The Japanese are all

about us and we are in jeopardy of our lives. All that wish to live must

now run away and the rest of us will remain and die together.” To this

they replied with one voice, “How can we let our leader die alone?” The

next day the Japanese arrived and invested the town, but on attempting

to storm it they were met by buckets of boiling water thrown down. on

their heads. They drew off, but renewed the attack at night. This time

they were met by piles of burning straw which again drove them back.

Again they came on, this time with broad planks over their heads to

protect them from the novel weapons of the Koreans, but these were not

proof against the huge stones which the defenders threw down upon them.

The fight lasted three days and finally the Japanese withdrew after

burning their dead.

In the seventh moon the king moved northward to Eui-ju. But we must turn

again to the south to witness another loyal attempt to stem the tide of

invasion. In the province of Chŭl-la there were men who longed to take

up arms in defense of their homes, but all the regular troops had been

drafted away northward and nothing could be done on regular lines. So Ko

Kyöng-myŭng and Kim Ch’ŭn-il of that province and Kwak Chă-u and Chöng

In-hong of Kyŭng-sang Province held a conference to devise ways and

means for prosecuting a geurilla campaign. These men had all been

connected with the army at some previous time and were not utterly

lacking in knowledge of military affairs. Kwak Chă-u was in the prime of

life and was appointed leader. Gathering the people of the countryside

to a great conclave, he addressed them thus, “The whole country is being

overrun by the Japanese and soon we will become their prey. Among our

young men there must be many hundreds who are able to bear arms. If we

take our stand at Chöng-jin on the river we shall be able to prevent the

Japanese from crossing and they will thus be held in check.” This brave

leader then turned his whole patrimony into ready money and spent it in

equipping his little army, which amounted to 5000 men.

A Japanese general attempted to enter this portion of the province but

was met all along the line of the river by a determined soldiery, and

was not able to affect a crossing. The Korean leader Kwak has become

famous in Korean story for his valiant deeds. He is said to have worn a

fiery red cloak and he was dubbed Hong-eui Tă-jang or “General of the

Red Robe.” His particular skill lay in rapid changes of base and he

appeared now at one point and now at another with such bewildering

rapidity that he earned the reputation of being able to transport

himself by magic to incredible distances in a moment of time. These

reports he did not contradict. The Japanese came to dread his approach

and the report that he was near, or a glimpse of the flaring red robe

was enough to send them scurrying off. From his central camp he sent out

spies in all directions who kept him informed of every move of the

enemy, and whenever the Japanese encamped the Koreans gathered on the

surrounding hills at night, each carrying a framework that supported

five torches, and so the Japanese supposed they were surrounded by great

numbers of Koreans, and anxiety kept them always awake. The best of the

Korean soldiers were detailed to watch mountain passes and look for

opportunities to cut off small bodies of the enemy’s forces. Traps of

various kinds were set, into which they occasionally fell, and they were

so harrassed and worried that at last they were compelled to withdraw

entirely from the three districts of Eui-ryŭng, Sam-ga and Hyŭp-chăn,

and quiet was restored.

But this useful man’s career was cut short in a manner similar to that

in which Gen. Yi Kak’s had been. We will remember, after the Japanese

had taken Tong-nă and were sweeping northward, that Kim Su, the governor

of Kyŭng-sang Province, not daring to meet them, turned to the west and

fled from their path. It was just about this time that the “General of

the Red Robe” was having his victories over the Japanese that had

pressed westward after the fall of Tong-nă. When this successful leader

heard of the craven flight of Gov. Kim Su he was filled with scorn and

with righteous indignation. He considered the cowardly governor to be

worse than the Japanese themselves. He sent the governor a message

naming seven valid reasons why he deserved execution. Kim Su replied,

“As for you, you are a robber yourself,” and he also sent a letter to

the king charging Gen. Kwak with disloyalty. At the same time Gen. Kwak

sent a letter to the king saying, “Gov. Kim ran away from his post of

duty, and when I upbraided him for it he called me a robber. I have

killed many of the ‘rats’ but as I have been called a robber I herewith

lay down my arms and retire.” Despatching this letter to the king, Gen.

Kwak dismissed all his followers and retired to a hermitage of Pi-p‘a

Mountain in Kyŭng-sang Province and “lived upon pine leaves for food.”

So the records say. Thereafter, though offered the governorship of

Ham-gyŭng or Chŭl-la province he refused to come out of his retreat. He

changed his name to Mang U-dang or, “House of Lost Passions,” and he

thus acquired great sanctity. Here is another instance in which the king

lost an able leader through mere wanton caprice. Wounded pride made the

famous leader forget country, king, kindred, honor—all.

Another attempt was made by Ko Kyŭng-myŭng, a native of Chang-heung in

Chul-la Province. Hearing that the king had fled to P‘yŭng-yang he,

together with Yu P‘ang-no, gathered a large force at Tam-yang. Sending

letters all over the province he succeeded in getting together 6000 men,

and made the central camp at Yŭn-san. The king, bring informed of this,

sent a gracious letter giving his sanction and urging the faithful men

to do all in their power for the people and the country. Gen. Kwak Nyŭng

was also sent from the north to coöperate with this army in their loyal

attempts.

Hearing that the Japanese had arrived at Köm-san, the Korean forces

advanced against them, but, for some reason not stated, when they

appeared before the town their number had dwindled to eight hundred.

Whether the rest had run away or whether a small detachment was deemed

sufficient is not known, but at any rate a blunder had been committed,

and when the Japanese saw the smallness of the attacking party they

sallied out and soon scattered the Korean forces under Gen. Kwak Nyŭng.

The other troops, seeing this, also took to their heels, but Gen. Ko

would not run away, though urged to do so by his lieutenants. He told

them to make good their escape, but that he would remain and meet his

fate. So they all stood and fought it out to the bitter end and fell

side by side. Gen. Ko’s son, learning of his father’s death burned for

revenge and so he collected a band of soldiers in the south, which he

named “The Band that Seeks Revenge.”

A more successful attempt was made by Chöng In-hong of Hyŭn-p‘ung in

Kyŭng-sang Province. He was joined by Kim Myön, Pak Song, Kwak Chun,

Kwak Il and Son In-gap. These men organized a force and drove the

Japanese out of Mu-gye and burned their supplies. Hearing that the enemy

had fled toward Cho-gye and knowing that a river intervened, they gave

chase. The Japanese came to the river but could find no boats to cross.

They spent so much time looking for a ford that when at last they found

one and were starting to cross, the pursuers came up. The ford was a bad

one, the bottom being composed of soft sand, something like quick-sand.

Soon the horses and men were floundering about in mid-stream. Chöng and

his men, who knew the ford, rushed in upon them, while so entangled, and

cut them down by hundreds. Those that escaped fled towards Song-ju, but

one of Chöng’s lieutenants took a thousand men and gave chase. Pressed

beyond endurance the Japanese turned and came on to fight. One huge

fellow on a magnificent charger came dashing out ahead of the rest,

brandishing his sword and yelling at the top of his voice. A hideous

gilt mask added to the picturesqueness of his appearance, but it did not

frighten the pursuers. Their leader aimed at the horse’s legs and soon

he came crashing to the ground, where he was speedily despatched. The

other Japanese thereupon turned and resumed their flight. Japanese

troops who were in force in Song-ju and Ko-ryŭng came out to intercept

the pursuers, but Chöng and his men formed an ambush and springing

suddenly upon the Japanese threw them into confusion and chased them as

far as Pyŭl Pass. In this flight the Japanese threw away their baggage,

weapons and all superfluous clothing. Chöng and his men chased them six

miles and then turned back.

