WASHINGTON, _May 11, 1846_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:
The existing state of the relations between the United States and Mexico
renders it proper that I should bring the subject to the consideration
of Congress. In my message at the commencement of your present session
the state of these relations, the causes which led to the suspension of
diplomatic intercourse between the two countries in March, 1845, and the
long-continued and unredressed wrongs and injuries committed by the
Mexican Government on citizens of the United States in their persons and
property were briefly set forth.
As the facts and opinions which were then laid before you were carefully
considered, I can not better express my present convictions of the
condition of affairs up to that time than by referring you to that
communication.
The strong desire to establish peace with Mexico on liberal and
honorable terms, and the readiness of this Government to regulate and
adjust our boundary and other causes of difference with that power on
such fair and equitable principles as would lead to permanent relations
of the most friendly nature, induced me in September last to seek the
reopening of diplomatic relations between the two countries. Every
measure adopted on our part had for its object the furtherance of these
desired results. In communicating to Congress a succinct statement of
the injuries which we had suffered from Mexico, and which have been
accumulating during a period of more than twenty years, every expression
that could tend to inflame the people of Mexico or defeat or delay a
pacific result was carefully avoided. An envoy of the United States
repaired to Mexico with full powers to adjust every existing difference.
But though present on the Mexican soil by agreement between the two
Governments, invested with full powers, and bearing evidence of the most
friendly dispositions, his mission has been unavailing. The Mexican
Government not only refused to receive him or listen to his
propositions, but after a long-continued series of menaces have at last
invaded our territory and shed the blood of our fellow-citizens on our
own soil.
It now becomes my duty to state more in detail the origin, progress, and
failure of that mission. In pursuance of the instructions given in
September last, an inquiry was made on the 13th of October, 1845, in the
most friendly terms, through our consul in Mexico, of the minister for
foreign affairs, whether the Mexican Government "would receive an envoy
from the United States intrusted with full powers to adjust all the
questions in dispute between the two Governments," with the assurance
that "should the answer be in the affirmative such an envoy would be
immediately dispatched to Mexico." The Mexican minister on the 15th of
October gave an affirmative answer to this inquiry, requesting at the
same time that our naval force at Vera Cruz might be withdrawn, lest its
continued presence might assume the appearance of menace and coercion
pending the negotiations. This force was immediately withdrawn. On the
10th of November, 1845, Mr. John Slidell, of Louisiana, was commissioned
by me as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United
States to Mexico, and was intrusted with full powers to adjust both the
questions of the Texas boundary and of indemnification to our citizens.
The redress of the wrongs of our citizens naturally and inseparably
blended itself with the question of boundary. The settlement of the one
question in any correct view of the subject involves that of the other.
I could not for a moment entertain the idea that the claims of our
much-injured and long-suffering citizens, many of which had existed for
more than twenty years, should be postponed or separated from the
settlement of the boundary question.
Mr. Slidell arrived at Vera Cruz on the 30th of November, and was
courteously received by the authorities of that city. But the Government
of General Herrera was then tottering to its fall. The revolutionary
party had seized upon the Texas question to effect or hasten its
overthrow. Its determination to restore friendly relations with the
United States, and to receive our minister to negotiate for the
settlement of this question, was violently assailed, and was made the
great theme of denunciation against it. The Government of General
Herrera, there is good reason to believe, was sincerely desirous to
receive our minister; but it yielded to the storm raised by its enemies,
and on the 21st of December refused to accredit Mr. Slidell upon the
most frivolous pretexts. These are so fully and ably exposed in the note
of Mr. Slidell of the 24th of December last to the Mexican minister of
foreign relations, herewith transmitted, that I deem it unnecessary to
enter into further detail on this portion of the subject.
Five days after the date of Mr. Slidell's note General Herrera yielded
the Government to General Paredes without a struggle, and on the 30th of
December resigned the Presidency. This revolution was accomplished
solely by the army, the people having taken little part in the contest;
and thus the supreme power in Mexico passed into the hands of a military
leader.
Determined to leave no effort untried to effect an amicable adjustment
with Mexico, I directed Mr. Slidell to present his credentials to the
Government of General Paredes and ask to be officially received by him.
There would have been less ground for taking this step had General
Paredes come into power by a regular constitutional succession. In that
event his administration would have been considered but a mere
constitutional continuance of the Government of General Herrera, and the
refusal of the latter to receive our minister would have been deemed
conclusive unless an intimation had been given by General Paredes of his
desire to reverse the decision of his predecessor. But the Government of
General Paredes owes its existence to a military revolution, by which
the subsisting constitutional authorities had been subverted. The form
of government was entirely changed, as well as all the high
functionaries by whom it was administered.
