JAMES K. POLK.

WASHINGTON, _February 10, 1847_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate, for their advice with regard to its

ratification, "a general treaty of peace, amity, navigation, and

commerce between the United States of America and the Republic of New

Granada," concluded at Bogota on the 12th December last by Benjamin A.

Bidlack, chargé d'affaires of the United States, on their part, and by

Manuel Maria Mallarino, secretary of state and foreign relations, on the

part of that Republic.

It will be perceived by the thirty-fifth article of this treaty that New

Granada proposes to guarantee to the Government and citizens of the

United States the right of passage across the Isthmus of Panama over the

natural roads and over any canal or railroad which may be constructed to

unite the two seas, on condition that the United States shall make a

similar guaranty to New Granada of the neutrality of this portion of her

territory and her sovereignty over the same.

The reasons which caused the insertion of this important stipulation in

the treaty will be fully made known to the Senate by the accompanying

documents. From these it will appear that our chargé d'affaires acted in

this particular upon his own responsibility and without instructions.

Under such circumstances it became my duty to decide whether I would

submit the treaty to the Senate, and after mature consideration I have

determined to adopt this course.

The importance of this concession to the commercial and political

interests of the United States can not easily be overrated. The route by

the Isthmus of Panama is the shortest between the two oceans, and from

the information herewith communicated it would seem to be the most

practicable for a railroad or canal.

The vast advantages to our commerce which would result from such a

communication, not only with the west coast of America, but with Asia

and the islands of the Pacific, are too obvious to require any detail.

Such a passage would relieve us from a long and dangerous navigation of

more than 9,000 miles around Cape Horn and render our communication with

our possessions on the northwest coast of America comparatively easy and

speedy.

The communication across the Isthmus has attracted the attention of the

Government of the United States ever since the independence of the South

American Republics. On the 3d of March, 1835, a resolution passed the

Senate in the following words:

_Resolved_, That the President of the United States be respectfully

requested to consider the expediency of opening negotiations with the

governments of other nations, and particularly with the Governments

of Central America and New Granada, for the purpose of effectually

protecting, by suitable treaty stipulations with them, such individuals

or companies as may undertake to open a communication between the

Atlantic and Pacific oceans by the construction of a ship canal across

the isthmus which connects North and South America, and of securing

forever by such stipulations the free and equal right of navigating such

canal to all nations on the payment of such reasonable tolls as may be

established to compensate the capitalists who may engage in such

undertaking and complete the work.

No person can be more deeply sensible than myself of the danger of

entangling alliances with any foreign nation. That we should avoid such

alliances has become a maxim of our policy consecrated by the most

venerated names which adorn our history and sanctioned by the unanimous

voice of the American people. Our own experience has taught us the

wisdom of this maxim in the only instance, that of the guaranty to

France of her American possessions, in which we have ever entered into

such an alliance. If, therefore, the very peculiar circumstances of the

present case do not greatly impair, if not altogether destroy, the force

of this objection, then we ought not to enter into the stipulation,

whatever may be its advantages. The general considerations which have

induced me to transmit the treaty to the Senate for their advice may be

summed up in the following particulars:

1. The treaty does not propose to guarantee a territory to a foreign

nation in which the United States will have no common interest with that

nation. On the contrary, we are more deeply and directly interested in

the subject of this guaranty than New Granada herself or any other

country.

2. The guaranty does not extend to the territories of New Granada

generally, but is confined to the single Province of the Isthmus of

Panama, where we shall acquire by the treaty a common and coextensive

right of passage with herself.

3. It will constitute no alliance for any political object, but for a

purely commercial purpose, in which all the navigating nations of the

world have a common interest.

4. In entering into the mutual guaranties proposed by the thirty-fifth

article of the treaty neither the Government of New Granada nor that of

the United States has any narrow or exclusive views. The ultimate

object, as presented by the Senate of the United States in their

resolution to which I have already referred, is to secure to all nations

the free and equal right of passage over the Isthmus. If the United

States, as the chief of the American nations, should first become a

party to this guaranty, it can not be doubted--indeed, it is confidently

expected by the Government of New Granada--that similar guaranties will

be given to that Republic by Great Britain and France. Should the

proposition thus tendered be rejected we may deprive the United States

of the just influence which its acceptance might secure to them and

confer the glory and benefits of being the first among the nations in

concluding such an arrangement upon the Government either of Great

Britain or France. That either of these Governments would embrace the

offer can not be doubted, because there does not appear to be any other

effectual means of securing to all nations the advantages of this

important passage but the guaranty of great commercial powers that the

Isthmus shall be neutral territory. The interests of the world at stake

are so important that the security of this passage between the two

oceans can not be suffered to depend upon the wars and revolutions which

may arise among different nations.

Besides, such a guaranty is almost indispensable to the construction of

a railroad or canal across the territory. Neither sovereign states nor

individuals would expend their capital in the construction of these

expensive works without some such security for their investments.

The guaranty of the sovereignty of New Granada over the Isthmus is a

natural consequence of the guaranty of its neutrality, and there does

not seem to be any other practicable mode of securing the neutrality of

this territory. New Granada would not consent to yield up this Province

in order that it might become a neutral state, and if she should it is

not sufficiently populous or wealthy to establish and maintain an

independent sovereignty. But a civil government must exist there in

order to protect the works which shall be constructed. New Granada is

a power which will not excite the jealousy of any nation. If Great

Britain, France, or the United States held the sovereignty over the

Isthmus, other nations might apprehend that in case of war the

Government would close up the passage against the enemy, but no such

fears can ever be entertained in regard to New Granada.

This treaty removes the heavy discriminating duties against us in the

ports of New Granada, which have nearly destroyed our commerce and

navigation with that Republic, and which we have been in vain

endeavoring to abolish for the last twenty years.

It may be proper also to call the attention of the Senate to the

twenty-fifth article of the treaty, which prohibits privateering in case

of war between the two Republics, and also to the additional article,

which nationalizes all vessels of the parties which "shall be provided

by the respective Governments with a patent issued according to its

laws," and in this particular goes further than any of our former

treaties.

A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 4, part 3: James Knox Polk · 第 131 / 289 题