The last adventure of this nature which we shall mention is that of Kim

Ch‘ŭn-il a man of Na-ju in Chŭl-la Province. Hearing of the king’s

flight he sat down and wept, but suddenly springing up he exclaimed, “I

might far better be trying to aid my sovereign than sit here bewailing

his misfortune.” In company with his friends Song Che-min and Yang

San-do, he got together a goodly band of men whose avowed purpose was

the succor of the king. Before commencing operations the leader

slaughtered horses and oxen and made each man taste the blood and take

an oath of allegiance to the cause in which they were embarked. Kim

addressed them in these words, “Of course this means death to us all. We

cannot expect to come out of it alive. We can only go forward. There

must be no retreat. If any one of you desires life more than the

accomplishment of the work in which we are engaged let him turn back

now.” They fortified Tok-san in Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province. Koreans who had

sold themselves to the Japanese as spies came to this camp to gain

information, but were apprehended and put to death. The Japanese camp

was at Keum-nyŭng not far away. One moonless night Kim, by a forced

march came and surrounded this camp, and at a given signal his forces

descended like an avalanche upon the unsuspecting enemy. Those that

escaped the edge of the sword found safety in flight. In the seventh

moon this force, consisting of several thousand men, crossed the Han

River below Yang-wha-do intending to go and join the king, but instead

of doing so they entered the island of Kang-wha and fortified it. When

the king heard of these deeds of Kim Ch‘ŭn-il, he was highly pleased and

gave him the title of “Defender against Invaders.”

These incidents of Korean success against the Japanese cannot be taken

as typical cases for, as a rule, the Japanese went where they wished and

did what they wished, but they are inserted here rather to show that it

was no craven submission on the part of the Koreans; that there were

strong, brave and faithful men who were willing to cast their fortunes

and lives into the scales and strike as hard blows as they knew how for

their homes and for their king. It was of course a geurilla warfare and

it was only small detachments of the main army of the Japanese that they

could successfully withstand, but the utter pusilanimity of the Koreans,

as sometimes depicted, is not a true picture of them. Their worst fault

was that they were unprepared for war. This together with the strife of

parties was the reason why the Japanese for a time worked their will

upon the peninsula.

Chapter IX.

Attempts to secure aid from China.... divided counsels in Nanking.... an

army sent.... a desperate envoy.... Gen. Suk Sŭng’s love for

Korea.... the Emperor gives orders for the king’s entertainment....

great Korean victory in the south.... Japanese army of reinforcement

defeated and destroyed by Admiral Yi Sun-sin.... Gen. Yi honored....

the back of the invasion broken.... a vainglorious Chinese

general.... severely beaten.... the monks begin a Holy War.... a

sharp answer.... various Korean forces.... a night adventure....

Japanese reverses in the south.... China awakens.... a grand

conference.... a truce.... the time expires.... a celebrated soldier

tracked down.... attempt to retake Seoul.... brave defense of

Chin-Ju ... the first mortar and bomb ... various Korean attempts

... Korean victory in Ham-gyŭng Province ... another in the south

... Japanese confined almost entirely to P‘yŭng-yang.

The efforts that Korea put forth before she obtained aid from China make

an entertaining story, and they show that China delayed it as long as

possible and then complied, not so much because she wished to help Korea

as because she desired to check the Japanese before they crossed the

Ya-lu and began ravaging the fruitful plains of the Liao-tung peninsula.

Before the Japanese ever landed in Korea the king had sent an envoy to

Nanking telling the Emperor that an invasion was next to certain; and

that envoy was still in Nanking. After the king’s flight to the north he

sent Min Mong-nyŭng and Yi Tŭk-hyŭng as special envoys to ask aid again.

On the arrival of these men with their urgent request there was a great

council of war in Nanking. Some of the leading generals said, “There is

no need for China to help those wild people. Let them fight it out

themselves.” It would appear that the policy by which China disclaimed

responsibility for Korea, when such responsibility involved sacrifice,

is several centuries old. Other generals said, “No, that will not do. We

must send troops and at least guard our own territory from invasion.”

But the Chinese General-in-chief, Sŭk Sŭng, said, “We must, without

fail, render Korea the assistance for which she asks. We must

immediately despatch 2000 troops, and the Emperor must appropriate

2,000,000 cash for their maintenance.” The upshot of it all was that

Gen. Nak Sang-ji took a small body of troops and marched eastward to the

banks of the Ya-lu where he went into camp without attempting to render

the Koreans any assistance.

In the seventh moon the king sent another envoy to Nanking on the same

errand but with the same lack of success. Then the king called to him

one of his most trusted officials and appointed him envoy to Nanking and

said, “The salvation of the kingdom lies in your hands. Go to Nanking

and leave no efforts untried whereby the Emperor may be induced to help

us.” Charged with this important mission, this envoy Chöng Kon-su

hastened to Nanking and, entering the enclosure of the war office, sat

in the courtyard for seven days weeping; but the officials all turned a

deaf ear to his entreaties, excepting the General-in-chief Sŭk Sŭng.

Indignant at the apathy of his colleagues and in spite of the fact that

his duty as general-in-chief demanded his presence in Nanking, he arose

and said, “If none of you gentlemen will go to the aid of Korea I will

go myself.” There were special and personal reasons for this man’s

interest in Korea. In years gone by a Korean merchant, while in Nanking,

had met in an inn a beautiful slave girl and upon inquiry had discovered

that she was of noble family but had sold herself into slavery to obtain

money wherewith to deliver her father from prison. The merchant was so

touched by the sacrifice which she had made—for it meant the sacrifice

of honor itself—that he gave all his patrimony and bought her and set

her free. In after years she became the wife of this same Gen. Sŭk Sŭng,

and thus it was that he was an ardent admirer of Korea and was

determined to see that Korea received aid in her present extremity.

At this point the king sent a message to the prefect of Liao-tung

saying, “The Japanese have come as far north as P‘yŭng-yang and I fear I

shall have to cross the Ya-lu and take refuge in your district.” This

the prefect immediately reported to the Emperor, who answered, “If the

king of Korea enters your district, provide him with a fine house, give

him food out of the imperial stores, each day four ounces of silver, a

pig, a sheep, vermicelli and rice. Give him also an escort of a hundred

men and let twenty women be detailed to wait upon him.”

We have now arrived at the threshold of the Chinese counter-invasion

which was destined to be one of the main causes of the Japanese retreat,

but before entering upon this narrative we must turn again to the south

and witness some events which did far more to effect the withdrawal of

the Japanese than did the coming of the Chinese armies.

The first of these was the utter defeat of a large body of Japanese who

were scouring the province of Chŭl-la. Entering the town of I-ch‘i they

were met by such a fierce attack on the part of Whang-jin the prefect of

Tong-bok that they turned back and, crossing the Ung-ch‘i Mountain

entered the prefecture of Chŭn-ju. Yö Pong-nam, the prefect of Na-ju,

and Whang Pŭk, a volunteer general, lay in ambush with a large body of

volunteer troops, and succeeded in driving the Japanese back, but the

next day the invading host came fiercely to the attack and the Koreans

had to give way. The Japanese in their exultation now thought they could

go back to I-ch‘i and avenge themselves for their defeat there. Gen.