Under these circumstances, Mr. Slidell, in obedience to my direction,
addressed a note to the Mexican minister of foreign relations, under
date of the 1st of March last, asking to be received by that Government
in the diplomatic character to which he had been appointed. This
minister in his reply, under date of the 12th of March, reiterated the
arguments of his predecessor, and in terms that may be considered as
giving just grounds of offense to the Government and people of the
United States denied the application of Mr. Slidell. Nothing therefore
remained for our envoy but to demand his passports and return to his own
country.
Thus the Government of Mexico, though solemnly pledged by official acts
in October last to receive and accredit an American envoy, violated
their plighted faith and refused the offer of a peaceful adjustment of
our difficulties. Not only was the offer rejected, but the indignity of
its rejection was enhanced by the manifest breach of faith in refusing
to admit the envoy who came because they had bound themselves to receive
him. Nor can it be said that the offer was fruitless from the want of
opportunity of discussing it; our envoy was present on their own soil.
Nor can it be ascribed to a want of sufficient powers; our envoy had
full powers to adjust every question of difference. Nor was there room
for complaint that our propositions for settlement were unreasonable;
permission was not even given our envoy to make any proposition
whatever. Nor can it be objected that we, on our part, would not listen
to any reasonable terms of their suggestion; the Mexican Government
refused all negotiation, and have made no proposition of any kind.
In my message at the commencement of the present session I informed you
that upon the earnest appeal both of the Congress and convention of
Texas I had ordered an efficient military force to take a position
"between the Nueces and the Del Norte." This had become necessary to
meet a threatened invasion of Texas by the Mexican forces, for which
extensive military preparations had been made. The invasion was
threatened solely because Texas had determined, in accordance with a
solemn resolution of the Congress of the United States, to annex herself
to our Union, and under these circumstances it was plainly our duty to
extend our protection over her citizens and soil.
This force was concentrated at Corpus Christi, and remained there until
after I had received such information from Mexico as rendered it
probable, if not certain, that the Mexican Government would refuse to
receive our envoy.
Meantime Texas, by the final action of our Congress, had become an
integral part of our Union. The Congress of Texas, by its act of
December 19, 1836, had declared the Rio del Norte to be the boundary of
that Republic. Its jurisdiction had been extended and exercised beyond
the Nueces. The country between that river and the Del Norte had been
represented in the Congress and in the convention of Texas, had thus
taken part in the act of annexation itself, and is now included within
one of our Congressional districts. Our own Congress had, moreover, with
great unanimity, by the act approved December 31, 1845, recognized the
country beyond the Nueces as a part of our territory by including it
within our own revenue system, and a revenue officer to reside within
that district has been appointed by and with the advice and consent of
the Senate. It became, therefore, of urgent necessity to provide for the
defense of that portion of our country. Accordingly, on the 13th of
January last instructions were issued to the general in command of these
troops to occupy the left bank of the Del Norte. This river, which is
the southwestern boundary of the State of Texas, is an exposed frontier.
From this quarter invasion was threatened; upon it and in its immediate
vicinity, in the judgment of high military experience, are the proper
stations for the protecting forces of the Government. In addition to
this important consideration, several others occurred to induce this
movement. Among these are the facilities afforded by the ports at Brazos
Santiago and the mouth of the Del Norte for the reception of supplies by
sea, the stronger and more healthful military positions, the convenience
for obtaining a ready and a more abundant supply of provisions, water,
fuel, and forage, and the advantages which are afforded by the Del Norte
in forwarding supplies to such posts as may be established in the
interior and upon the Indian frontier.
The movement of the troops to the Del Norte was made by the commanding
general under positive instructions to abstain from all aggressive acts
toward Mexico or Mexican citizens and to regard the relations between
that Republic and the United States as peaceful unless she should
declare war or commit acts of hostility indicative of a state of war. He
was specially directed to protect private property and respect personal
rights.
The Army moved from Corpus Christi on the 11th of March, and on the 28th
of that month arrived on the left bank of the Del Norte opposite to
Matamoras, where it encamped on a commanding position, which has since
been strengthened by the erection of fieldworks. A depot has also been
established at Point Isabel, near the Brazos Santiago, 30 miles in rear
of the encampment. The selection of his position was necessarily
confided to the judgment of the general in command.