Kwŭn Yŭl and the prefect of Whang-jin heard of this in time to fortify

one of the mountain passes. The Japanese attacked in a desperate manner,

creeping up the steep mountain sides on their hands and knees, shooting

as they advanced. All day long the fight continued and the Japanese were

utterly defeated. Their bodies were piled in heaps where they fell and

the records say that the ground was covered with one crimson matting of

leaves. This was one of the greatest land victories which the Koreans

scored against the Japanese. Retreating to the valley with their dead

the Japanese made two great heaps of bodies and buried them in trenches,

marking the spot with rough monuments of wood. This was probably one of

the bodies of troops for which the Japanese in P‘yŭng-yang were waiting,

before attempting the invasion of China.

But meanwhile events of far greater importance were occurring farther

south, where Admiral Yi Sun-sin with his wonderful “tortoise boat” was

watching for Japanese fleets.

It was in the eighth moon that his watchfulness was rewarded and he

beheld on the eastern horizon a vast fleet of Japanese boats bringing a

hundred thousand men to reinforce the army of invasion and enable it to

push on into China.

Admiral Yi and his lieutenant Yi Ok-keui met this powerful fleet in a

place called Kyön-nă-ryang among the islands off the southern coast of

Chŭl-la Province. The evident intention of the Japanese was to round the

southwestern corner of the peninsula and sail up the west coast to

P‘yŭng-yang. At first the wily admiral made as if he would betake

himself to flight and the Japanese, by giving chase, threw their own

line into disorder. When opposite Han-san Island, Admiral Yi suddenly

turned his iron-clad about and rammed the nearest of his pursuers, and

then engaged the others either singly or by the score, for his craft was

impervious to their weapons. His attending fleet followed and completed

the work, after he had disabled the enemy’s boats. Seventy-one of the

Japanese boats were sunk that day and it is said the very sea was red.

But soon a reinforcing fleet came up from An-gol Harbor near Han-san and

the Admiral found that his day’s work was not yet done. The attack

straightway began and soon the Japanese were in the same plight in which

their comrades had been put. Many, seeing how impossible it was to make

headway against this iron ship, beached their boats and fled by land; so

on that same day forty-eight ships more were burned. The few that

escaped during the fight sped eastward toward home. So ended, we may

well believe, one of the great naval battles of the world. It may truly

be called the Salamis of Korea. It signed the death-warrant of the

invasion. It frustrated the great motive of the invasion, the humbling

of China; and thenceforth, although the war dragged through many a long

year, it was carried on solely with a view to mitigating the

disappointment of Hideyoshi—a disappointment that must have been as keen

as his thirst for conquest was unquenchable.

When the king heard of these splendid achievements he heaped upon

Admiral Yi all the honors in his gift, and even those who hated him for

his successes were compelled to join in his praise. Konishi had heard

that an army was coming to reinforce him and he wrote an exultant letter

to the king saying, “A hundred thousand men are coming to reinforce me.

Where will you flee to then?” But before this letter reached its

destination there came the news of the crushing defeat in the south. The

whole success of the invasion depended upon forming a junction between

the army in P‘yŭng-yang and this army of reinforcement, but Admiral Yi

shattered the fleet, and the last hope of the invaders perished.

And now at last China bestirred herself and sent Gen. Cho Seung-hun with

5000 troops across the Ya-lu into Korea. This was a man whose vanity was

as great as his ignorance of the Japanese. He loudly boasted “Now that I

have come, no Japanese will be able to stand before me.” Penetrating as

far south as Ka-san he enquired whether the Japanese had fled from

P‘yŭng-yang, and being answered in the negative he exclaimed “Heaven is

indeed good to keep them there for me.”

Two of the Korean generals ventured to offer him some advice, saying

that it was now the rainy season and the roads were very bad, and that

it might be well to wait until his army could move with greater ease and

with better hopes of success. But he laughed and said, “I once took 3000

men and put to flight 100,000 Mongols. I care no more for these Japanese

than I do for mosquitoes or ants.” And so his troops floundered on

through the mud until they stood before P‘yŭng-yang on the nineteenth of

the eighth moon. And lo! the gates were wide open. The Chinese troops

marched straight up through the town to the governor’s residence, firing

their guns and calling on the enemy to appear. But not a Japanese was to

be seen. When the whole of the Chinese force had entered the city and

the streets were full, the Japanese, who lay hidden in every house,

poured a sudden and destructive fire into their ranks. The Chinese,

huddled together in small companies, were shot down like rabbits. Gen.

Sa Yu, the second in command of the Chinese, was killed and the boastful

Gen. Cho Seung-hun mounted his horse and fled the city, followed by as

many of his soldiers as could extricate themselves. Rain began to fall

and the roads were deep with mud. The Japanese followed the fugitives,

and the valley was strewed with the bodies of the slain. Out of 5000 men

who entered the city only two thousand escaped. Gen. Cho fled two

hundred _li_ to An-ju before he stopped. He there gave out that as there

had been much rain and the roads were heavy he was at a disadvantage in

attacking, and when his second, Gen. Sa Yu, fell he saw that nothing

could be done, and so had ordered a retreat. But the Koreans only

smiled, for they knew that a sixty mile ride over those roads by a

Chinese general meant more than an ordinary retreat. And so he returned

to Liaotung, this valiant man, and fearing punishment, averred that “We

whipped the Japanese but the Koreans turned against us and we had to

fall back.” The Chinese general Yang Sa-heun was sent to investigate

this charge but the king denied it and the truth was soon discovered.

And now a new element in this seething caldron of war rose to the

surface. It was an independent movement on the part of the Buddhist

monks throughout the country. Hyu Chŭng, known throughout the eight

provinces as “The great teacher of So-san,” was a man of great natural

ability as well as of great learning. His pupils were numbered by the

thousands and were found in every province. He called together two

thousand of them and appeared before the king at Eui-ju and said, “We

are of the common people but we are all the king’s servants and two

thousand of us have come to die for Your Majesty.” The king was much

pleased by this demonstration of loyalty and made Hyu Chŭng a Priest

General, and told him to go into camp at Pŭp-heung Monastery. He did so.

and from that point sent out a call to all the monasteries in the land.

In Chŭl-la Province was a warrior monk Ch’oe Yŭng, and at Diamond

Mountain another named Yu Chŭng. These came with over a thousand

followers and went into camp a few miles to the east of P’yŭng-yang.

They had no intention of engaging in actual battle but they acted as

spies, took charge of the commissariat and made themselves generally

useful. During battle they stood behind the troops and shouted

encouragement. Yu Chŭng, trusting to his priestly garb, went into

P’yŭng-yang to see the Japanese generals. Being ushered into the

presence of Kato, who had now joined the main army after his detour into

Ham-gyŭng Province, the monk found himself surrounded by flashing

weapons. But he was not in the least daunted, and looked about him with

a smiling face. Kato addressed him good-naturedly and asked, “What do

you consider the greatest treasure in your land?” Without a moment’s

hesitation the monk answered “Your head,” which piece of subtle flattery

made the Japanese general laugh long and loud.

Besides these there were other movements of a loyal nature throughout

the country. At Wha-sun in Chŭl-la Province there was a little band of

men under Ch‘oe Kyŭng-whe whose banner represented a falcon in flight.

Also in Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province a celebrated scholar Cho Hön collected a

large band of men, but his efforts were frustrated by the cowardice and

jealousy of the governor of the province who imprisoned the parents of

many of his followers and so compelled them to desert.

Yi Wŭn-ik, the governor of P‘yŭng-an Province and Yi Pin, one of the

provincial generals, made a fortified camp at Sun-an, sixty _li_ to the

west of P‘yŭng-yang. At the same time generals Kim Eung-Sŭ and Pak

Myung-hyŭn, with a force of 10,000 men, made a line of fortified camps

along the west side of the town of P‘yŭng-yang. Kim Ok-ch‘u with a naval

force guarded the ford of the Ta-dong. These forces advanced

simultaneously and attacked the Japanese, cutting off all stragglers.

Suddenly the Japanese army made a sally from the city and the Koreans

were dispersed. When they again rendezvoused at their respective camps

it was found that Gen. Kim Eung-sŭ and his troops were nowhere to be

found. As it happened he was very near the wall of the town when the

sortie occurred and he was cut off from retreat. But in the dusk of

approaching night he was not discovered by the Japanese. A story is told

of a curious adventure which he had that night. One of the Japanese

generals in the town had found a beautiful dancing girl and had

compelled her to share his quarters. On this eventful evening she asked

him to let her go to the wall and see if she could find some one who

would carry a message to her brother. Permission was given and she

hastened to the wall and there called softly, “Where is my brother?”

Gen. Kim, as we have seen was immediately beneath the wall and he

answered, “Who is it that calls?” “Will you not help me escape from the

Japanese,” she pleaded. He immediately consented to help her and, taking

his life in his hands, he speedily scaled the wall and accompanied her

toward the Japanese general’s quarters. Her captor was a terrible

creature, so the story goes, who always slept sitting bolt upright at a

table with his eyes wide open and holding a long sword in each hand. His

face was fiery red. Gen. Kim, conducted by the dancing girl, came upon

him unawares and smote off his head at a stroke, but even after the head

fell the terrible figure rose and hurled one of the swords with such

tremendous force that it struck through one of the house-posts. The

Korean general concealed the head beneath his garments and fled, with

the girl at his heels. But now for the first time he seemed to become

aware of the extreme hazard of his position and fearing that he would

not be able to get by the guard, if accompanied by the girl, his

gallantry suddenly forsook him and he turned and smote off her head as

well. Thus unencumbered he succeeded in making his escape.

We must here digress again to describe the final conflict that put an

end to Japanese advances in the province of Chŭl-la. A general. Cho Hön,

in company with a monk warrior, Yung Kyu, advanced on the important town

of Ch‘ung-ju, then occupied by a strong Japanese garrison. They

approached the west gate and stormed it with stones and arrows. In a

short time the Japanese were compelled to retire and the Koreans began

to swarm into the town, vowing to make a complete slaughter of the hated

enemy, but at that moment a severe thunder shower arose and the darkness

was intense. So Gen. Cho recalled his troops and encamped outside the

gate. That night the Japanese burned their dead and fled out the north

gate, and when Gen. Cho led his troops into the city the next day he

scored only an empty triumph. He desired to push forward to the place

were the king had found refuge, and to that end he advanced as far north

as On-yang in Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province: but learning there that a strong

body of Japanese had congregated at Yö-san in Chŭl-la Province, he

turned back to attack them. He made an arrangement by letter with Kwŭn

Yŭl, the provincial general of Chŭl-la, to make a simultaneous attack

upon the Japanese position from different sides. But when Gen. Cho

arrived before the Japanese camp with his little band of 700 men Gen.

Kwŭn was nowhere to be found. The Japanese laughed when they saw this

little array and came on to the attack, but were each time driven back.

But at last the Koreans had spent all their arrows, it was late in the

day and they were fatigued and half famished. Gen. Cho, however, had no

thought of retreat and kept urging on his men. If he had at this crisis

withdrawn his remaining soldiers, the victory would virtually have been

his for the Japanese had lost many more men than he; but he was too

stubborn to give an inch. The Japanese came on to a last grand charge.

Gen. Cho’s aides advised him to withdraw but he peremptorily refused. At

last every weapon was gone and the men fought with their bare fists,

falling where they stood. The slain of the Japanese outnumbered those of

the Koreans and although they were victorious their victory crippled

them. It took the survivors four days to burn their dead and when it was

done they broke camp and went southward. The Japanese never regained the

ground lost by this retreat and it was a sample of what must occur

throughout the peninsula, since Admiral Yi had rendered reinforcement

from Japan impossible.

We return now to the north, the real scene of war. In the ninth moon the

Chinese general, Sim Yu-gyŭng, whose name will figure largely in these

annals from this point on, was sent from China to investigate the

condition of affairs in Korea with a view to the sending of a large

Chinese force, for by this time China had become alive to the interests

at stake, namely her own interests. This general crossed the Ya-lu and

came southward by An-ju as far as Sun-an. From that point he sent a

communication to the Japanese in P‘yŭng-yang saying, “I have come by

order of the Emperor of China to inquire what Korea has done to merit

such treatment as this at your hands. You are trampling Korea under foot

and we would know why.” The Japanese general, Konishi, answered this by

requesting that the Chinese general meet him at Kang-bok Mountain ten

_li_ north of P‘yŭng-yang, and have a conference with him. To this Gen.

Sim agreed and, taking with him three followers, he repaired to the

appointed place. Konishi accompanied by Kuroda and Gensho came to the

rendezvous with a great array of soldiers and weapons, Gen. Sim walked

into their midst alone, having left his horse outside the enclosure. He

immediately addressed them as follows; “I brought with me a million

soldiers and left them in camp beyond the Ya-lu. You, Gensho, are a

monk. Why do you come to kill and destroy?” Gensho answered, “For many a

year Japan has had no dealings with China. We asked from Korea a safe

conduct for our envoy to Nanking but it was refused and we were

compelled to come and take it by force. What cause have you to blame us

for this?” To this Gen. Sim replied, “If you wish to go to China to pay

your respects to the Emperor there will be no difficulty at all. I can

arrange it without the least trouble,” Konishi said nothing, but handed

his sword to Gen. Sim in token of amity and after they had conferred

together for some time it was arranged that Gen. Sim go to Nanking and

represent that Japan wished to become a vassal of China. Fifty days was

agreed upon for the general to make the trip to Nanking and return with

the answer, and a truce was called for that time. A line was drawn round

P‘yŭng-yang ten _li_ from the wall and the Japanese agreed to stay

within that limit while the Koreans promised not to cross that line.

Gen. Sim was sent upon his way with every mark of esteem on the part of

the Japanese who accompanied him a short distance on the road.

The Japanese lived up to the terms of the truce, never crossing the line

once, but the fifty days expired and still Gen. Sim did not appear. They

then informed the Koreans that in the twelfth moon their “horses would

drink the water of the Ya-lu.”

During these fifty days of truce what was going on in other parts of the

peninsula? Cho Ung a soldier of Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province was a man of

marvelous skill. With a band of 500 men he succeeded so well in cutting

off small foraging bands of Japanese that they were at their wits end to

get him put out of the way. One foggy day when the mist was so thick

that one could not see his hand before his face the Japanese learned

that this dreaded man was on the road. They followed him swiftly and

silently and at last got an opportunity to shoot him in the back. He

fell from his horse but rose and fled on foot. But they soon overtook

him and, having first cut his hands off, they despatched him.