The Mexican forces at Matamoras assumed a belligerent attitude, and on
the 12th of April General Ampudia, then in command, notified General
Taylor to break up his camp within twenty-four hours and to retire
beyond the Nueces River, and in the event of his failure to comply with
these demands announced that arms, and arms alone, must decide the
question. But no open act of hostility was committed until the 24th of
April. On that day General Arista, who had succeeded to the command of
the Mexican forces, communicated to General Taylor that "he considered
hostilities commenced and should prosecute them." A party of dragoons of
63 men and officers were on the same day dispatched from the American
camp up the Rio del Norte, on its left bank, to ascertain whether the
Mexican troops had crossed or were preparing to cross the river, "became
engaged with a large body of these troops, and after a short affair, in
which some 16 were killed and wounded, appear to have been surrounded
and compelled to surrender."
The grievous wrongs perpetrated by Mexico upon our citizens throughout a
long period of years remain unredressed, and solemn treaties pledging
her public faith for this redress have been disregarded. A government
either unable or unwilling to enforce the execution of such treaties
fails to perform one of its plainest duties.
Our commerce with Mexico has been almost annihilated. It was formerly
highly beneficial to both nations, but our merchants have been deterred
from prosecuting it by the system of outrage and extortion which the
Mexican authorities have pursued against them, whilst their appeals
through their own Government for indemnity have been made in vain. Our
forbearance has gone to such an extreme as to be mistaken in its
character. Had we acted with vigor in repelling the insults and
redressing the injuries inflicted by Mexico at the commencement, we
should doubtless have escaped all the difficulties in which we are now
involved.
Instead of this, however, we have been exerting our best efforts to
propitiate her good will. Upon the pretext that Texas, a nation as
independent as herself, thought proper to unite its destinies with our
own, she has affected to believe that we have severed her rightful
territory, and in official proclamations and manifestoes has repeatedly
threatened to make war upon us for the purpose of reconquering Texas. In
the meantime we have tried every effort at reconciliation. The cup of
forbearance had been exhausted even before the recent information from
the frontier of the Del Norte. But now, after reiterated menaces, Mexico
has passed the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory
and shed American blood upon the American soil. She has proclaimed that
hostilities have commenced, and that the two nations are now at war.
As war exists, and, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists
by the act of Mexico herself, we are called upon by every consideration
of duty and patriotism to vindicate with decision the honor, the rights,
and the interests of our country.
Anticipating the possibility of a crisis like that which has arrived,
instructions were given in August last, "as a precautionary measure"
against invasion or threatened invasion, authorizing General Taylor, if
the emergency required, to accept volunteers, not from Texas only, but
from the States of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, and
Kentucky, and corresponding letters were addressed to the respective
governors of those States. These instructions were repeated, and in
January last, soon after the incorporation of "Texas into our Union of
States," General Taylor was further "authorized by the President to make
a requisition upon the executive of that State for such of its militia
force as may be needed to repel invasion or to secure the country
against apprehended invasion." On the 2d day of March he was again
reminded, "in the event of the approach of any considerable Mexican
force, promptly and efficiently to use the authority with which he was
clothed to call to him such auxiliary force as he might need." War
actually existing and our territory having been invaded, General Taylor,
pursuant to authority vested in him by my direction, has called on the
governor of Texas for four regiments of State troops, two to be mounted
and two to serve on foot, and on the governor of Louisiana for four
regiments of infantry to be sent to him as soon as practicable.
In further vindication of our rights and defense of our territory, I
invoke the prompt action of Congress to recognize the existence of the
war, and to place at the disposition of the Executive the means of
prosecuting the war with vigor, and thus hastening the restoration of
peace. To this end I recommend that authority should be given to call
into the public service a large body of volunteers to serve for not less
than six or twelve months unless sooner discharged. A volunteer force is
beyond question more efficient than any other description of citizen
soldiers, and it is not to be doubted that a number far beyond that
required would readily rush to the field upon the call of their country.
I further recommend that a liberal provision be made for sustaining our
entire military force and furnishing it with supplies and munitions of
war.
The most energetic and prompt measures and the immediate appearance in
arms of a large and overpowering force are recommended to Congress as
the most certain and efficient means of bringing the existing collision
with Mexico to a speedy and successful termination.
In making these recommendations I deem it proper to declare that it is
my anxious desire not only to terminate hostilities speedily, but to
bring all matters in dispute between this Government and Mexico to an
early and amicable adjustment; and in this view I shall be prepared to
renew negotiations whenever Mexico shall be ready to receive
propositions or to make propositions of her own.
I transmit herewith a copy of the correspondence between our envoy to
Mexico and the Mexican minister for foreign affairs, and so much of the
correspondence between that envoy and the Secretary of State and between
the Secretary of War and the general in command on the Del Norte as is
necessary to a full understanding of the subject.