The governor of Kyŭng-geui Province was Sim Tă. He had found asylum in

the town of Sang-nyŭng, two hundred _li_ north of Seoul. Having gotten

together a considerable body of soldiers he formed the daring plan of

wresting Seoul from the hands of the Japanese. For this purpose it was

necessary that he should have accomplices in that city who should rise

at the appointed time and join in the attack. Through treachery or

otherwise the Japanese became aware of the plot and sending a strong

body of troops to Sang-nyŭng they seized the governor and put him to

death.

Gen. Kim Si-min had charge of the defense of the walled town of Chin-ju

in Kyŭng-sang Province. The Japanese invested the town with a very large

force. Within, the garrison amounted to only three thousand men. These

were placed on the walls in the most advantageous manner by Gen. Kim who

was specially skilled in the defense of a walled town. All the soldiers

were strictly commanded not to fire a single shot until the Japanese

were close up to the wall. The Japanese advanced in three divisions,

10,000 strong. A thousand of these were musketeers. The roar of the

musketry was deafening but the walls were as silent as if deserted. Not

a man was to be seen. On the following day the assault began in earnest.

The Japanese discarded the muskets and used fire arrows. Soon all the

houses outside the wall were in ashes. Gen. Kim went up into the south

gate and there sat and listened to some flute playing with a view to

making the Japanese think the defending force was so large as to make

solicitude unnecessary. This made the Japanese very careful. They made

elaborate preparations for the assault. Cutting down bamboos and pine

trees they made ladders about eight feet wide and as high as the wall.

They also prepared straw mats to protect their heads from missiles from

above. But the defenders had also made careful preparations. They had

bundles of straw with little packages of powder fastened in them, to

cast down on the attacking party. Piles of stones and kettles of hot

water were also in readiness. As the assault might take place at night,

planks bristling with nails were thrown over the wall. This proved a

wise precaution for in fact the attack was made that very night. It

raged fiercely for a time, but so many of the Japanese were lamed by the

spikes in the planks and so many were burned by the bundles of straw,

that at last they had to withdraw, leaving heaps of dead behind. More

than half the attacking force were killed and the rest beat a hasty

retreat.

In the ninth moon Gen. Pak Chin of Kyŭng-sang Province took 10,000

soldiers and went to attack the walled town of Kyöng-ju which was held

by the Japanese. It is said that he made use of a species of missile

called “The Flying Thunderbolt.” It was projected from a kind of mortar

made of bell metal and having a bore of some twelve or fourteen inches.

The mortar was about eight feet long. The records say that this thing

could project _itself_ through the air for a distance of forty paces. It

doubtless means that a projectile of some kind could be cast that

distance from this mortar. The records go on to say that the “Flying

Thunder-bolt” was thrown over the wall of the town and, when the

Japanese flocked around it to see what it might be, it exploded with a

terrific noise, instantly killing twenty men or more. This struck the

Japanese dumb with terror and so worked upon their superstitious natures

that they decamped in haste and evacuated the city. The inventor of this

weapon was Yi Yang-son, and it is said that the secret of its

construction died with him. It appears that we have here the inventor of

the mortar and bomb. The length of the gun compared with its calibre,

the distance the projectile was carried with the poor powder then in use

and the explosion of the shell all point to this as being the first

veritable mortar in use in the east if not in the world. It is said that

one of these mortars lies today in a storehouse in the fortress of

Nam-han.

All through the country the people were rising and arming against the

invaders. A list of their leaders will show how widespread was the

movement. In the province of Chŭl-la were Generals Kim Ch’ŭn-il, Ko

Kyung-myŭng and Ch’oé Kyăng-whe: in Kyŭng sang Province Generals Kwak

Chă-o, Kwŭn Eung-su, Kim Myön. Chöng In-hong, Kim Hă, Nyu Wan-gă, Yi

Tă-geui and Chang Sa-jin; in Ch’ung-ch’ŭng Province Generals Cho Heun,

Yŭng Kyu (monk), Kim Hong-min, Yi San-gyŭm, Cho Tún-gong, Cho Ung and Yi

Pong; in Kyŭng-geui Province Generals U Sung-jun, Chăng Suk-ha, Ch’oé

Heul, Yi No, Yi San-whi, Nam On-gyŭng, Kim T’ak, Yu Ta-jin, Yi Chil,

Hong Kye-nam and Wang Ok; in Ham-gyŭng Province Generals Chöng Nam-bu,

and Ko Kyŭng-min; in P’yŭng-an Province Generals Cho Ho-ik and the monk

Yu Chŭng. The country was filled with little bands of fifty or a hundred

men each, and all were fighting separately. Perhaps it was better so,

for it may have prevented jealousies and personal enmities that

otherwise would have ruined the whole scheme.

Chöng Mun-bu was the “Military inspector of the north” and it was his

business to investigate annually the condition of things in the province

of Ham-gyŭng and to superintend the annual fair on the border at

Whe-ryŭng in the tenth moon of each year. He was caught by the Japanese

on the road and was held captive, but made his escape by night and found

a place of hiding in the house of a certain sorceress or fortune-teller

in Yong-sŭng. After five days of flight he reached the town of

Kyöng-sung where he found the leaders Ch’oé Pa-ch’ŭn and Chi Tal-wŭn at

the house of a wealthy patriot Yi Pung-su who had given large sums of

money to raise and equip soldiers. The common people entered heartily

into the plan and a force of 10,000 men, indifferently armed and

drilled, was put into the field. This force surrounded the town of

Kil-ju where the Japanese were encamped, and after a desperate fight the

Japanese were totally defeated, leaving 600 heads in the hands of the

victors. A few days later a similar engagement took place with a like

result, sixty more heads being taken.

And so it was throughout the country. The Japanese were being worn away

by constant attrition; here a dozen, there a score and yonder a hundred,

until the army in P‘yŭng-yang, by no means a large one, was practically

all that was left of the Japanese in the peninsula.

Kwŭn Yŭl, the governor of Chŭl-la Province, said to the provincial

general, “If you will remain in Yi-hyŭn and guard the province I will

take 20,000 men and move northward to the capital.” He advanced as far

as Su-wŭn. The Japanese tried to draw him into a general engagement but

he avoided it and kept up a geurilla warfare, cutting off large numbers

of stragglers from the Japanese camp. By this means he accomplished the

important work of opening up a way to the north, which had been closed;

so that from now on messengers passed freely from the southern provinces

to the king.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Transcriber’s Note

The use of digital editions is greatly enhanced through the use of text

search features. That usefulness can be stymied by variations,

intentional or not, in spelling. The decision was taken here to attempt

to regularize spelling where printer or editorial errors were made, and

to a great extent where there seemed to be gratuitous variations.

For errors in the English text, corrections were made where they could

be reasonably attributed to the printer or editor, or where the same

English word appears as expected elsewhere.

On the other hand, the romanization of Korean words was changing even as

this text was being written in the early 20th century. The author notes

(p. iv) that a system of his own was adopted during the preparation of

this text, but a more official system issued by the Royal Asiatic

Society was employed later. The result, as he says, is that there are

inconsistencies in the spelling of proper names. Since it is impossible

to distinquish between printer lapses and this variability, Korean names

are given here as they appeared in the text.

Exceptions are made where common names (e.g., ‘Ko-gu-ryŭ’) very

occasionally appear without a diacritical mark. These are corrected

without further comment. Where the quality of the source text is

suspect, the most common version of a given name is used. The system in

use seems to solely employ the breve ‘ŭ’, except for the occasional ‘oé’

or ‘ö’. The chapter summaries tend to not use the diacritical marks

found in the text.

Another exception is made for the (presumable) misprinting of proper

names, which, according to the author’s Preface, have no hyphen between

the patronymic and the following given names, which are hyphenated.

Where this rule is violated (e.g., Keum Su-ro on p. 51), the hyphen is

removed. Where a hyphen occurs at the end of a line, it is retained or

removed depending on the preponderance of other instances of the same

word.

There is no mention by the author regarding the use of the special

characters ʻ and ʼ within Korean names. More modern romanization schemes

utilize the apostrophe (ʼ) to indicate aspirated consonants (pʼ, tʼ, kʼ,

and Chʼ). In this text, however, though the place-name ‘Pʻyŭng-yang’ can

be found much more frequently than ‘Pʼyŭng-yang’, there seems to be no

rhyme nor reason to the variations. The former appears most frequently

in the first hundred pages, which may imply that it is related to the

scheme employed. But both will occasionally appear in different words on

the same page. Just the same, every attempt was made to follow the text,

using ʻ and ʼ.

The author consistently uses the word ‘geurilla’, where modern usage

would have us using ‘guerrilla’ or 'guerilla', and that has been honored

here. The author uses ‘allegience’ and ‘allegiance’ interchangeably, and

both are retained. ‘Buddhism’ appears twice (pp. 113 & 163) as

‘Budhism’, and has been corrected in both places. The word ‘strategem’

appears as ‘stratagem’ only once, in the description of Chapter XII. The

word ‘emissary’ or ‘emissaries’ is misspelled twice, as ‘emmisaries’ and

again as ‘emmisary’. Both are noted and retained.

The transition from p. 257 to 258 is corrupted. At the top of p. 258, a

passage from mid-paragraph on p. 257 (‘these acts ... coolness to spring

up between them.’) is repeated. This has been removed. The final phrase

on p. 257 (‘Here, too, he was....’) is not taken up on the following

page, which is indicated here with a bracketed ellipsis.

The following table summarizes the substantive changes that were made.

It is a lengthy list, so most punctuation errors, such as missing full

stops or comma/full stop errors, have been corrected with no further

notice.

p. iii than[g] in German. Removed.

p. v by the Tu-man River. [b/B]etween Replaced.

p. 1 He governed through his three Transposed.

vice-[ger/reg]ents

p. 4 P’ang-o[-/ ]is erected there. Removed hyphen.

p. 4 and his whole e[n]vironment>. Added.

p. 5 tradit[i]on, is as follows. Added.

p. 5 the royal dupe, she said[./,] Replaced.

p. 7 ready communication be[t]ween> its parts. Added.

p. 12 In 403 the king of Y[u/ŭ]n sent Replaced.

p. 15 establishes his kin[dg/gd]om Transposed.

p. 20 the aged men of Pu-y[ü/ŭ] used to say Replaced.

p. 25 P[y’/’y]ŭng-an and the western part Transposed.

p. 25 (known also as the Mul-gil[)] Added.

p. 27 im[m]igration>.... customs Added.

p. 28 we can eas[i]ly imagine Added.

p. 30 making certain kinds of[ of] vow or promises. Removed.

p. 30 occupying approxima[t]ely the territory Added.

p. 33 the great northern kingdom of Ko-gu[r-y/-ry]ŭ Transposed.

p. 33 The founding of Sil[-/ ]la, Ko-gu[r-y/-ry]u Replaced.

Transposed.

p. 33 vicissitudes.... Ko-gu[r-y]/-ry]u.... four Transposed

Pu-yus

p. 33 Chu-mong founds Ko-gu[r-y]/-ry]u.... growth Transposed.

p. 33 the capital moved.... siiuation si[i/t]uation Replaced.

of

p. 34 great council at Yun-[e/c]hŭn-yang> Replaced.

p. 35 so the[ ]records Added.

p. 35 It would also indicate tha[e/t] Replaced.

p. 35 the little kingdo[n/m] of Sil-la Replaced.

p. 36 As this was the year, 37 B.C., w[e/h]ich Replaced.

marks

p. 36 in the kingdom of Pu[-]yŭ, it will be Added.

p. 36 for us to examine b[a/r]iefly Replaced.

p. 37 Thus was his prayer answered[.] Added.

p. 39 probabl[e/y] refers to certain family clans Replaced.

p. 40 the deceased was exhaus[t]ed in the funeral Added.

ceremony.

p. 41 went sadly home and a[s]ked his mother Added.

p. 43 where it remained for two hun[d]red Added.

p. 44 In the third y[r/e]ar of his reign Replaced.

p. 48 of compelling a speedy s[e/u]rrender. Replaced.

p. 50 Ham-ch’ang[,] Sŭng-ju, Ko-ryŭng a[h/n]d Added.

Ham-an. Replaced.

p. 51 One of the[m] was Keum[-/ ]Su-ro Added.

Replaced.

p. 51 became king of Ko-gu-r[y]u Added.

p. 51 noble lady of Sil-la i[a/s] sent to Japan. Replaced.

p. 51 traditions of[ of] Ko-gu-ryŭ this ruler Removed.

professed

p. 51 on the one hand and s[ie/ei/zed all the Transposed.

Chinese territory

p. 52 a hopeless struggle [s/a]gainst Păk-je. Replaced.

p. 52 avarice or [pusilanimity] _sic_

p. 52 e[n/m]bellish the legendary lore Replaced.

p. 54 one of his first acts was to[ a] arrest and Removed.

put to death

p. 54 by opening roads [thro] to the north _sic_

p. 58 A court[i]er>, Yu-ryu, offered to go Added.

p. 59 the weapon and p[l]unged> it into the enemy’s Added.

breast.

p. 59 Two years lat[t]er [b/h]e made a treaty Added.

Replaced.

p. 59 I[t/n] the third year of King Ch’ŭm-hă of Replaced.

Sil-la, 249 A.D.

p. 60 be[ing/gin] at once. Transposed.

p. 63 Yong-whang, who had succeeded Mo [W/Y]ong-we, Replaced.

p. 63 Two years lat[t]er the capital was moved Removed.

northward

p. 63 few years lat[t]er by sending his son Removed.

p. 63 In 344 new complications grew up be[t]ween> Added.

Sil-la

p. 64 th[a/e]n at Nam-han. Replaced.

p. 64 [i]arrow, but the assault failed Removed.

p. 65 Three years before this, [I/i]n 372, the Replaced.

Chinese had gained

p. 66 the tenets of this cult through [emissaries] _sic_

p. 68 people, with a fine sense of justice, drove _sic_

[Ch’ăm-nye]

p. 69 so skillful a di[lp/pl]omat that he soon Transposed.

brought

p. 69 Then they tortur[t]ed their remaining victim Removed.

p. 69 b[e/y] torture. They burned him alive Replaced.

p. 70 investiture from the Emperor, no[w/r] that Replaced.

the latter

p. 71 When [Pă-gy[ /ŭ]ng] Replaced.

p. 72 We will remember that Ko-[k/g]u-ryŭ had Replace.

cultivated f[i]riendly Removed.

p. 73 asked openly that the Wei Emperor send a[t/n] Replaced.

army

p. 73 cha[rg/gr]in Transposed.

p. 75 a calf, a colt, a dog[,] a pig and a woman Added.

p. 75 One of the visitors was Ko-hu[,] one was one Added. Removed.

was Ko-ch’ŭng[,] but the[ the]

p. 76 bearing upon the wel[l]fare of the Removed.

p. 79 lavend[a/e]r. Replaced.

p. 79 This came to a climax when she stopp[p/e]d Replaced.

p. 84 this faithful minister, Hu-jik, [plead] in _sic_

p. 84 on one occasi[a/o]n the king impatiently Replaced.

exclaimed

p. 84 the king who had forg[e/o]tten all about his Replaced.

threat

p. 84 her arm and drove [the] away from the palace. _sic_ her? the

girl?

p. 87 the har[d]ihood of the Ko-gu-ryŭ soldiery Added.

p. 88 Only two courses were ther[e]fore open to Added. Removed.

an[d] invading army;

p. 90 He entered upon a [geurilla] warfare _sic_

p. 90 very humble letter [sueing]> for mercy. _sic_

p. 91 Chinese covered four hund[er/re]d and fifty Transposed.

_li_

p. 91 like the [paltroon] that she was _sic_

p. 92 u[y/p] as high as the wall of the town Replaced.

p. 95 specious promises so far mol[l]ified the Added.

dislike

p. 95 He then [sent] and killed the king _sic_

p. 95 [s/t]o secure a rabbit Replaced.

p. 96 to restore the territory to you.[”] Added.

p. 97 At the same time a Sil-la [emmissary] _sic_

p. 97 had neither the power of the one no[w/r] the Replaced.

peaceful disposition

p. 98 that [was this/this was] an ancient feud with Words

transposed.

p. 98 The Emperor listened to and [profitted] by _sic_

this advice

p. 99 rest of Ko-gur[-]yŭ Added.

p. 102 p[er/re]ference of China for her Transposed.

p. 104 for rebuking him of[ of] his excesses. Removed.

p. 105 on whose back were writ[t]en> the words Added.

p. 105 Somewhat mol[l]ified> by this Added.

p. 105 must be attacked f[l/i]rst; other[s] said the Replaced.

Sil-la forces Added.

p. 106 as they had agree[d] Added.

p. 106 the whole period of Păk-je rule covered a Removed.

lapse of[ of] 678 years;

p. 106 making the whole dyna[a/s]ty 689 years. Replaced.

p. 106 dis[a]ffection showed itself on every side Added.

p. 107 She immed[ia]tately threw Added.

p. 107 but a remnant of his forces [e/i]ntrenched Replaced for

consistency.

p. 110 who had been left in charge of th[e] Chinese Added.

p. 110 either money o[f/r] rice. Replaced.

p. 111 Sin-sŭng was therefore besieged and the Added.

st[r]uggle began.

p. 111 but [t]his men thought otherwise Removed.

p. 113 disorder.... examinations.... Bud[d]hism Added.

p. 114 his kingdom would ex[t]end> to the Yalu River Added.

p. 116 The unfortun[a]te> Kim In-mun Added.

p. 117 to unite with the Mal[-]gal and Kŭ-ran forces Added.

p. 118 (1) Ung-ch‘ŭn-ju in the[ the] north, Removed.

p. 119 It was done in this way[;/:] There is a Replaced.

Chinese character

p. 121 'manag[a/e]ment [i/o]f Kŭl-gŭl Chung-sŭng. Replace x 2.

p. 121 the sea turned to b[i/l]ood> Replaced.

p. 122 as far north as the banks o[t/f] the Ta-dong Replaced.

River

p. 123 of Han-ya[ ]ng (Seoul) Space removed.

p. 124 The outlying provinces practi[c]ally governed Added.

themselves.

p. 124 of literar[ar]y attainment, Removed.

p. 124 the exp[id/edi]tion back to the capital Replaced.

p. 127 prophecy.... Wang-gön doe[t/s] Replaced.

p. 132 near to the prostrate f[ro/or]m of Wang-gön. Transposed.

p. 132 When the mock Buddha raised h[a/i]s head and Replaced.

repeated

p. 133 must fall (Kung-ye).[”] Added.

p. 134 custom of granting a monop[o]ly Added.

p. 137 Mountain and made a rush down[ down] upon the Removed.

unsuspecting

p. 138 the ravages of Ky[u/ŭ]n-whŭn. Replaced.

p. 143 ancient city of P‘yŭng-yang be remember[e]d>. Added.

p. 144 The latter’s posthumous [l/t]itle is Replaced.

Hye-jong.

p. 145 th[o]roughly in the hands of the Added.

sac[a/e]rdotal power. Replaced.

p. 146 The king manumitted ma[n]y of these Added.

p. 156 was put to Gen. Yi Hyŭn-un he replied[./:] Replaced.

p. 157 This attempt failing, the conqu[o/e]rors Replaced.

decided

p. 160 and all to no[t] avail, he com[m]anded Removed. Added.

p. 163 in keeping pace with Bud[d]hism. Added.

p. 163 two from a five hun[d]red-house Added.

p. 165 the son of the first son succe[de/ed]s. Transposed.

p. 168 only by sending a[t/n] abject letter Replaced.

p. 170 The monk [Tosun] _sic_ To-sŭn

p. 179 A civil official, returning from China, Removed.

learned of[ of]

p. 184 with the throes through [ ] the country was _sic_ which?

passing.

p. 184 at once how superstitio[n/u]s they were Replaced.

p. 184 This same reformer [Cho‘e/Ch’oe] Chung-heun, Replaced.

p. 186 by far the most even[t]ful reign Added.

p. 188 The s[ei/ie]ge of Kang-dong Transposed.

p. 190 The envoy who brought this extra[d]ordinary Removed.

letter

p. 190 be[t]ween 1200 and 1400. Added.

p. 194 of the first Mongol m[a/e]ssenger Replaced.

p. 194 But Pak Sö the prefect of Ku[-]Ju was an Added.

obstinate man

p. 198 o[n/f] Kang-wha meanwhile Replaced.

p. 199 who kept to comparatively n[o/a]rrow lines of Replaced.

march.

p. 200 charge of affairs during an[d] interval of Removed.

four

p. 201 sent with instructions [the/to] settle Replaced.

p. 202 the redoubtable general app[r]oached> the Added.

p. 202 The commandant laugh[-/ed ]at Replaced.

p. 202 a portion of the w[e/a]ll, set fire to the Replaced.

buildings

p. 202 I will give him just six day[s] to get Added.

p. 202 Mongol forces turned ea[r]stward Removed.

p. 209 was away on a c[o/a]mpaign against the Sung Replaced.

Empire

p. 209 It was decided to form a regency to[ to] Removed.

p. 226 entered a Ko[yr/ry]ŭ harbor. Transposed.

p. 229 the example of his for[e]bears Added.

p. 230 his daughter-in[-]law Added.

p. 232 He soon returned to[ to] China Removed.

p. 232 came to realise that it was Buddhism [w/t]hat Replaced

had proved

p. 232 by priestcraft that [was it/it was] much Words

pleasanter transposed.

p. 234 Meanw[h]ile the king was build[-/ing] Added. Added.

p. 235 Prince was [exhonerated] and sent back _sic_

p. 236 drunk[e]nness, he entered the harem Added.

p. 236 [humane] pastime. _sic_

p. 236 a thing of daily [occurence]. _sic_

p. 236 kick that sent him spraw[l]ing on the ground. Added.

p. 246 desp[a/e]rate stand on a hill Replaced.

p. 252 This man fought [aways] in front _sic_

p. 254 frequent [occurence]. _sic_

p. 254 and to co[n]voy the revenue junks, Added.

p. 257 Here, too, he was [...] Missing text.

p. 258 Sin[-]don with respect. Added.

p. 258 he ascribed to his having taken Sin[-]don Added.

p. 261 which read as follow[s]:- Added.

p. 263 the emperor’s g[i]fts and commands Added.

p. 263 of their Manchu conquer[e/o]rs. Replaced.

p. 263 more Chinese tha[t/n] the Chinese themselves. Replaced.

p. 268 to add to the d[i]fficulties of the situation Added.

p. 269 were carrying fire and sword thr[o]ugh the Added.

south

p. 271 were slaughtered almost to [a] man. Added.

p. 273 complacency upon the dis[s]olution Added.

p. 275 at last tired of the er[r]atic Added.

p. 277 Gen. Yi [t/T]‘ă-jo was having a lively time Replaced.

p. 280 rode forth [preceeded] by a host of harlots _sic_

and concubines

p. 283 Some of these the king s[ie/ei]zed and Transposed.

p. 283 But Gen. Yi remain[e]d impassive. Added.

p. 283 r[si/is]ing flood. Transposed.

p. 284 and so had come thus f[o/a]r north. Replaced.

p. 284 the march of the rebell[i]ous> Added.

p. 284 encounter our count[r]ymen many will fall. Added.

p. 285 food and the[m/n] leisurely arose, Added.

p. 287 He [plead] to be _sic_

p. 287 off the stage of histo[r]y>. Added.

p. 291 Chong Mong-ju real[l]y believed Added.

p. 296 made it easy for king T‘ă-jo to [smoothe] _sic_

over the

p. 297 an official more imag[a/i]native than Replaced.

discreet

p. 298 into 3 semi-independent district[s] Added.

p. 299 should become the[ri/ir] Transposed.

p. 303 Under his supervision a [clypsehydra] _sic_

clepshedra

p. 307 govern[n]ment to fifty Removed.

p. 309 refo[r]ms>.... official history of the land Added.

p. 315 T[‘]ă-jo> to observe carefully the precept Added.

p. 315 at one ti[n/m]e he distributed large Replaced.

p. 315 the soldiers on the northe[r]n border Added.

p. 315 In his fifth yea[a]r he codified the laws Removed.

p. 318 d[i/e]finitely adopted and written out Replaced.

p. 318 nominated to the throne Prince[-]Cha-san Removed.

p. 318 H[e/is] posthumous title is Sŭng-jong Replaced.

p. 319 allegiance to [Cho-săn]. _sic_

p. 319 were driven from Seoul and [and] forbidden to Removed.

enter it

p. 319 “Five Rules of Conduct[./,]” [H/h]e also Replaced.

built

p. 321 tribe of Yŭ-jin was [harrassing] the people _sic_

p. 327 c[o/a]nnot put her away.” Replaced.

p. 327 Ch’e-p’o[,] Yum-p’o' and Pu-san-p’o. Added.

p. 327 attacked [Ch’è] Harbor _sic_

p. 330 whose arrow weighed a[ a] hundred and twenty Removed.

pounds

p. 331 his posthum[o]us title Added.

p. 333 it was mere he[re/ar]say Replaced.

p. 334 felt in all the adjo[ur/i]ning prefectures. Replaced.

p. 334 It was in 1550 that an[d] astronomical Removed. Added.

inst[r]ument

p. 339 “The Young Men’s P[a]rty>,” Added.

p. 340 army on the b[ro/or]der. Transposed.

p. 343 inability to hold the[ the] Japanese Removed.

p. 344 he could not do without finding a field[ a Removed.

field]

p. 344 It is well known that the govern[n/m]ent of Replaced.

Japan

p. 344 and from this po[u/i]nt of vantage killed Replaced.

p. 344 send an[d] envoy to Japan. The only Removed.

no[r/t]ice taken Replaced.

p. 344 W[h]en> Yasuhiro placed this missive Added.

p. 344 from outbreaks of the far norther[n] border Added.

p. 344 Being successful in this h[ə/e] Replaced.

p. 344 simultaneo[u]sly and attacked the Si-jun Added.

tribe

p. 346 he was a good scholar and an ex[a/e]mplary Replaced.

man.

p. 346 The king the[m/n] threw upon the floor Replaced.

p. 347 Whang Yun[n]-gil was chief of the Korean Removed.

embassy,

p. 347 realizing how[ how] such action would bring Removed.

Korea

p. 348 You dou[tlb/btl]ess will be angry Transposed.

p. 349 and ap[p]ointed> Gen. Sil Yip Added.

p. 350 regular army consi[s]ted of 160,000 men, Added.

p. 351 having been baptized by the [Portugese] _sic_

p. 352 and the beleagu[e]red town of Tong-nă, Added.

p. 352 An instant lat[t]er the prefect Removed.

p. 353 Tradition, which delights to embel[l]ish such Added.

accounts,

p. 353 his fort[r]ess and defied the invaders. Added.

p. 355 came the news of [t]he fall of Fusan, Added.

p. 355 rolls were look[e]d up Added.

p. 355 men wo[u]ld> follow him. Added.

p. 356 as it does for his patr[i]otism. Added.

p. 357 That very night the Japan[ese] Added.

p. 358 One of [t]his captains told him Removed.

p. 360 hundred hands were stre[t]ched> out Added.

p. 360 “Where shall [b/w]e go?” Replaced.

p. 360 b[o/e]come customary for the gover[n]ment Replaced.

Added.

p. 364 their kne[s/e]s in mud and were well[-]nigh Replaced.

Added.

p. 364 they had been forgott[o/e]n they began to Replaced.

p. 366 d[i/e]sirous of getting to Seoul Replaced.

p. 366 This great trip[p]le army Removed.

p. 367 that the city could not [h/b]e held Replaced.

p. 367 bef[e/o]re those of Kato hastened Replaced.

p. 368 I[n/t] is said so many perished Replaced.

p. 370 the northern bo[th/rd] guard, Replaced.

p. 370 and the generals were mutu[r]ally suspicious Removed.

p. 370 at the gates of Na[n]king Added.

p. 373 governors of C[h]‘ung-ch‘ŭng and Kyŭng-sang Added.

Provinces

p. 374 headl[i/o]ng up the slope Replaced.

p. 378 his praises were on[e / e]very lip. Moved space.

p. 380 And so the conference was[ was] broken up. Removed.

p. 384 but another said, “P[‘]yŭng-yang is a natural Added.

p. 384 Yi Hang-bok insisted upon the nec[c]essity of Removed.

going north

p. 389 f[a/o]rces in Ham-gyŭng Province. Replaced.

p. 391 he walled town o[n/f] Yŭn-an Replaced.

p. 391 we are in je[apo/opa]rdy of our lives. Replaced.

p. 391 boiling water thrown [wond/down]. Replaced.

p. 391 [u]pon them. The fight lasted three days and Added. Removed.

finally the[u]

p. 392 a [geurilla] campaign. _sic_

p. 393 [harrassed] and worried _sic_

p. 396 of course a [geurilla] warfare _sic_

p. 396 but the utter [pusilanimity] of the Koreans, _sic_

p. 405 this retreat and[ and] it was a sample of Removed.

what must occur

p. 406 For this purpo[r]se it was necessary Removed.

p. 409 and kept up a [geurilla] warfare, _sic_